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Somaliland and Ethiopia Ties Will Always Endure
The new Ethiopian Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, has been conducting new diplomatic approaches across the Horn of Africa.
Mr. Ahmed’s new administration has decided to offer an olive branch to Eritrea. The relationship between the two nations has been, to put it mildly, quite frosty. Since, technically, both countries have been at war for almost three decades.
Flush from the nascent Ethiopian-Eritrean agreement, Prime Minister Ahmed, has turned his attention into creating a triumvirate block in the Horn of Africa, consisting of, Ethiopia, Eritrea and the federal entity in Mogadishu.
The new diplomatic maneuvers by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, would seemingly appear to have consequences for Somaliland.
It has long being the policy of the federal entity in Mogadishu to try isolate Somaliland, diplomatically and politically.
Given the fact that the weak and non-representative federal entity (no direct mandate from the population) has been unable to use force to try and subjugate Somaliland, it has began to, under the leadership of Mr. Farmajo, try and undermine the economic and diplomatic progress of Somaliland.
The federal entity in Mogadishu has failed in its attempt to halt the Dubai World expansion of the Berbera port.
The federal entity in Mogadishu has failed in its attempt to destabilize the eastern fringes of Somaliland by using its proxy region, Puntland.
The federal entity in Mogadishu has failed in its attempt to lift the UN weapons embargo in order to arm the enemies of Somaliland.
The federal entity in Mogadishu will fail in its attempt to drive a wedge between Somaliland and Ethiopia, by using tribal politics in the Somali region of Ethiopia.
The Ethiopian-Somaliland relationship is based on mutual respect and understanding. These historic ties will remain irrespective of any political or diplomatic moves. Whether the Ethiopian consulate remains open or the Somaliland Liaison office in Addis Ababa is relocated, is neither here nor there. Somaliland and Ethiopia will always work together on the major issues in the region.
Ethiopia is Somaliland’s political and commercial partner. We work together on security issues and democratic progress. Both countries play host to a large population from each other. From teachers, to doctors, to nurses, to businessmen, to the ordinary barber in Hargeisa.
Somaliland and Ethiopia are partners in the largest commercial endeavors in the region, from the Berbera corridor, to transport, commerce, agriculture, education, finance, fishing, livestock,to hydro-electric power supply. So, it will always be business as usual. Politicians and administrations will come and go, but the commercial, cultural and social ties will continue to flourish.
One last point, a reminder to everyone, Somalilanders are no strangers to adversity and thrive upon it.
About the Author
Ahmed Kheyre is based in London, UK and can be reached @ ruraledcomm@yahoo.co.uk
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.
Somaliland’s Stakes In A Fast Changing Horn Of Africa – Professor Ahmed I. Samatar
As most observers acknowledge, seismic changes are now underway in the Horn of Africa. As a result of an unexpected rise of a new Ethiopian prime minister, Abiy Ahmed Ali, from the Oromo ethnic group, a novel and breathtaking vision is swirling in the region.
This surging paradigmatic shift is already impacting on both the Ethiopian domestic and regional political topographies. In the case of the first, dramatic and positive changes in the relationship between the Ethiopian state and its richly diverse citizenry is unfolding.
Among the most significant are: (a) the selection of an Oromo person to head the government for the first time in the history of modern Ethiopia, (b) the appointment of women to half of his cabinet, (c) a new and fresh invitation for the resistant Amhara community to reenter peaceful and civic national politics, (d) the immediate release of notable political prisoners, (e) a reassertion of popular participation and freedom of expression, and (f) an overall re-‐energizing of democratic governance. On the wider regional front, the implications are even more notable.
First, a daring breakthrough with regard to the long, bitter, and violent stalemate between Ethiopia and Eritrea has been swiftly promulgated. In this context, a satisfactory settlement over the contentious border between the two countries has now ushered in an unconstrained travel and trade between the two peoples.
Second, the Prime Minister and the long-‐serving and authoritarian President of Eritrea, Isaias Afwerki, have publicly stated that the two countries will support the integrity of the sovereignty of Somalia.
Third, Mr. Ahmed has underscored the urge to move the Horn of Africa towards a larger and more integrated developmental agenda. Add these together, and more, the new initiatives are not only exhilarating but, more importantly and if made to bear fruit, could transform the region from its current profile as the epitome of ubiquitous hunger, disease, ignorance, insecurity, malignant sectarianism, and vulnerability to old and new outside manipulations to one of rising quality of well being, collective confidence, and emerging cosmopolitanism. In short, kudos to Prime Minister Ahmed — he has triggered potentially colossal changes that are at once worth encouraging and watching with great interest.
SOMALILAND’S VIBRANT AND PEACEFUL ELECTION
Another historic happening took place in the Republic of Somaliland: the successful national presidential election of November 2017. The three established and constitutionally permitted political parties –i.e. Wadani, Ucid, and the ruling Kulmiye, contested for the much-‐delayed presidency of the country. Notwithstanding a heavy and regressive dose of tribalist small-‐mindedness, particularly by Wadani and Kulmiye, the nearly month-‐long campaign was generally spirited and composed.
Furthermore, when polling day arrived, the country was calm and the process concluded with impressive orderliness. Kulmiye won decisively, by over eighty thousand votes (around 54% of the total) beyond its closest and major competitor Wadani. During the immediate aftermath, the leadership of Wadani had expressed bitter concern over the voting process and accused it of electoral fraudulence, as well as pointed out an illegitimate and blatant use of the financial and other assets of the state, to secure Kulmiye’s victory. However, the numerous internationalmonitors on the ground unanimously certified that, though the contest was fierce, on the whole the election was quite fair and free.
There is no question that the consummation of the presidential election in Somaliland, the third nation-‐wide of its type since the rebirth of the country in 1991, has marked its politics distinctly from that of Somalia. In the case of the latter, any hope of a national election –i.e. one-‐person one vote — is still in the distant future. The reasons for this great divergence include: Somaliland’s relative civic cohesiveness, its working national political institutions, and its professional and able security forces.
In comparison, Somalia continues to be bedeviled by a toxic cocktail of tribalized zones, self-seeking individualism, fissiparous identity politics, corruption as a way of life among the lumpen elite, and direct and dark financial interventions by foreign countries, particularly from the Middle East and some EU countries in search of compradors. This condition, now entering its third decade, gives the lie to the claim of the existence of an effective government in Somalia. On the contrary, the writ of Mogadishu is not uncontestably enforceable in the whole of the capital, let alone maintaining law and order across the width and breadth of Somalia.
More pointedly, Al-‐Shabaab forces are resilient and continue to be very active almost everywhere, with particularly violent disruptions of quotidian life in Mogadishu. Such is the condition even after nearly $2 billion of aid, primarily for supporting UNISOM, from the United States alone in the past ten years. In short, the fall out from the total wreckage of the post-‐colonial Somali state, more than a quarter of a century ago, still debilitatively haunts the people of Somalia. Notwithstanding the grimness of the above, however, it is important to register here this paramount fact: there are still ordinary women and men from Somalia who, everyday quietly, if not heroically, resist the degeneration and, concurrently, dream a new time of resuscitation.
SNATCHING DEFEAT FROM THE JAWS OF VICTORY
But the generalized euphoria that accompanied the electoral success of Kulmiye in Somaliland about a year ago seems to be short lived. More pointedly, that spirit of high expectation, one based on a coast to coast campaign that stressed five urgent public policy priorities- –that is, strengthening civic bonding, stimulating economic growth accompanied by environmental protection, reconstructing educational institutions, addressing the gravity of public health, and reinvigorating international relations –-‐ is vaporizing. As a result, there is palpable collective descent into what Somalilanders call Amakaag iyo Yaab (i.e. bewilderment and dismay). This worrisome reaction is building up for the following (among others) reasons:
- President Bihi is yet to concretize in real time the alluring and compact vision that galvanized the majority of the voters – one grounded in broad justice, ethnic and gender equity, and high administrative performance — that was promised to the country.
- The composition of his cabinet contradicts the repetitively asserted campaign pledge to appoint women and men of the highest caliber. Moreover, the agreed upon postulate of establishing a maximum limit of twenty ministerial portfolios has been breached. In fact, Bihi immediately returned to the old and defective formula of at once exaggerated appointments (32 ministers and deputies) and conspicuous communal imbalance that is exceedingly partial to the kin community in middle of the country (22 vs. 10 and only one full minister who is female). Given the thick rancor surrounding the issue of fairness, it is seems appropriate to heed this wise insight of Michael Ignetieff:
“Interethnic accommodation anywhere depends on equilibrium of forces. An ethnic minority can live in peace with an ethnic majority, as long as that majority does not use its preponderance to turn the institutions of the state into an instrument of ethnic favoritism.”
- Bihi has admirably and decisively reduced the venal and scandalous use of state revenues, particularly by senior officials. Nevertheless, the effect of the confluence of an absence of economic growth, rising prices, degrading local currency, and severe unemployment rate among the youth is a looming and generalized immiseration. Driven from the rural areas by a succession of droughts and a desiccating landscape, vast numbers of the denizens of Somaliland are moving to the few major urban concentrations and smaller
- towns. Without reliable sources of livelihood and decent shelter, the majority of the people of Somaliland are increasingly becoming depraved hovel dwellers.
- Bihi’s administration continues the unsophisticated, ill-‐planned, poorly staffed, and niggardly funded approach to international affairs. This has been the bane of Somaliland’s global relations ever since the country’s rebirth, twenty-‐seven and half years ago. Despite the mounting and dizzying changes taking in the neighborhood and farther-‐afield, then, Somaliland is stuck at a sophomoric level in both understanding the complexities of the search for recognition, as well as taking stock of the strategic shifts that are in-‐progress.
- There is no evidence that neither the Ministry of Education nor the Ministry of Public Health has been, thus far, given the supreme attention and reform that each needs so desperately. For, it is a common article of faith in the modern world that these two seminal priorities set the foundation for the production of high quality human capital.
- The two opposition parties have become feckless and seem incapable, thus far, of offering an analytical and inspiring civic critique. Furthermore, the main opposition, Wadani, which garnered a striking 43 percent of the total vote, is still wailing over the defeat. More than a year later, Wadani has shown no signs that it is a robust national political institution – one that is competent to hold on tightly to its large supporters, restock its vision for the country, win over more citizens to its side, and prepare itself for the competitions ahead.
- The long, long overdue parliamentary election which have been delayed for over eight years were marked to take place in March 2019. This will not be possible again. There reasons for this include: (a) a highly charged dispute over the tenure of the Electoral Commission such that Wadani believes must be terminated before any new national elections are to mounted, (b) Wadani’s conviction that the majority of the Commission is a disguised and biased members of Kulmiye and, therefore, a new Commission with equal representation from the three parties must be created, and (c) the long-‐ standing disgruntlement by the kin communities in the western and eastern Somaliland over what they believe to be a severely lopsided and unacceptable distribution of parliamentary seats, one that allots 56 out of the total of 82 seats to the kin community in the geographical center of the country. This impasse, full of murky intrigue, has at least three immediate and critical ramifications. First, the current Parliament, despite unanimity among Somalilanders that it is functionally comatose, will linger on. Second, Somaliland’s acclaimed democratic logos and practice will suffer greater devaluation. This is particularly the case among the members of the international society, particularly the European Union, whose material and moral sympathy for Somaliland has been indispensable. Third, such a situation will further discount President Bihi’s declaration that his leadership will be drastically different from the previous regime in that national elections will be conducted on the appointed month and year. All in all, then, Somalilanders will do well to hear and act on these sagacious and highly relevant testimony from Vico, penned nearly three hundred years ago.
“That body politics is most fortunate, indeed, where the rigorous observance of the law that binds citizens together like the worship of an unknown god; where communal discipline is maintained with no less impartiality and firmness than in an army, where no soldier is allowed to question an order, his only duty being to await commands alertly and execute them.”
Given the preceding and the total dissonance with those who had voted for all parties with high hopes, Somaliland seems to be, as it were, “snatching defeat from the jaws of victory.” Combined, the above concerns, unless attended with potent alacrity and haste, are bound to corrode collective phronesis. Such, in the end, is the critical difference between what Sartre called “seriality” ‐ passive and thin commonality imposed from without- and civic, thick and active republicanism deliberately made within. All in all, then, 2019 is likely to be a year of big stakes and heightened anxieties.
About the Author Ahmed I. Samatar is James Wallace Professor of International Studies at Macalester College.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.
Boodhari Mills: A Well Orchestrated Scam or A Legitimate Investment Opportunity?
Is the idea of building a flour plant in Somaliland with daily production capacity of 200 tons a viable and a much-needed business in Somaliland? The answer is a resounding Yes! But should you invest? Is it fraud, a Ponzi scheme? Is your money safe? And can you trust them?
To try to answer these questions and more, Somaliland Chronicle has spent the past 2 months looking into Boodhari Mills operations across the globe, we have spoken to many of their Representatives in North America, Europe and visited their office in Mansoor Hotel in Hargeisa, Somaliland.
When we peeled away the layers and peered behind the glitzy curtains of fund raising events and wall to wall media coverage, here is what we have learned.
Is Boodhari Mills a Canadian Company
Boodhari Mills is registered in Canada as Boodhari Mills Group Incorporated and is classified as Non-distributing corporations with 50 or fewer shareholders – This is a privately owned company that does not sell shares to the public.
A non-distributing corporation is typically a corporation that does not file documents with a securities commission and does not sell shares on a stock exchange. These are commonly referred to as “private companies.”. This is how a company like Boodhari Mills is described by the Canadian Authorities.
So while Boodhari Mills executives assertion that it is a Canadian company, is only partially true. However, the Canadian securities regulators has no oversight and does not regulate their activities in Somaliland and most importantly investor funds are not protected by Canadian law.
The only thing that is Canadian about Boodhari Mills is a simple corporate registration that costs 200 Canadian dollars, a bank account at Royal Bank of Canada, a temporary office in a glossy downtown high rise ran by the Rostie Group and perhaps the founders passports.
The Fundamentals
There is always a level of risk an investor should be willing to build into their calculus when investing in any company. Extremely profitable conglomerates like Berkshire Hathaway and Amazon still carry a level of risk to its investors.
Boodhari Mills team does not provide adequate information to potential investors to accurately assess risk to their investment. Instead, you get a lot of flashy videos and slick presentations that are devoid of financial fundamentals.
The hardest thing to get out of any Boodhari Mill’s executive are answers to basic financial questions including the number of actual shares made available to the public and how much of those shares have been sold.
Unrealistic Profits
Talking to the Head of Investor Services Mustafa Adam, most questions are either glossed over with carefully crafted talking points that appeal to one’s sense of patriotism, are simply brushed aside as irrelevant and too complex for investors to understand or propriety information that cannot be shared with anyone including investors.
What is shared however is a rate of return that is as high as 35% on year one and could jump to 50% in 3 years or so. This astronomical number is based on faulty math.
Let’s analyze above assumptions, its important to note that the wheat commodity prices are based on May 2017 of 180 US dollars per ton, we checked historical prices and this is accurate.
However, the prices of wheat as of today are 213.48 US dollars per ton, that is an increase of 18.33 percent since May 2017.
And just for scale in dollars, 10,000 tons of wheat will cost 2,130,000 US dollars and the full 60,000 tons of wheat that Boodhari Mills will need to reach their stated goal is 12,808,800 US dollars. This is big money territory and the slightest miscalculation will have a huge impact on the company’s bottom line and potentially hurt investors.
All raw materials imports into Somaliland are tax exempt and this is good for Boodhari Mills’s bottom line, however, there is still a gross miscalculation in column A above, it assumes freight per ton will be around 15 US Dollars.
We have checked with multiple shipping agents and the price estimates we are getting is 70 – 77 dollars per ton for bulk grain transport from Odessa Ukraine to Berbera. There are potentially cheaper options but risking dry grains on a dodgy vessel to save money is a massive risk onto itself.
The investment brochure put out by Boodhari Mills team states the plant location as Berbera, however, recent reports indicate that construction has started in Abaarso, that is 182 kilometers away. If Abaarso is the actual location of the plant that means additionally ground transportation costs.
Simply put, the numbers do not add up.
Nonexistent World Bank Feasibility Study
According to the founder of Boodhari Mills Abdi Nur, the World Bank has studied their business plan for an entire six months and have confirmed its feasibility only to tell them they would not fund it due to Somalia being a failed state.
It is unlikely the World Bank would spend six months to study a business plan for six months only to tell you they would not fund it. This is not how the World Bank operates.
If there is a World Bank feasibility study of Boodhari Mills business plan, it is considered top secret and is not available for investors to make informed decisions.
Instead of a World Bank feasibility study that may or may not exist, Boodhari Mills has the next best thing, a world renowned economist who retired from the World Bank. Dr. Osman Sh. Ahmed.
Dr. Osman Sh Ahmed is an Advisor to the President of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi.
He is present at many of the company’s functions in Somaliland and is often introduced by his official title of “Economic Adviser of the President”. This lend’s the Boodhari team a much needed credibility. His role in the company is described as a Shareholder and a Sponsor.
There is more, this towering figure with direct access to the President also happens to the the older brother of the Founder and Managing Director of Boodhari Mills Abdi Nur.
The fact that Dr. Osman and the founder of Boodhari Mills Mr Abdi Nur are brothers, however irrelevant, is something that is not shared with investors. Instead, Dr. Osman’s connection to the government of Somaliland and his work with the World Bank might as well be printed on Boodhari Marketing posters.
If there is a link between the World Bank and Boodhari Mills it is not beyond the fact that the elder sibling has retired from it.
Government Endorsement?
There may not be any conflict of interest laws that prevent government officials from participating in private businesses, but encouraging the public to invest in a business without disclosing their interest is a violation of public trust and may send the message that the government supports a particular program.
This is something Boodhari Mills actually tries to convey in all of its messaging with a parade of government officials including Dr. Osman Sh Ahmed, who once again happens to the brother of Abdi Nur the Founder and CEO.
The second prominent government official who is directly involved with Boodhari Mills is Abdiqadir Iimaan Warsame, the Head of the Election Commission and a member of Boodhari Mills Treasury Committee. This is another link that Boodhari Investor relations team makes sure people know and that he too is an investor.
In fact, business associates of Mr. Warsame confirmed that within 10 minutes of meeting him for unrelated business, Mr. Warsame brought up Boodhari Mills and strongly suggested that they should invest. One of the associates stated that Mr. Warsame’s sales pitch went on to a painful awkwardness.
There are many other of government officials who have given a glowing endorsement to Boodhari Mills and encouraged the public to invest.
Here is Somaliland’s Representative in Sweden Mr Zakariye Hassan at Boodhari Mills’s Stockholm fund raising event. After heaps of praise on Boodhari Mills, Mr. Zakariye goes on to “On behalf of the Government of Somaliland, anyone who can afford economically should invest”.
We were unsuccessful in our attempts to reach Mr. Zakariye for comments on this article and in particular his speech below.
Boodhari Mills are particularly skilled in using government officials as props in their videos. Here is also Somaliland’s UK Ambassador Mrs Ayan Mohamoud with Boodhari Mills team in the UK in a video by Boodhari Mills.
Unlike Mr. Zakariye, Mrs Ayan has not gone as far as her counterpart in Sweden but simply explained the importance of locally owned manufacturing businesses and simply wished Boodhari Mills team a success.
Mrs Ayan responded to our query for this article “One of my responsibility is to encourage investment in Somaliland, and they seem very serous”.
Are there Laws to Protect Investors?
Unfortunately not at the moment. The Ministry of Investment is quite new and has only been in operation for a year and has been working to establish these laws and get them passed through the legislative branch.
This is an area that requires all the technical expertise to ensure investors are given the utmost protection to ensure Somaliland is an environment that is conducive to both domestic and foreign investment.
Sourcing funding from the public for investment is a novel idea but also requires laws to ensure those entrusted with people’s hard earned money act in a fiduciary manner.
Reputational Risk to the President
Businesses succeed but more often fail and it is part of the natural process of building an enterprise. This is an exceptionally risky business with too many moving parts, yet it could succeed despite the odds stacked against it by the naivete of the Boodhari Mills team. Sometimes, it is exactly the type of entrepreneurial spirit that is required to make difficult things happen.
Because the Boodhari Mills team have over sold their association with the government of HE President Muse Bihi Abdi, any issues that arises from this business will be linked to his government.
While it is imperative to encourage business investment especially by Somalilanders, it is equally important to protect investors with robust laws.
The Uniter in Chief – Somaliland President’s Visit to Eastern Regions and Message of National Unity.
Somaliland President His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi has been on a whirlwind tour of the country east, starting with Berbera followed by Burao and Odweyne. This is the first time the President has been to these regions since his election as the 5th President of Somaliland.
One of the major stops on the President’s itinerary was Burao where he met with elders to discuss the country future and his commitment to bring the country together after the bitter election contest almost a year ago.
In Burao, in an emotionally charged address, the President made his intention clear to the world and particularly to Somalia that Somaliland will not be tamed by anyone and their pleas at the Security Council will not stop Somaliland and that the country will stay on the path of advancing its agenda of peace and prosperity.
The President used Asasias Afwerki of Eritrea to make his point that even if the entire world is against you, patience is a virtue that Somaliland has in abundance and no matter how much Eritrea was pressed and squeezed it never deviated from its path and that the world has finally came to the negotiating table and gave in to what it actually wanted.
A central theme of the President’s visit to the Eastern regions was to strengthen governance strictures and unveiled many infrastructural projects.
Major opposition figures did not accompany the President on his visit but there are reports that there is a progress being made behind the scenes on couple of fronts including the possibility of compromise to ensure elections are held on time.
President Bihi has visited Somaliland troops in the frontlines in Tukeraq. The President reminded the troops of the enormous respect they command among the public and spoke of their role in securing the country’s borders.
While talking to the troops, the President touched on the recent conflict with Puntland and their claim over the territory of Tukeraq on grounds of tribal lineage and stated that all disputes must be discussed peacefully and that all Somaliland has done so far is to defend itself from multiple attacks.
On the same day, President Bihi visited Lasanod, the capital of Sool region where he was welcomed by community leaders.
One Man’s Private Guantanamo Bay: Using Aid as Leverage, How Denmark Illegally Imprisoned one of its Citizens in Somaliland
Omer Hassan Sh Muse is a dual national of Somaliland and Denmark and while Mr Muse is technically a fugitive from justice and is still wanted by the Judicial Authorities of Denmark since 2012, turns out he is not very hard to find because he has actually been in prison in Somaliland since 2014.
Mr Muse is suspect in the murder of Jonas Thomsen Sekyere in Copenhagen in 2012, and it is important to note that he has not been convicted of a crime in Denmark.
Sitting in his cell in Hargeisa Central Jail, Mr Muse will readily admit that he is no angel and that he has had brushes with the law in Denmark where he grew up. He will also tell you that he has rediscovered his deep roots and connection with Somaliland and particularly Hargeisa where his great grand father Sheikh Muse Dualeh have lived since the 1800s.
Before we get into Mr Muse’s imprisonment in Hargeisa, we need to understand a little bit about him.
Mr Omer grew up in Denmark with his mother and younger brother in the picturesque town of Aalborg in the Jutland region of Denmark located some 300 kilometers east of Copenhagen.
He graduated from the Mellervangskolen high school and went on to the Tekniks Skole to train as an electrician but had to drop out due to the birth of his daughter Malika.
Mr. Muse found himself in Somaliland for the first time in his adult life after the tragic incident which led to the death of a 21 year old Jones Sekyere at club Bakken in the Kødbyen, Vesterbro district, Copenhagen in November 2012.
While talking to us, Mr. Muse never claims innocence or admits guilt, instead he maintains that the “burden of proof” is on the Danish authorities to prove his guilt in a court of law and that he is innocent until proven guilty and says nothing more to incriminate himself and does not discuss the specifics of what he knows about the case.
The Danish authorities apprehended three other young men for being involved in the murder of Jones Sekyere, they have been cleared of all charges and released. It is unclear if they have turned state witneses and testified against Mr. Muse.
Mr. Muse was caught up between the Danish government’s demand to have him extradited to stand trial in Denmark for his alledged crime, and Somaliland’s constitution which bars extradition of citizens for prosecution in foreign countries. An unintended consequence of his dual nationality.
The Danish government has lobbied the former President HE Mohamed Ahmed Silanyo’s government to no avail and their request for extradition was denied time and time again.
At the center of all the action is another Mr. Muse, his paternal uncle Noah Sheikh Muse whose house the younger Mr. Muse stayed at the time of his arrest in Hargeisa and who just happened be the Minister of Finance, one the most powerful cabinet positions of President Silanyo’s government and later the Head of the Civil Service Commission.
Media Frenzy
Reading news reports from Denmark around the time of Mr. Muse’s arrest and the media frenzy that surrounded the case, Mr. Muse it seemed has gained a level of notoriety and has already been found guilty in the court of public opinion.
Ekstra Bladet even went the extra distance to dispatch a reporter to Somaliland to track down Mr. Muse. The clandestine rendezvous and changing of vehicles makes it look like the world famous terrorist Osama Bin Laden himself is the subject of the documentary. At the end of it as if to make the point that Mr. Muse is a genuinely the ultimate bad guy, the documentary shows photos from his facebook profile posing with an AK47.
It is important to note that Denmark is one of the largest aid donors to Somaliland and at the time of the negotiation had an unfettered access to anyone in the Somaliland government they wish to lobby to have Mr. Muse extradited. Yet, they were unsuccessful. Mr. Muse is, it seems, is safe from extradition back to Denmark.
Guilty!
Then came the news that no one was expecting, least of all Mr. Muse, when the Somaliland government unilaterally announced that he will not be extradited to Denmark, instead he would be tried for the murder of
Jonas Thomsen Sekyere here in Somaliland.
This is an eventuality that, it seems neither the Danish government nor Mr. Muse was expecting.
Mr. Muse’s legal team at the time theorized that it will be near impossible for Somaliland government to bring any credible case against him since they do not have access to evidence and will not be able to bring his alleged accomplices who turned state witnesses to Somaliland to testify against him. They figured, it’s an open and shut case.
Denmark on its part made it clear to Mr. Muse and legal team that they will not be participating in any legal proceedings against him in Somaliland and that he is not being prosecuted on their behalf.
Yet, in Mr. Muse’s Supreme Court case in which he lost his final appeal, Somaliland’s Government makes it clear that they were provided both with documents, photos as well as witnesses.
- Mr. Muse has confessed to killing Mr. Sekyere in the lower Regional Court. This is a fact Mr. Muse vehemently denies and challenges the government to produce evidence of him admitting the crime.
- Two witnesses testified that Mr. Muse has committed the crime. According to Mr. Muse’s legal team, no witnesses were ever produced in his trial.
- That the Danish government has shared documents with photo. This too is disputed by Mr. Muse’s legal team as no documents or photos were shared with them. Something the defendant and his legal representative is entitled to receive under Somaliland law.
Denmark’s (un)plausible Deniability
Somaliland Chronicle has reached out to the Danish embassy in Nairobi to understand the official position of the Danish government regarding Mr. Muse’s incarceration in Somaliland.
We asked if “3. Does the Danish Government think Mr. Omar had a fair trial and proper representation in Hargeisa?” and the answer from the Ambassador, Mette Knudsen is that “the Embassy is aware of the case and follows it closely” but cannot provide any details because of what she called “professional secrecy“.
On October 10, a little over a week from our contact with the Danish Embassy in Nairobi, the Ambassador Mette Knudsen and the head of DANIDA Elisabeth Kobæk were in Hargeisa to meet with Somaliland President HE Muse Bihi Abdi to discuss among other things the Somaliland Development Fund. Denmark is one of the biggest contributors of the SDF fund.
Elisabeth Kobæk with President Muse Bihi Abdi
On this seemingly ordinary and unremarkable visit to Somaliland, the Ambassador Knudsen visited Mr. Muse in Hargeisa Prison. This account is confirmed by multiple custodial personnel and Ministry of Justice staff.
According to Mr. Muse, Ambassador Knudsen was none too pleased with him talking about his case to the media “she practically yelled at me and said this could make things a lot worse for me, though I don’t understand anything worse they could do to me than to leave me to rot in prison illegally” he said when recounting his meeting with the Ambassador at the Prison Warden’s office.
Danish Ambassador Mette Knudsen would neither confirm or deny the meeting but stated that Mr. Muse has every right to speak to the media.
In this meeting, the Ambassador provided a stack of paperwork to Mr. Muse to sign which he declined pending consultation with his legal team.
Looking at these documents the Ambassador asked Mr. Muse to sign, it looks like the Danish Government is asking Mr. Muse to give his consent to allow the them to share information about his case with the Government of Somaliland.
This is significant as the entire case against him in Somaliland is built on the premise that Denmark has already provided information including witnesses that led to his conviction.
According to legal experts we have spoken to, Denmark would not have been able to share any information about Mr. Muse, the same way they are unable to answer any question due to “professional secrecy” and if anyone provided any information about him without his consent, that would be against Danish law.
It appears, Ambassador Knudsen is trying to retroactively correct this discrepancy.
One bizarre thing, Mr. Muse’s attorney noticed is that all of trials were held around Christmas time, when most Danish staff would be out of the region back to Denmark to celebrate the holidays with family. He thinks this is a way to provide them with plausible deniability that they were not around when he was sentenced.
According to Mr. Muse’s legal team, the Danish government never protested his incarceration or demanded that his court proceedings minimum legal standards instead, he states they were complicit in having his arrested without proper trial.
Mr. Sekyere, the victim was born to an African father and Danish mother. To many Danes, he is one of them, while Mr. Muse and many other immigrants are considered to have failed to assimilate with the Danish culture society in general. Even though Mr. Muse speaks perfect Danish and has spent the bulk of his life there, he contends because of xenophobia Denmark does not consider him Danish.
Somaliland on its part insists that Mr. Muse’s multiple court proceedings and conviction is lawful and that they were given access to evidence and witnesses that led them to ascertain of his guilt. Something his legal team has consistently said were untrue.
Mr. Muse says that both his adopted country of Denmark and his native Somaliland have failed him, and colluded to imprison him illegally.
When asked about what he thinks Somaliland would gain from putting him in jail Mr. Muse responded amusingly “Who do you think pays the salaries of these guards, the electricity and gives an [expletive] ton of money to Somaliland government? Denmark or as you know them, DANIDA does! Look, its very simple have been literally sold out for aid money”.
“I am not bitter, but I truly believe that my rights as a Danish citizen have been thoroughly violated, regardless of the alleged crime because as of today I have not been convicted of a crime. I am willing to stand trial in Denmark and would be using every legal option available to me as a Danish citizen to ensure those that have put me in their private Guantanamo Bay to answer for their crimes as well” says Muse through teeth clinging a lit cigarette.
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Somaliland Government Welcomes UN Security Council’s continued Weapons Embargo on Somalia
A newly energized Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation issued press statement welcoming the United Nation Security Council’s continued weapons embargo on Somalia on 14th of October.
In the statement, the Somaliland government reiterated Somalia’s lack of real influence on events on the ground in Somalia and its inability prevent Al-Shabaab and other terrorist groups from purchasing uniforms and other military equipment to wage their war on Somali citizens and threatening Somaliland.
“Somaliland Government believes that any weapons provided to Somalia administration is a real threat against the Government of Somaliland, its neighboring states and international peace” the statement continued, that Somaliland strongly condemns any state that provides weapons to Somalia.
The statement also welcomed the peaceful resolution of the Ethiopian, Eritrean and Djibouti disputes and added that “Somaliland government is encouraging the members of the Security Council, IGAD, Africa Union and United Nations to supports efforts to resume the bilateral talks between Somaliland and Somalia for the benefit of the regional and international peace.”
Somaliland government also highlighted its continued contribution to to regional and international peace, security and political stability over the past 27 years. “Somaliland yet remains to fight against terrorism, arms smuggling, human trafficking, regional, and international crimes to promote regional economic integration is a national priority for Somaliland.”
Read the entire statement below
Exclusive Interview with Wassim Haroun of CONSER – (Part 1 – Xumboweyne Dam)
In this two part interview, we speak with Wassim Haroun of CONSER, the firm that constructed Xumboweyne dam and is currently working on the Berbera Corridor project. We discuss the dam’s current state and much much more.
Somaliland Chronicle: Mr Haroun could you tell us more about yourself and your firm CONSER?
Wassim Haroun: CONSER is an engineering firm that was started in 1969 in the UAE and then officially re-registered in 1972 when the UAE was formally established. As consultants and over the span of almost 50 years in the Arabian Gulf region, the company had designed and supervised a multitude of projects spanning infrastructure, buildings and towers, bridges and roads, dams and canals, and a slew of transportation projects of all forms.
Somaliland Chronicle: What are some of the projects you and CONSER have implemented in recent years, your career highlights so to speak.
Wassim Haroun: At CONSER we have re-focused on our infrastructure and water heritage,and as such over the last decade, we started a huge drive to re-emerge as oneof the leading regional firms in these fields.
As such lately in the UAE we have finalized the design and are in the process of supervising one of the largest and complicated road projects in the Emirate of Fujairah (called the E99 road) as well as a number of medium sized various infrastructure projects.
In Oman we are also in the closing stages of supervising a number of road and highway projects that we had designed.
In Somaliland, we concluded the defect and liability period on the Xumboweyne dam – the largest concrete structure in the Somaliland, and we are in the process of the design portion of the rehabilitation of the Berbera to Tog Wajaleh road.
Overt he last 49 years we have designed and supervised over 40,000 Km of highways,well over 100 bridges, over 148 dams, countless buildings and villas. Our portfolio reflects our heritage and can be downloaded from our website (which is being reimagined)
Specifically when you ask about career highlights I wish to note that CONSER is a company with numerous associates and senior engineers, we are not a one man outfit, we believe in specialized engineers to suit each solution. The overall highlight of all our operation sis that we are true to one thing at the end, we are caretakers of the clients trust, and we will do our utmost to deliver the best value for money.
Somaliland Chronicle: Somaliland is lacking critical infrastructure to get it on the path to lasting and tangible development. The expansion of the port is a huge step in this direction. As an engineer who has worked all over the world, what do you see the most pressing infrastructural need that Somaliland should focus on?
Wassim Haroun: Before I answer your question specifically let me tell you what my outlook is for Somaliland.
Somalilands’ lack of infrastructure – although apparent –needs to be a complementary part of an overall master plan where infrastructure is an enabler not a goal. The basics are naturally all required, but it is vital to address the requirements with a wholly unique approach for Somaliland, and not just copy what has been done in other places just because it is the norm.
Every country has a unique set of circumstances and requirements,and this is exactly what needs to be done in Somaliland. Once the masterplan (the economic development masterplan that is) is done and PUBLISHED then it becomes easy to justify not only one project but a 20 year plan as then you would be able to prepare an economic sustainable approach to all your expenditure.
Also Somaliland has a unique advantage that needs to be capitalized upon, and that is the fact that it has a clean canvas to work with and no burden of a dated infrastructure debt. De-facto Somaliland can approach its needs with an outlook of leap-frogging the world in terms of technology and applications and instead of applying conservative old technologies from the last century is to begin investing in tomorrow’s solutions. As an example let us look at roads – for which Somaliland has an acute need for – the first question that should be asked is WHY. Naturally transportation is the answer, people, goods, livestock etc.. But are roads the only answer?What is the projected traffic? Can we solve it with mass transit or even more adventurous technologies.
Back to specifics, yes there are acute needs that all need to be addressed within the framework of the economic development of all regions, but I would start with Water (potable and agricultural – with a focus on smaller towns and villages first and not just the capital) then Energy(again rural first), then transportation for economic clusters – which should naturally develop once the basics of water and energy are put in place. Overall the focus should be on the development of economic and life clusters outside the capital as that would bring the cost of infrastructure per capita lower.
Somaliland Chronicle: We want to talk to you about Xumboweyne dam to understand what state it is in. Basically there is a lot of information about it out there but we want to hear it from you. Tell us as much as you can about Xumboweyne dam and How was the site of the dam chosen, were any feasibility studies conducted to ensure it was the most appropriate location for the construction of the dam?
Haroun Wassim: Allow me first to give the background and history. There was a promise made by His Highness Shaikh Mansour Bin Zayed – Minister of Presidential Affairs in the UAE to build 5 dams in Somaliland.
At the early stages of the investigations that were made by the ministry of water, and through the collaboration with the UAE government represented by Khalifa foundation, the SL government put forward many sites for the potential 5 dams,we were engaged at that time to assess all of them including locations such as Berbera, Laas Canoud, Adi Adiye, Burco & Waheen. All locations were jointly visited with members of the Ministry of Water back in 2014.
Subsequent to the visits, and the initial report, a decision was made by our clients to start with Waheen (Despite our report clearly mentioning that Waheen would not be economically feasible AT ALL. Never the less, we were engaged to proceed.
When we started mobilizing for more detailed studies, we were able to convince the client that Waheen was highly problematic – in FULL COORDINATION AND AGREEMENT WITH THE MINISTRY OF WATER IN SL. The client requested an alternative on condition that it does not exceed the allocated budget. At that point in time The Ministry personnel asked us to look at the Xumboweyne area as the preferred area for a dam. We subsequently visited many sites along the wadi and finally agreed on the current location due to its geological advantages of being on a mass of totally impervious Basalt. It was agreed, and we proceeded with further studies all on the basis of the location being chosen by the ministry.
Upon completing the detailed studies, it was concluded that it would be a massive concrete structure (to withstand the enormous flow forces) and the size and height were allocated with adherence to the budget as required. Also in the process of the initial design report and before any construction, we clearly stated 3 critical issues: The first is that there are no population centers in the immediate vicinity, and for the dam to be a success there needs to be a follow up project for using the water from the dam (moving forward in the timeline, and beyond our scope at the time, we presented many ideas to the heads of the local community as well as to the various ministers and business people, for how this dam could be capitalized upon and return huge benefits and profits). The second is that the dam will need periodic maintenance from siltation as it will totally be filled with sediment every 2 years (For this issue too, we provided a full economic study of how the silt could be used productively and economically to basically pay for the periodic maintenance). And thirdly that the DAM IN NO WAY WOULD SERVE TO RECHARGE THE DEEP WATER TABLE THAT THE XUMBOWEYNE WELLS TAP INTO. Based on the report, both the ministry and the UAE government approved and instructed us to move from the design phase to the construction phase.
Somaliland Chronicle: As you know, water is a major problem in Somaliland, which is hampering many aspects of development including agriculture and food security. Xumboweyne dam was intended to relieve some of the water shortages in the area. What was your role in the dam construction?
Haroun Wassim: CONSER was appointed by Khalifa bin Zayed Foundation for Charitable Works to deliver a Turnkey Dam project, from design to construction management.
Somaliland Chronicle: Did you and your firm CONSER implement projects of this type in the past or was this your firm dam project?
Haroun Wassim: YES, many. CONSER has one of the largest portfolio in the southern hemisphere in terms of dam design in arid or semi-arid areas. Our experience spans 40 years in this field with a little over 150 dams designed and executed.
Somaliland Chronicle: The previous administration of Somaliland has hailed the construction of the dam an astounding success, while the current Minister of Water Resources called it a total failure. What is the dam’s current status? And is it serving its intended purpose?
Haroun Wassim: Political jockeying aside, the dam was designed and built exactly to the requirements that were made to us at the time and according to the study report that was approved. The purpose of the dam was expressed clearly in the early stages of the studies that were made, it was to be a surface water reservoir AND a block (dam) for the alluvial water that escapes in the sand layer in the Xumboweyne wadi to be used for pastoral irrigation and farming in the local vicinity.
Somaliland Chronicle: Success can be subjective; do you personally consider the dam to be a success?
Haroun Wassim: NO, a project is only successful if it is used. With no one using the dam it cannot be deemed a success. That is why 4 months prior to completion we proposed at least 3 possible uses and subsequent investment projects that could be made to capitalize on the dam. Our proposals were initially met with excitement and then a standard response “THAT WOULD BE GREAT, PLEASE TELL THE UAE GOVERNMENT TO MAKE IT FOR US”…. One of the projects was about to be secured from yet another donor in the UAE with a whole farming village to be built on the upper banks near the dam, the funding stopped once the vile rhetoric started as part of the political campaigns.
Somaliland Chronicle: When you were working on the Xumboweyne dam, was there any corruption and did you and CONCER experience what you may consider shakedown from Government officials or local community?
Haroun Wassim: Although the Xumboweyne dam project was potentially open to corrupt activities, altogether the support at the time from the Abudhabi government, the Somaliland government officials and the community elders was one where the main driver was the smooth success of the construction of the dam.
If there were any demands made at all, they were justified by services that aided in informing the immediate public of the potential benefits that they would have and again ensuring that work could proceed. The simple answer is that from petty attempts that were rebutted by myself and my staff there were no corrupt activities that in any way threatened the integrity of the project.
Somaliland Chronicle: The Hargeisa Water Agency is currently working water sources expansion project but their plans does not include Xumboweyne Dam, why is that?
Haroun Wassim: I have gone on record many times in saying that it is not economically feasible to bring water from a lower elevation to satisfy the need of cities in higher elevations, especially when the source of the water comes from the higher areas. To pump water from Xumboweyne area (850 m above sea level) to Hargeisa (1,300 m above sea level) would mean spending $16,000 per day in pumping costs to satisfy the needs of only one quarter of Hargeisa. That translates to almost 6 million dollars a year. NOT GOOD (a Trump quote).
Exclusive – In Gondor Summit, Ethiopian PM Abiy Asks Farmajo For Naval Base in Zeila, Somaliland
The Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed concluded a second round of intense negotiation with Presidents of Somalia and Eritrea Mr Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo and Asias Afwarki in Bahir Dar on the shores of Lake Tana in northern Ethiopia.
Though the official cover of the summit was to convince the Somali President to support the lifting of arms and other sanctions from Eritrea in the UN Security Council’s October 14th meeting, the real discussion centered around an Ethiopian naval base in Zeila and Ethiopia’s 19% stake in Berbera Port in Somaliland.
Mr Shide then Ethiopian Transportant Minister at DP World deal signing in Dubai 
Ethiopian Finance Minister Ahmed Shide with PM Abiy and Farmajo
According to sources who traveled with the Somali President to the summit, the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed expressed his nations desire to build a naval base in Zeila where Farmajo has countered with a demand of his own that Ethiopia abandon its 19% stake in Berbera Port.
This account of the meeting is confirmed by western diplomatic sources based in Addis Ababa.
Prime Minister Abiy’s demand for a naval base in the Red Sea echoes Ethiopia’s Deputy Chief of Staff of the National Defense Force, General Birhanu Jula’s statement to the media about the reestablishment of Ethiopia’s naval forces.
It is unclear if any agreement were reached in the mutual demand to have Ethiopia abandon its 19% share of Somaliland’s Berbera Port for a concession to Ethiopia for naval base in Somaliland territory by the Somali President.
Ethiopian policy towards Somaliland has has pivoted to Mogadishu since Prime Minister Abiy took office where he sought closer ties with Somalia and particularly President of Somalia Mohamed Farmaajo. Somalia’s territorial integrity has been a recurring theme in every communique he has issued with Farmajo.
Prime Minister Abiy’s dealing with Somalia for territory in Somaliland is in stark contrast to a meeting his predecessor had with Somaliland’s previous administration of President Ahmed Mohamoud Siilaanyo where Ethiopian naval base in Zeila was discussed.
It is unclear how Prime Minister Abiy plans take ownership of any territorial commitment made by Somalia’s Federal in Somaliland.
A high ranking official from Somaliland government who did not want to talk on the record said “Farmajo is good at giving away things that are not his or even under his control, his sphere of influence is tighter than his necktie. Somaliland’s fate is in the hands of its people, no one else decides for us”
Djibouti has been left out of both meeting by Abiy, Farmajo and Afwarki but any discussion of Ethiopian forces in Zeila brings it in this mix however indirectly. Djibouti’s influence in the Zeila territory is cemented by its tribal composition.
Though establishment of Ethiopian Naval forces has been mentioned by Abiy back in June and the idea seems to have come up repeatedly, military analysts state that that Ethiopia current navy is embryonic at best and lacks the ability to project power overseas.
It is unclear how the United Arab Emirates will percieve PM Abiy’s move to deal directly with Farmajo to try to acquire a territory for a naval base and abandon his country’s commitment to Berbera DP World port deal.
Major Reshuffle: President Bihi Sacks the Entire Leadership of the Ministry of Finance
President of Somaliland His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi made the biggest shakes up of his administration today wiping the slate clean at the Ministry of Finance by replacing the entire leadership team.
The Minister the fared the worst in the reshuffle and has been relegated to mere member of the Higher Education Committee. Sources close to the now ex-minister are unsure if he would accept his new appointment.
The Deputy Finance Minister Mohamed Ahmed Dahir has been reassigned to the Ministry of Education.
The Ministry of Finance has been marred by one controversy after another has engaged in an endless turf war with other government departments including recent clash with the Accountant General when the Minister of Finance tried to make staffing changes.
One of the most serious infractions by the Minister was an extrajudicial arrest of a private citizen in mid October.
The President’s removal of the entire Finance Ministry team was characterized as a much needed course correction by many political observers in Somaliland.
One high level government official who did not want to be identified said “It was a amateur hour at the Finance Ministry. These guys fell on their faces on day one, rushing to the cameras to announce policy after policy with no thought as to how to implement it. It took a while but and I am glad the President has put some adults in charge of this important ministry”
President Bihi chose a trained economist and a stable operator, Dr Saad Ali Shire, the former Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to lead the Ministry of Finance.
Dr Shire is replaced by the former Minister of Education Yassin Faratoon who will be heading the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.
Additional changes in President Bihi’s administration include, the removal of the Director General of the Ministry of Education Mr Hared Odah who was replaced with former Director General of the Ministry of Investment Mr. Ahmed Abokor Mohamed.
Sources from the Presidential Palace indicate that President Bihi has summoned all those affected by the reshuffle to personally convey his message of dissatisfaction or reassignment to their new post.
Correction and an apology: We have incorrectly stated that the Director General of the Ministry of Finance has been fired, this is incorrect. The DG is unaffected by this reshuffle.
