Somaliland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Yasin Hagi Mohamoud Hiir (Faratoon) is expected to visit Ankara Turkey early next week to participate in preliminary talks with Somalia.
President Muse Bihi Abdi in a recent speech following his first meeting with the Prime Minister of Ethiopia Abiy Ahmed, stated that Somaliland will support Turkey’s participation of the Somaliland – Somalia dialogue as long as other international community partners were also participating. The preferred partners according to the President are the European Union, United States and Sweden.
Previous failed talks between Somaliland and Somalia hosted by Turkey
In addition to widening the mediation to include members of the International Community, President Bihi also stated that he told the Turkish Special Envoy for the Somaliland – Somalia talks that Somaliland does not consider Turkey to be impartial and wants to see Turkey provide aid and development funds equal to what it spends in Somalia.
It is unclear if President Bihi’s preconditions to the talks were conveyed in writing to Turkey and if any these conditions have been met by turkey including the acceptance of International community to participate in the talks. Turkey has hosted multiple failed talks between the two countries in the past and is seeking to host these talks again.
President Bihi received by UAE Justice Minister Sultan bin Saeed Al Badi
The Minster’s trip is coming to light at a time when the President of Somaliland, His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi is in concluding his second visit the United Arab Emirates where he has been received with state honors and has been holding talks with the leadership of that country regarding the Berbera Corridor and other project the UAE is implementing in Somaliland.
It is unclear if the international community will join Mr. Faratoon and his Somali counterpart in Ankara to participate in the preliminary talks.
French President Emmanuel Macron warned on Tuesday of risks to the sovereignty of African countries from China’s increasing economic presence as he began a visit to the east of the continent.
Macron arrived in Djibouti looking to reassert French influence in a former colony on the Horn of Africa where China has built a military base and invested billions of dollars in infrastructure.
The French leader, who will also visit Kenya and Ethiopia on his current tour, cautioned that conditions attached to Chinese loans could be dangerous in the long term.
“China is a great world power and has expanded its presence in many countries, especially in Africa, in recent years,” he said alongside Djibouti President Ismail mar Guelleh. “But what can look good in the short term … can often end up being bad over the medium to long term.
“I wouldn’t want a new generation of international investments to encroach on our historical partners’ sovereignty or weaken their economies,” Macron added.
China said in September last year it was helping Africa develop, not pile up debt, as the government pledged $60 billion to African nations and rejected criticism it is loading the continent with an unsustainable burden.
Djibouti is strategically located at the southern entrance to the Red Sea on the route to the Suez Canal. It hosts France’s largest naval base in Africa with 1,400 French personnel used to train African troops and monitor the Horn of Africa and Yemen.
DRIFTING APART
While Djibouti was regarded as a key French outpost in the past, Macron is only the second French leader to visit the tiny country of 1 million people in the last 20 years.
In a reminder of Beijing’s growing presence, Macron was received at Djibouti’s new Chinese-built presidential palace.
“Business is business. The Chinese invest here, while the French aren’t competitive,” a Djibouti government official said. “The French are late, very late. And they have no money.”
Djibouti’s president accused France in 2015 of abandoning Djibouti and investing very little there.
Macron said French firms were ready to invest in Djibouti for the long term but a better business environment was needed to shore up the country’s attractiveness to investors.
No commercial deals were signed during his visit.
“France considered Djibouti for too long to be a territory that was won,” said a senior French diplomat based in the region. “But now the competition from China is fierce.”
Djibouti also has a U.S. military base used as a launchpad for operations against Islamist militants in Yemen and Somalia, but in 2013 China opened its largest overseas military base in the country, rivaling those of Paris and Washington.
Beijing has provided financial aid, developed industrial output in Djibouti and poured investment into infrastructure projects, including upgrading a French railway built in 1917 linking Djibouti to Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa.
Chinese Military personnel training in Djibouti
Chinese state banks have funded an infrastructure building spree across Africa. Many African leaders praise the Chinese for being willing to fund desperately needed projects to help kickstart their economies with less bureaucracy than multilateral institutions like the World Bank.
But some Western nations have expressed concern that the loans could trap poor countries in debt, saddling them with poor quality projects and forcing them to hand over control of strategic assets used as collateral.
Ethiopia and France agreed their first military cooperation accord on Tuesday, a deal that includes helping the landlocked nation build a navy, as Paris seeks to boost economic ties in Africa’s second-most populous country.
On a four-day visit to the Horn of Africa, President Emmanuel Macron is looking to break from France’s colonial history on the continent and nurture relationships in a region where it has lagged behind in recent years.
Macron wants to leverage a mixture of Paris’ soft power in culture and education and its military know-how to give it a foothold at a time when Ethiopia is opening up.
“This unprecedented defense cooperation agreement provides a framework… and notably opens the way for France to assist in establishing an Ethiopian naval component,” Macron told a news conference alongside Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed.
The accord also provides for air cooperation, joint operations and opportunities for training and equipment purchases.
Abiy, who took over as premier in April last year, has presided over major political and economic changes that have included the pardoning of exiled rebel groups and reconciliation with longtime neighboring foe Eritrea.
The country disbanded its navy in 1991 after its then-province Eritrea, which is on the Red Sea, seceded following a three-decade war for independence.
“We are here in a friendly country where we want to strengthen and build a new page in our common history,” Macron said. “Since you became prime minister our vision (of Ethiopia) has profoundly changed.”
He and Abiy also agreed deals to develop Ethiopia’s cultural heritage, including preserving churches and opening an archaeological dig at a 12th century village. Paris will provide 100 million euros to help the country’s economic transition.
Macron was accompanied by a delegation of businessmen, including the chief executive of telecommunications group Orange, Stephane Richard, who is looking to position the company ahead of Ethiopia’s privatisation of the sector.
Shipper CMA-CGM and family-owned agri-food group Soufflet are among firms signing deals on Wednesday. A 50-strong French business delegation is due in Addis on Friday.
France’s history in Ethiopia dates back to the start of the 20th century. Its largest embassy compound in the world by size – 43 hectares (106 acres) – was given to it by Emperor Menelik II in 1907. In 1917 it built the rail link between former colony Djibouti and Addis. But these days its influence and business deals fail to rival the likes of China.
“The railway between Djibouti and France is 100 years old and the work that we now want to complete with President Macron is for the long-term. Perhaps in 100 years we’ll talk about it again,” Abiy said.
Somaliland’s healthcare is arguably one of the least developed anywhere in the world, this is due to many factors including cost, incompetence, and rampant corruption but this is not a story about the state of healthcare itself, this is about mental health in Somaliland and the people it affects.
In this report, we will focus on the laws and regulations that are in place to protect the mentally ill in Somaliland and the role of the government in ensuring the well-being of these vulnerable citizens.
Mental illness, in many cases, requires lifetime care. It is financially, physically and emotionally draining for the caretaker and the family but in Somaliland, the options for those who can afford any level of care is limited to sending their loved one to a facility for the mentally ill.
Those that cannot afford are forced to confine their mentally ill relative in a room more often chained and isolated or worse let them loose into the streets of Somaliland.
The level of care provided by the existing facilities varies where a handful have structured programs to care for their patients but unfortunately, the vast majority are nothing more than private prisons for the mentally ill.
One characteristic that both public and private facilities share is their lack of access to mental health professionals and proper medication to treat their patients.
There is no reliable data and basic information related to the mentally ill or mental illness is nonexistent in Somaliland. The most comprehensive report about the state of Somaliland’s mental health facilities and patients was produced by Human Rights Watch in 2015.
Somaliland government’s own Human Rights Commission produced a report back in 2015 and out of the 70 odd pages, only two pages are devoted to mental health facilities known as “Cilaaj” in Somaliland.
The section of the Commission’s report on mental health facilities has no data it does however briefly describe the abhorrent sanitary conditions of the facilities including broken washroom facilities that leak into patients’ sleeping quarters, flea and other insect infestation causing the patients’ skin irritations.
Medication’s has to be purchased by the patients’ family from outside but in many instances, privately owned facilities concoct their own potions from plants and other unknown sources and sell them to the patients.
Somaliland Quality Control Commission recently confiscated thousands of empty capsule that were reportedly intended to be filled with traditional medicine for the mentally ill.
The Quality Control Commission did not return calls about the shipment of empty capsules and there has been reports that it was released to its owners.
The privately owned facilities for the mentally ill are run out of nondescript homes located in the middle of neighborhoods with absolutely no government regulation or oversight of any kind and more importantly, none have no background in medicine and specifically mental health.
There are two categories of patients held in these private prisons for the mentally ill:
Someone with actual mental health whose family cannot provide the round-the-clock care needed but can afford the boarding fees of these facilities.
Someone whose family have placed them in these facilities for rehabilitation, often from drugs and alcohol.
Even though family members are aware of the conditions of the mental health facilities, unfortunately, the vast majority of them do not have an alternative.
The are numerous cases of abuse at the hands of caretakers at mental facilities, there has been even deaths that were never investigated, following is the story of one of those victims.
The Case of Abdillahi Mohamed Abdi
A family member described the mysterious circumstance surrounding the death of his younger brother who passed away in a facility in Hero Awr area of Hargeisa.
The patient, Mr. Abdillahi Mohamed Abdi had suffered a traumatic head injury as a child when he was hit by a vehicle. The accident left him with seizures that were under control by medication from Dr. Gaboose.
Mr. Abdi grew older and stronger; any lapse in his medication regiment resulted in psychotic episodes that his aging parents could no longer control, and as a result, sent him to a facility that cost them $160 a month.
Two weeks into Mr. Abdi’s stay in the facility, the family got a call informing them of the death of Mr. Abdi . The facility explained that Mr. Abdi has passed away in his sleep possibly from a heart attack.
It is worth noting that the facility did not employ medically trained staff at the time of Mr. Abdi ’s untimely passing and could not, with any certainty, be sure that the cause of death was a heart attack.
There was no investigation into the cause of Mr. Abdi ‘s death by the facility or government. According to his brother, despite his mental illness, Mr. Abdi was in excellent physical shape and he cannot believe that he would die of a heart attack just two weeks of being placed in that facility.
No recourse for Mr. Abdi’s family. Case closed.
A Semblance of Regulation?
Committing someone to a mental institution has been incredibly easy in the past. Just pay the fee, point out the person and it is done.
According to many people we have spoken to for this story, including former residents, they described how shockingly easy to place someone in these facilities, pay the fee and point the person out is reportedly how these facilities operated.
The Ministry of Health and the courts got involved and instituted new requirements that a patient must be evaluated by the Ministry of Health, and under oath their tribal elders attest to the court that a patient needs to be committed.
This is the only process with which mental health facilities accept new patients.
This process is confirmed by multiple sources that have placed family members in facilities, and though this is a major step in the right direction, unfortunately, like many things in Somaliland, there is no actual law that codifies this workflow. There is no follow up inspection from the Ministry of Health who issue licenses for these facilities.
It is unclear if the Ministry of Health has any guidelines that help determine if an operator is qualified to run and operate a mental health facility.
Even more alarming is the type of medication some of the facilities are using. Here is a promotional video from Raywan Advocacy Mental Organization displaying an array of packaged goods where almost all are have suspiciously Arabic sounding names.
Raywan Advocacy Mental Organization which is large center for the mentally ill seems to be sketchy in its services. The poster below is advertising a Sheikh that has joined their team who will cure black magic, possession by Jinn, Haemorrhoids and tooth decay.
Sahan is one the largest mental health facility in Somaliland and is reported to relatively speaking, one of the best. There are programs that train patients in various skills such as sawing, electric work and even provide recreational facilities. However, they too are reported to isolate a patient upon intake until they understand their general behavior and will use detention when a patient refuses to follow directions.
Patients are allowed visitation once a week at Sahan to bring change of clothes and bedding and if several visits are missed, the facility automatically discharges the patient.
According to a family member who recently placed moved a relative from another facility to Sahan, the level of care provided in this facility is much better. There is a nurse who sees patients and helps them take their medication.
There are multiple charitable organizations that support Sahan in food provisions and clothing for the patients.
Who is Job is it to Protect the Mentally ill in Somaliland?
There is no actual legislation in Somaliland that protects the mentally ill and we are uncertain if they are covered under existing laws for people with disabilities in Somaliland but what is clear is that no one is actually responsible or has the mandate to protect this vulnerable group of Somalilanders.
One of the government officials we have spoken to is Ibrahim Khadar Saeed, the former Director of Prisons from the Ministry of Justice.
Mr. Saeed saw the link between mental health facilities and his ministry’s mandate and wanted to leverage its expertise in managing prisons to help craft a framework of legislation with the relevant stakeholders. His efforts were futile.
Interview with Ibrahim Khadar Saeed
Speaking with Khadar Nouh for this story, he went on to explain that multiple government agencies are involved in issuing licenses for mental health facilities, including Hargeisa Local Government, the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments.
In explaining the obstacles that have so far prevented the government from robust oversight and legislation to protect the mentally ill, Mr. Saeed stated that there are powerful interest groups in the mental health business including the most prominent business owners and Sheikhs from Somaliland.
We have been unable to locate any policy or framework from the Ministry of Health that governs the mental health facilities and as usual from Somaliland government websites, the policy section of the Ministry’s website lists less than useful information.
The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowment seems to exercise some kind of regulatory control over private mental healthcare facilities and according to the Director General Mr. Adam Abdallah, the ministry is working on the creation of legislation to govern mental health facilities.
The Somaliland Human Rights Commission we cited earlier states that this is one of the ministries that are in charge of licensing such facilities.
According to the Human Rights Commission report, an unknown number of mental healthcare facilities use a combination of traditional healing and religious methods.
The use Quran is the only reasonable explanation that the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments would be involved in mental health institutions.
The Director General of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and National Endowment Mr. Adam Abdallahrecently tweeted “The Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments will take action against religious centers (Cilaajyada [mental healthcare centers]) after we received reports of abuse”.
The Director General Mr. Adam Abdallah did not specify the nature of abuse and what action the ministry is planning to take and did not respond to questions about the actions he announced.
The Director General, Mr. Adam Abdallah also tweeted that the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowment will be administering a test to the owners of the facilities for the mentally ill to gauge their religious knowledge. According to Mr. Abdallah, this was decided in a meeting with the leaders of the mental health facilities of Hargeisa.
Once again, its unclear from the Director General’s announcement that they will be testing the owners on their knowledge of the Quran or how effective it is use is in mental health.
Additionally, it is unclear if the Ministry has plans to visit facilities to actually inspect the living condition of the mentally ill patients.
There is a pecking order among government agencies that supersedes mandate. The Minister of the Religious Affairs and National Endowment is one of the most powerful ministers in President Bihi’s cabinet.
So why would the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowment lend credence and validity to these predatory businesses who profit from the misery of the most vulnerable members of our society? It’s about business, and this might be one of the most profitable businesses in Somaliland.
Income streams are direct boarding fees from residents ranging from $100 to as high as $160 a month and vast sums that come by way of donations.
What is being done?
Aside from the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments’ effort to register and test the operators, there are no efforts to create a legal framework for protecting the mentally ill people and regulate mental health facilities in Somaliland.
Somaliland’s meager national budget of several hundred million a year will not be enough if one were to argue a world class standard of care for the mentally ill in Somaliland but what is well within the government ability is not being done.
Legislation to regulate privately owned mental health facilities and ensure the wellbeing of the mentally ill in Somaliland is what is missing. The role of the Ministry of Health and Justice is what is missing.
According to a Ministry of Health official who would not speak on the record for fear of reprisal said “No one is arguing for a level of care that is equivalent to what developed nations spend on caring for their mentally ill, that would cost more than Somaliland’s entire national budget, but we have thousands of employees in the ministry and assigning a mere 100 to go and inspect these hell holes, make sure the facilities are fit for human beings. That small step alone will do wonders for these poor people”.
Contributors:
Khadar Nouh is a multimedia journalist based in Hargeisa, Somaliland.
Ilyas Abdi a journalist with Radio Ergo based in Hargeisa, Somaliland
President of the Republic of Somaliland Muse Bihi Abdi is headed to the United Arab Emarites today on an official visit.Sources in Somaliland government were tight-lipped about the details of the invitation and who President Bihi will meet on his visit to the United Arab Emirates.
United Arab Emirates is involved in large-scale projects in Somaliland including the management and expansion of the Berbera port by DP World, the Berbera Corridor road expansion/construction project and leasing the Berbera Airport for use by its military.
Recently, Somaliland has been enjoying diplomatic overtures from multiple countries including Germany, the United Kingdom, and Ethiopia.
This is a developing story and we will update as we know more.
It is imperative that Somaliland parliamentary elections must be
held this year. There is no excuse for delaying or continuously increasing
the mandate of the current moribund parliament which has been sitting for
almost two decades. It is inexcusable and it is embarrassing to both
the nation and it’s people.
The main issues concerning the current impasse are,
The National Elections Commission,
The Allocation of parliamentary seats.
Somaliland has a constitution which address both issues. If we are serious about our democratic credentials, then we should pay head to the constitution.
Somaliland National Election Commission
With regard to the National Elections Commission, (NEC), the current commission whose mandate expires prior to the scheduled parliamentary elections in 2019, has failed in its duties. That much is clear. It has failed to prepare and maintain the support of the Somaliland political parties. The current commission has also failed to do the honorable thing and resign, both for their own self-respect and for the sake of the nation.
Somaliland Parliament
Neither the President of Somaliland, Muse Bihi Abdi nor the
legislative bodies of the republic have taken control of the issue. It is
time to point something out to the President. Sir, you have won the election,
you don’t owe anything to the current Elections Commission, accept their
resignation or fire them.
In terms of the House of Elders, which has also been sitting for three decades, and itself in need of serious reform, and has become a hereditary place, it is quite clear that they have no intention of taking charge of the matter by either constituting a new commission or addressing the reasonable demands being made by the opposition parties, Waddani and UCID.
Somaliland House of Elders
The current moribund House of Representatives, which has been
sitting for more than 14 years, and has had more extensions than humanly
possible, is incapable of drafting a new elections bill which takes into
consideration the growth of the population and need to allocate proper
representation.
As the President recently stated in a speech at the launch
of the National Service program, Somaliland has not been able to conduct a
proper census, nor have some of the more rural districts of the country
accessed by the political dispensation. Both are valid points, but at the time
of deadlock and crisis, Somaliland needs leadership.
If we are unable to conduct a census and the constitution states
that the House of Representative shall consist of 82 members, then we must look
into adding an amendment to the constitution to address the
matter.
If we can increase the number of regions from 6 to 13 and
continuing to add more, surely it makes sense to increase the number of
parliamentary seats! The population has grown, the regions have increased,
therefore the number of parliamentary seats must reflect the current situation.
Somaliland has moved on from a political discourse based on
communities and districts, it has a written constitution which can be
amended and enhanced. But, for this to happen, the nation needs
leadership.
The international community is ready to offer logistical,
moral and financial support, as evidence by the recent visit from the
European Union, but first, we must get our own house in order.
So, here in my humble opinion are several suggestions:
Firstly, since the current members of the Somaliland Elections
Commission (NEC) seemed glued to their desks, increase their number by adding
an additional two members from each party. These new members will be the
presumptive future commission after the mandate for the current one expires.
The new enlarged commission will work together to hold the elections in
December 2019.
Secondly, file a motion with the Somaliland
Constitutional Court to add an amendment to the constitution to
increase to the number of parliamentary seats by 20 to 102.
Thirdly, inaugurate an interim parliament with 102 seats.
The 20 new members will be selected from the Somaliland non-governmental bodies
such as community activist, intellectuals, judiciary and other professionals.
They will be free from party affiliation and sit until the elections are held
in December, 2019. The interim parliament will be given the task of creating a
new bills to make the necessary amendments to the constitution.
And lastly, completely reform the House of Elders. Follow the
constitution which allows for neither hereditary or under-age
members. It is scandalous that the House of Elders, the final arbiter and
peacemaker of the nation be filled with cronies and ineffective members.
Somaliland has the support of its people, it also has many
talented and loyal citizens, it cannot be held hostage to discredited and
redundant politicians.
In this interview, we are speaking with Mr. Michael Rubin who is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he researches Arab politics, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran, Iraq, the Kurds, terrorism, and Turkey. Mr. Rubin has recently returned from Somaliland where he visited for the first time.
Somaliland Chronicle: Let’s start with your recent visit to Somaliland, tell us what prompted you to visit Somaliland for the first time?
Michael Rubin: I had first heard about the success of Somaliland more than a decade ago when I read about the establishment of its cell phone network in some British or American financial newspaper. After that, I started paying attention. Friends who visited in various capacities had spoken very highly about what they saw. When Secretary of State John Kerry visited Mogadishu in 2015, I wrote my first piece on Somaliland, but I wanted to learn and write more.
I work at the American Enterprise
Institute, a non-profit strategic studies institute which gives me the ability
to write openly for an American audience to try to correct U.S. foreign policy.
We don’t lobby and we don’t take money from foreign governments, but rather we
work as individuals to engage in debates about ideas and policies. One of the
broad themes of my work over the past 15 years is that the United States needs
to treat democracies better and reward countries for doing the right thing.
Therefore, it was important to visit Somaliland to learn more. I also teach for
the U.S. Navy, and so learning more about Somaliland will help my teaching.
Somaliland Chronicle: What was your overall impression of Somaliland generally and more specifically in terms of peace, security and governance?
Michael Rubin: I was very impressed. Whether or not people voted for Musa Bihi Abdi or favored his predecessor, it was clear that most Somalilanders had confidence in the system and were rightly proud of what they had accomplished politically and in terms of security. I knew that Somaliland had largely prevented al-Shabaab from infiltrating its territory, but I did not know beforehand just how much of its budget Somaliland spends on security and how little outside support it receives. Hopefully, that will change because security in Somaliland should be an interest not only for Somaliland itself, but it is important for the broader region.
Before I visited Somaliland, I had no
idea about how successful Somaliland has been at integrating what historically
were various militias into a cohesive and unified military. This really can be
a selling point for Somaliland on the global stage. Think, for example, about
how many billions of dollars the United States has spent trying to promote
unity among Iraq’s armed forces. Somaliland has an experience and model which
other countries can replicate, if only they were more aware of Somaliland’s
history and progress.
That said, there are obvious problems that need to be rectified. The delay in the parliamentary elections must end. Even if the election commission term ends before the elections can be held, there are ways to work around the problem, for example, by ensuring that current commissioners and new commissioners, some perhaps as advisers, in order to ensure continuity. Not only is an elected parliament important for democracy, but ending the delay in parliamentary elections will deny enemies of Somaliland the ability to deny its democracy.
Somaliland Chronicle: As you noted in your latest article, Somaliland’s democracy is not perfect, and you used the delayed elections as an example of this imperfection. Are there other issues you have noticed in Somaliland that damage its case for international recognition?
Michael Rubin: The biggest problem right now is the international community’s mistaken belief that Somalia’s stability requires channeling all funding through Mogadishu and also denying Somaliland’s progress. The State Department in general and Ambassador Donald Yamamoto in particular are replicating all the historical mistakes that led to Somalia’s collapse. Indeed, there is a rich academic and policy literature on how the flood of aid and corruption compounded Somalia’s failure. That Somaliland’s government has sent very active representatives to Washington, London, and elsewhere is hugely important. Somaliland needs to make its case more consistently and aggressively regardless of the administration in Hargeisa.
Our rescue teams were being provided emergency medical services while putting their lives on the line to save others for 22hrs. 64 injured civilians were saved and provided pre-hospital services,19 dead bodies were transported to hospitals. @HarunMaruf@Goobjoognews@BBCSomalipic.twitter.com/cEsr01215T
Coordinated attack in central Mogadishu, Somalia on March 1st 2019
Somaliland Chronicle: As both Somaliland and Somalia have internal issues that should be prioritized over dialogue, particularly Somalia due to its lack of basic stability and limited government control. What do you think of the Somalia and Somaliland talks in general, is it the right time?
Michael Rubin: Certainly, it makes sense for Somaliland and Mogadishu to have some dialogue, but the two are not equal. Somaliland has run its affairs for more than 30 years, while authorities in Somalia really have no control over their own society. Put another way, Somaliland’s government has broad democratic legitimacy while Somalia’s government does not. While dialogue can be useful, Somaliland should not sacrifice its freedoms and successes for some ephemeral theory to which Yamamoto subscribes.
Former Somaliland’s President Ahmed Siilaanyo, Former Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud with Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu in Ankara, Turkey.
Somaliland Chronicle: All the previous talks mediated by Turkey have ended in failure and were a disaster in Somaliland partly because there were no enforcement mechanisms in the agreements and other factors. Does it make sense that Somaliland seek out experts from countries like East Timor, Eritrea and possibly South Sudan who have successfully gained independence?
Michael Rubin: It would be useful for independent scholars and diplomats in Somaliland to compile the lessons learned from East Timor, Eritrea and South Sudan. None of these countries was particularly successful in their post-independence years, and it would be worthwhile for Somalilanders of all political perspectives to understand the mistakes each made in order to avoid their replication.
The problem with Turkey’s mediation is that Turkey is not truly interested in peace and reconciliation. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has both ideological and financial motives for his investment in Somalia. He is hostile to the type of moderation that exists inside Somaliland. That said, the fact that Turkey maintains a consulate in Hargeisa is important. Rather than over-rely on Turkey, it would be better if Somaliland sought to broaden mediation to include Denmark, the United Kingdom, and other states.
Somaliland Chronicle: Somalia continues to pursue a Pan-Somalia ideology from the fifties, which is why it is reluctant to let Somaliland go. This same ideology led to the Shifta wars in Kenya and the Ogaden wars in Ethiopia. Do you think Somalia’s regional neighbors such as Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya take this dormant ambition seriously and its potential to destabilize the entire Horn of Africa region?
Michael Rubin: I agree with you about the danger. It’s not just that the ideology can be dangerous to regional stability, but also because it distracts Somalis from fixing their own country. There are over 20 Arab states; two Romanias (Moldova, after all, is basically Romanian); and two Albanias (because Kosovo is largely Albanian). The notion that all Somalis must be in a single state is a dangerous delusion at odds with the reality of every international precedent.
A
better strategy would be for Djibouti, Somaliland, and Somalia to each develop
as they see fit and to become the most peaceful, successful, and economically
vibrant states they can be. If, at some indeterminate point in the future they
wanted to unite, that should be their democratic right if the peoples of each
all agreed. But to try to force them into unity the way Yamamoto proposes for
Somalia and Somaliland would risk democracy, stability, and security.
Somaliland Chronicle: In your recent article, you have argued against the United States essentially dumping money into Somalia in an effort to shore up security in that country. The former Minister of Finance and member of the parliamentary budget committee in Somalia recently stated in televised program that Somalia had a $92-million dollar black budget slush-fund used by the Federal Government to destabilize regional states, of which he stated the majority is used on Somaliland, if this is true. Is there any oversight to ensure that US taxpayer funds are not misused and possibly destabilize Somaliland?
Michael Rubin: I have no inside knowledge to judge the veracity of his claim, but Transparency International—a widely respected and objective NGO—did rate Somalia to be the world’s most corrupt country, more so than even Afghanistan and Venezuela. It is clear that U.S. taxpayer money and international humanitarian aid is being misappropriated and wasted. It really is scandalous, not only because of the waste, but also because fueling such endemic corruption makes Somalia’s recovery even harder.
Somaliland Chronicle: You have been very critical of Turkey and we happen to agree with you. In the context of Somaliland, Turkey’s diplomatic mission in Somaliland does not issue visa on Somaliland passport while Ethiopia and UAE have been doing so for a while, is there any value in Somaliland continuing a nonexistent diplomatic relationship with Turkey?
Michael Rubin: I think the precedent of having a Turkish consulate is useful, but I also believe requiring Turkey to recognize the Somaliland passport should be a prerequisite for Somaliland recognizing any Turkish mediation, even as part of a broader basket of countries.
Chinese Premier Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin
Somaliland Chronicle: Even though it was recently announced, what do you think of the US Africa Policy and how effective it is in countering countries like China and Russia who disregard serious violations such as human rights abuses in pursuit of gaining a strategic foothold in African countries such as Sudan, Djibouti and possibly Somalia?
Michael Rubin: There seems to be a huge discrepancy between the Africa policy which National Security Advisor John Bolton announced and the policy which Yamamoto is implementing. If Bolton’s speech represented Trump’s Africa strategy, it really seems as if Secretary of State Mike Pompeo is asleep at the switch and Ambassador Yamamoto is actively seeking to undermine the new Africa policy.
US AFCOM Commander Gen. Thomas D Waldhauser testifying before US Senate subcommittee on Armed Services.
Somaliland Chronicle: US AFCOM Commander Gen. Thomas D Waldhauser in a testimony to the Senate subcommittee on Armed Services on February 7th said this about Somaliland’s “Berbera’s location, close to the entry and exit point of the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, will be strategically valuable for both Somaliland and with whomever they choose to partner.” On the same testimony the General noted the “preponderance of foreign forces” in Djibouti. As someone who has worked with the Pentagon, what is your take on this?
Michael Rubin: One doesn’t need to have spent time in the Pentagon to recognize the fundamental strategic geography of Somaliland. With regard to Djibouti, the massive Chinese investment in the country has raised broader concerns about whether China might leverage its interests in Djibouti to force the United States out.
US AFCOM Commander Gen. Thomas D Waldhauser with US Ambassador to Somalia Donald Yamamoto
Somaliland Chronicle: Staying on General Waldhauser’s testimony and statement about Berbera Port and its strategic value, Somaliland has granted permission to the UAE to use the former Berbera airport as a military base in exchange for development programs and training of Somaliland military. Even though Somaliland is unrecognized can this agreement between the UAE and Somaliland governments be considered a de facto Status of Forces Agreement?
Michael Rubin: I can’t give a legal opinion here as I’m not a lawyer. At the very least, though, Somaliland’s government must ensure that the United Arab Emirates does not take Somaliland for granted and that the partnership pays diplomatic dividends for Somaliland.
Former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer with Former President Dahir Riyale Kahin in Somaliland in February 2008
Somaliland Chronicle: Somaliland maintains an excellent diplomatic relationship with many countries and generally their representatives have visited Somaliland some frequently with one notable exception – the United States Ambassador to Somalia Mr. Donald Yamamoto. Despite the fact that many high ranking US officials have visited Somaliland in the past including Mr.Yamamoto’s predecessor Mr. Schwartz and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer. What is the risk that lack of diplomatic contact from the United States could open the door to other interested parties namely Russia or China?
Michael Rubin: Bolton should be aware that Yamamoto’s policy choice to effectively starve Somaliland into submission not only is bound to fail—Somaliland has been through far worse over its history—but it also provides an opening for countries like Russia and China.
Somaliland Chronicle: Speaking of Russia, there have been unconfirmed reports that Russia is interested in Somaliland for possible military base in Zaila, less than 50 kilometers from Djibouti and arguably the actual gate of Mandab. Should this worry the US and other NATO allies?
Michael Rubin: From a U.S. perspective—and, admittedly, that’s the only perspective from which I write—it should be a huge concern. Ultimately, Somaliland has to do what is in Somaliland’s interests, however.
Somaliland Chronicle: What is your view of Somaliland’s effort as it relates to pursuit of international recognition, are we doing enough?
Michael Rubin: Changing the status quo will be difficult, but ultimately I believe Somaliland has history, legality, and morality on its side. It will take a concerted national effort on the part of Somaliland to press its case, but ultimately it will just take one or two countries to recognize Somaliland before many other inclined to do so but afraid to be the first also recognize Somaliland. I am 47-years-old and believe that I will witness Somaliland’s independence not only in my lifetime, but before my 6- and 3-year-old children graduate high school.
On December 28, 2018, Turkey named its former Ambassador to Somalia Dr. Olgan Bekar as a Special Envoy for Somalia and Somaliland Talks. Thought the former Ambassador to Somalia has had limited contact with the Government of Somaliland especially President Bihi’s current administration, he known to be very comfortable in navigating the political scene in Mogadishu.
In this report, we are examining Turkey’s history in Somaliland and Somalia and their role as mediators in the past talks.
Dr. Olgan Bekar, Turkey’s Special Envoy for Somaliland – Somalia with President Muse Bihi Abdi
Turkey is not the only country interested to have Somaliland and Somalia get back to the negotiating table and reach some sort of a settlement.
The topic has come up during President Muse Bihi Abdi’s meeting with the Ethiopian Prime Minister in Addis Ababa this week though it is unclear the extent to which they discussed the subject or if any concrete steps to get the two sides talking were agreed upon.
Somaliland and Ethiopian leaders meeting in Addis Ababa
It is important to understand that various stake holders have different expected outcomes of such talks and Somaliland might be the odd man out as it seeks to gain an amicable completion of its divorce from Somalia.
According to statement from Somaliland Presidency following President Bihi’s meeting with the new envoy Dr. Bekar on February 9, The President informed Dr. Bekar and the Turkish delegation that since past talks has not yielded any results all future dialogue between Somaliland and Somalia must include the international community.
Sources from Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation present in the meeting with the President and the Turkish delegation stated that President Bihi also informed the Turkish envoy that bringing a level of balance in how Turkey invests in Somalia and Somaliland is a good way to show Somaliland that Turkey is impartial and a friend to Somaliland.
To understand if Turkey can be an impartial and an honest broker on Somaliland and Somalia talks and its general standing in the world community, we have spoken to Mr. Michael Rubin who is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he researches Arab politics, the Gulf Cooperation Council, Iran, Iraq, the Kurds, terrorism, and Turkey.
President Bihi with Michael Rubin and Presidential Economic Advisor Dr. Osman Sh Ahmed
Somaliland Chronicle: Do you think it is wise for Somaliland to accept Turkey as a mediator in Somalia talks given the Turkish Gov support and massive investment in Somalia?
Mr. Rubin: Turkey does not have a track-record as an honest broker, and President Erdoğan has an ideological agenda which does not value Somaliland’s democracy and security. It is crucial to broaden any such mediation beyond a single country.
Somaliland Chronicle: In your latest article you wrote about Turkish support for terrorism and specifically for Al-Shabaab. What is Turkey’s reasoning for supporting Al-Shabaab?
Mr. Rubin: There is no single international definition of terrorism, and so Turkey often says it is combating terrorism, but denies groups like Al-Shabaab in Somalia or Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in Mali are terrorists. Erdoğan’s goal is a more Islamist order. His fault, though, is confusing some Islamist movements with Islam itself.
Somaliland Chronicle: President Bihi recently met with a Turkish Envoy in charge of the Somaliland/Somalia talks, do you see any value in having Turkey to mediate or be part of those talks?
Mr. Rubin: Certainly, there is value in consultation with Turkey, as Turkey retains a diplomatic presence in both Somalia and Somaliland. President Bihi is correct, however, to seek a broader mediation rather than reliance on a single country.
As President Bihi informed the Turkish delegation, there is an imbalance in how Turkey provides and and invests in Somaliland and Somalia. Let’s break down what Turkey so far done in is to Somalia:
Turkey in Somalia
Security Influence
Turkey is Somalia’s true patron state, one of its most expensive efforts is to rebuild the Somali National Army from scratch and in its own image.
The largest military force in Somalia is of course AMISOM but Turkey’s military presence dwarfs that of any individual country in the AMISOM troops stationed in Somalia. In fact, Turkey’s largest military installation outside of Turkey is in Mogadishu.
Dr. Olgan Bekar with Somalia’s Prime Minister Hassan Khaire.
The 1.5 square mile Turkish military training installation is capable of churning out 1,500 fully trained and equipped soldiers at a time. This is according to Turkish and Somali sources familiar with the facility.
Below is a tweet from Turkish Embassy in Somalia showing images of Somali military personnel being trained in Turkey.
While Turkey rates as the 18th largest military in expenditure globally, it has a fledgling arms industry and rebuilding the Somali National Army represents a lucrative opportunity to supply it with the equipment it is manufacturing.
According to a recent VOA report, in what seems to be a clear violation of the United Nations Security Council’s weapons embargo on Somalia, Turkey has been supplying armament to units of the Somali National Army it has been training.
Public records show that Albayrak Group does not have a track record in managing world class ports, besides Mogadishu Port, it also manages and the Trabzon Port in the Black Sea on Turkey’s Northern border with Georgia.
Compared to Albayrak Group and the 2 ports it manages, DP World manages about 77 marine and inland terminals including Somaliland’s Berbera Port.
Other Turkish conglomerates such Enez-İnşaat and Kozuva Group are also active in Mogadishu.
Mogadishu’s Aden Abdulle Airport has been managed by a Kozuva subsidiery, Favori Airports LLC,since September 2013.
Mogadishu’s Aden Abdulle Airport
Here is the Somali Prime Minister Mr. Hassan Khaire thanking Qatar for funding road networks between Mogadishu, Afgoye and Jawhar and also thanking the Turkish Government, presumably Enez-İnşaat who according to him have “won” the contract to build said roads.
Turkey bills itself as Somalia’s rescuer and multiple visits by Erdoğan to Somalia especially in what is considered a relatively difficult time for the Somali people were designed to convey that exact message but economically, Turkey stands to gain more from Somalia and Mogadishu than it lets on.
Erdoğan and his wife in Mogadishu.
According to some estimates, the most profitable route in Turkish Airlines is the Mogadishu – Ankara route. And aside from the large visible projects, there are tens of thousands of Turkish citizens living and working in Mogadishu.
Getting involved in one of the least stable country in the world, Turkey is employing the concept of first mover advantage. This means less competition from the Chinese and other actors vying for influence in Africa.
Turkey heavy bet on Somalia and specifically Mogadishu is yielding economic results for Turkey beyond what Erdoğan has expected. In fact, Turkey’s largest embassy in the world is not where you would expect, like Washington DC, Brussels or Berlin, it is in Mogadishu, Somalia.
One of the most attractive features of Turkey’s patronage of Somalia is it is non-interference posture in Somalia’s domestic politics. It is worth nothing that Somalia ranked lowest in global corruption index and any country that is willing to look the other way is a welcome reprieve from the usual admonishment for President Farmajo’s weak administration.
Although this particular instance has been widely publicized by TIKA, Somaliland Chronicle has been unable to locate anything of note done in Somaliland either by Turkish Government or it is aid agency TIKA.
There are, however, multiple unfulfilled pledges by the Turkish Government in the past to help build roads in Somaliland according to multiple former and current Somaliland Government officials. None of these pledges have materialized.
One thing of note is that Turkey has been particularly adept in dangling a carrot of aid and development or simply inviting them to Istanbul on a whirlwind of meetings and tours to get them to buy into the importance of Somaliland and Somalia talks.
No other country has put so much effort to try to mediate Somaliland and Somalia as much as Turkey. In fact, this might be the only thing Turkey has done in Somaliland. There were many rounds of talks that hosted by the Turks in the past and personally supervised by President Erdoğan himself, unfortunately, these talks have been a disaster for Somaliland.
Turkey’s obsession with Somaliland is rooted in the simple fact that the rift between Gulf states of UAE and Saudi Arabia on one side and Qatar, Turkey and Iran on one side has been playing out in Somaliland and Somalia.
President of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi and DP World CEO Mr. Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem
The United Arab Emirates base in Berbera and DP World managing the Port gives the UAE and its ally Saudi Arabia an advantage and a foothold in the strategic 850 kilometers of Red Sea coastline with a direct access to Bab Al-mandab.
Turkey and Qatar has been spending heavily in trying to unseat the Emirates from both the military base and the Berbera Port by mobilizing the Somali government to oppose these deals. Additionally, Turkey has been advancing particular talking points that have been seeping into public discourse in Somaliland such as the importance of Somaliland – Somalia talks, the ramifications of hosting a foreign army in Somaliland via the UAE base and the deterioration of service at the Berbera Port. These same exact talking points are parroted by many civil organizations and opposition parties in Somaliland.
Somaliland has repeatedly signaled it’s willingness to talk to Somalia but its demand for the international community including the United States, United Kingdom and the European Union to get involved and President Bihi’s impossible task for the Turks to raise their level of support for Somaliland to something comparable to Somalia’s almost guarantees that Turkey’s role will be a lot smaller in future dialogue between the two countries.
President of Republic of Somaliland His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi and a high level delegation of ministers including the Chief of Staff of Somaliland’s Armed Forces are scheduled to arrive in Addis Ababa tomorrow February 20th, 2019 on an official state visit to meet with Ethiopian Prime Minister His Excellency Dr. Abiy Ahmed.
Sources close to the Somaliland Presidency, as well as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, confirm that the delegation is headed to Addis Ababa tomorrow on an official invitation from the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s office.
Somaliland Vice President with the Ministers of Finance and Interior.
President Bihi will also be accompanied by the Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hon. Mr. Yaasiin Maxamuud Xiir Faratoon, the Minister of Finance Hon. Sa’ad Ali Shire, the Minister of Commerce Hon. Mohamoud Hassan Saad (Saajin) and the Chief of Staff of Somaliland Armed Forces General Nuh Ismail Taani.
Somaliland Minister of Foreign Affairs Yasin Mahmoud Hiir and his delegation met with Assistant Secretary General for Political Affairs Tayé-Brook Zerihoun at the United Nations headquarters in New York City.
Though details about the meeting are scarce, according to experts and judging from the composition of the delegation travelling with President Bihi, it is likely that the two sides plan to discuss matters related to cross-border trade and security cooperation between Somaliland and Ethiopia.
While it’s rumored that there has been a lot of behind-the-scenes diplomacy ongoing between the leaders of the two neighbors since May of 2018, this will be the first in-person meeting between His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi and the Ethiopian Prime Minister His Excellency Dr. Abiy Ahmed.
President Bihi with General Taani (left)
While it’s rumored that there has been a lot of behind-the-scenes diplomacy ongoing between the leaders of the two neighbors for a while, this will be the first in-person meeting between His Excellency Muse Bihi Abdi and the Ethiopian Prime Minister His Excellency Dr. Abiy Ahmed since taking office in January last year.
Update
Somaliland President HE Muse Bihi Abdi arrives in addis Ababa.
President Muse Bihi arrives in Addis Ababa
According to a statement from the Ethiopian Prime Minister’s office the two sides discussed ” Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received at his office today the President of the Somaliland Administration H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi and his delegation. The two parties discussed on a number of key issues of mutual interest. “
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received at his office today the President of the Somaliland Administration H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi and his delegation. The two parties discussed on a number of key issues of mutual interest.
Somaliland’s cities are vibrant and
full of life and growth; why are the streets so dangerous? What do we need to
do to make sure that people can walk and drive without fear?
My
grandmother fled the civil unrest between Somalia and Somaliland as a single
mom, arrived in Canada as a refugee and finally saved enough money to move back
to Somaliland to build a nice little house near the downtown core of Hargeisa a
few years ago. Yet, she can’t walk over to her friends’ houses nearby or go to
the small store at the end of her street by herself without being seriously
afraid for her safety. She has to wait to have someone walk with her and drive
her to her destination.
Hargeisa
prides itself in being a city where one can walk and drive around freely
without fear of being attacked by Al-Shabaab. The people of Somaliland deserve
recognition for their commitment to peace and safety. However, Al-Shabaab is not the reason she’s afraid to leave her
house alone. Any family in Burco, Hargeisa, Berbera, or any of the larger
cities can tell you about an even more dire threat to people’s safety in
Somaliland, a seemingly innocent part of daily life with which we’re all
familiar: its roads.
As an urban
planner who loves the vibrant city of Hargeisa and proudly calls Somaliland her
ancestral home, the dangerously unregulated and poorly designed roads of
Somaliland’s cities are of serious concern to me. We all know someone who’s barely escaped death on Somaliland’s roads,
whether in a car crash, pedestrian accident, or the unnecessary crossing of the
treacherous doox. Car-related deaths
are an issue across the globe, but a vast majority of those occurring in
Somaliland are so obviously preventable that it breaks my heart to know how
many people we lose to these avoidable situations.
Somaliland Chronicle has already highlighted the dangers of Somaliland’s unregulated vehicles and road systems in their recent transportation-related series. I’d like to take the conversation further and discuss the dangers of walking and driving on Somaliland’s streets, particularly those in Hargeisa, and provide some suggestions for solutions from an urban planner’s perspective. As is the case with all planning-related issues, the transportation problems facing Somaliland are all interconnected. A detailed plan to resolve these issues would require more than just one guest writer on Somaliland Chronicle, but I’d like to briefly discuss two related-issues that stand out to me – the lack of pedestrian infrastructure and the general inadequate planning of streets in Somaliland – and potential opportunity for working on Somaliland’s streets in the future.
It’s
my belief that a significant amount of the issues faced by Somaliland and its
cities can trace their roots back to the lack of planning and transparent
governance. However, this article is by
no means a push for the implementation of an active city planning department or
zoning ordinances. Whether intentionally or not, outdated, Euclidean zoning
ordinances have led to racial segregation, dependence on automobiles, weak civic
environments, and environmental degradation in the United States and across the
world. Somaliland needs to put some
foundations in place and seriously consider participatory planning practices
before it embarks on that journey.
Lack
of Pedestrian-Friendly Roads
One of the areas
where the lack of planning and forethought in Somaliland’s roads by local
governments manifest is the pedestrian infrastructure – or lack thereof. As far
as I know, there are no sidewalks in Hargeisa that are accessible by all
people, actually get people where they need to go, and have all the
“amenities”, such as tactile warning strips, ramps, protection from vehicles
and street furniture, that sidewalks should have.
Of course, the roads in Somaliland themselves are not in good shape for vehicle use and that is a regular topic of discussion. However, it seems that everyone agrees that improvements to our transportation system are desperately needed. Despite the road improvements we’ve seen in Hargeisa in recent years, they have, unfortunately, not been comprehensive upgrades. Improvements for cars and trucks must also come with considerations for pedestrians: sidewalks, crosswalks, and street furniture. The majority of Hargeisa’s residents rely on walking as their mode of everyday transportation and without this infrastructure in place, the roads will never be safe for people to walk on. Pedestrian infrastructure must also be accessible for children, the elderly, and the disabled; this means that we must have curb ramps for anyone using assistive devices like wheelchairs or pulling a wheeled bag or trolley.
Same road for everyone and everything.
So, what can we do? I’d like to see the people that
witness unnecessary injury and death on our roads demand that accessible pedestrian
infrastructure is included when new road construction is being announced.
Demand that your streets are safe for all residents to access. Let your
representatives know that you want sidewalks with curb ramps and smooth, flat
surfaces so that our grandmothers don’t
have to worry about tripping. It’s
my hope that one day we’ll have the requirements for accessible and safe
pedestrian-friendly spaces included in local government ordinances, but until
that day comes, we must advocate for ourselves.
Trucks,
Pedestrians, Cars and Donkeys All on the Same Street?
The lack of pedestrian infrastructure is just part of the overall absence of planning done in Somaliland. Another one of the more visible manifestations of this inadequacy that is immediately obvious to anyone travelling on Hargeisa’s streets, whether in a car or on foot, is the merging of large delivery trucks, personal vehicles, the biyoole delivering water with their donkey, and people on their way to school, work or the market all on the same, badly-planned street.
What sidewalks?
Another one of the more visible manifestations of this inadequacy that is immediately obvious to anyone travelling on Hargeisa’s streets, whether in a car or on foot, is the merging of large delivery trucks, personal vehicles, the biyoole delivering water with their donkey, and people on their way to school, work or the market all on the same, badly-planned street.
While this
might come as a surprise for most people, from a modern transportation-planning
POV, this mix of modes of transportation is wonderful and is crucial to
sustainable urban development. However, if the parts of the street dedicated to
each mode aren’t properly planned and safety provisions like barriers and
traffic management aren’t incorporated, people will have to risk their lives on
a daily basis, regardless of which mode they use.
Complete
Streets for Hargeisa
So, how can
we solve these problems and create safer, dynamic and welcoming streets? I’m
advocating for the implementation of complete streets in Hargeisa and across
Somaliland.
The United
States Department of Transportation defines complete
streets as “streets designed and operated to enable safe use
and support mobility for all users. Those include people of all ages and
abilities, regardless of whether they are travelling as drivers, pedestrians,
bicyclists, or public transportation riders.” (https://www.transportation.gov/mission/health/complete-streets)
Courtesy of Bikemore.net
In many other
countries, the United States included, streets are designed to accommodate
certain modes of transportation (for example, highways are designed for motor
vehicles only; pedestrians and bicyclists are strictly forbidden, and understandably
so). However, in Somaliland it’s a different story. The now-outdated zoning and
transportation requirements that traditionally separated land uses and modes of
transportation in the 1950’s and 60’s in the United States haven’t materialized
in Somaliland. This kind of strict separation has led to sprawl and
unsustainable energy consumption in the United States today; many
municipalities are now working to remedy the mistakes of the past by
incorporating complete streets and mixed-use zoning. I’m grateful that this is
not a planning practice Somaliland has adopted, and I have hope that we can use
the natural mix of transportation modes we have on our streets today as an
advantage.
Some of the
benefits of complete streets include:
Increase in pedestrian safety (by incorporating high visibility
crosswalks, raised medians, and barriers between pedestrians on sidewalks and
higher velocity modes of transportation,
Encouragement
of bicycling and walking, helping people maintain more active lifestyles,
Promote
social health through the transformation of sidewalks and storefront areas into
accessible public spaces, and
Increase
in economic vitality of storefronts on complete streets through the
encouragement of safe, pedestrian activity on the street.
Potential
for Somaliland’s Streets
Clearly,
Somaliland needs comprehensive transportation planning. It also lacks the
legally binding urban design and planning regulations needed to ensure safe,
equitable design of its cities and streets. The issue seems daunting, but I am
hopeful that with people demanding comprehensive street improvements that
provide equal accessibility for all road users, our streets will become hubs
for sustainable transportation that is welcoming to all people, regardless of
age, disability or mode of transportation.
My ayeeyo survived being a single mom in Somalia in the 1970’s and 80s, genocidal attempts and resettlement in a foreign country. Hargeisa’s streets are now her biggest fear, and it’s heartbreaking to see how many older and disabled people’s lives are negatively affected by our lack of awareness and unwillingness to implement something as simple as pedestrian infrastructure in our largest city. Establishing complete streets to remedy the unsafe conditions, for both vehicles and pedestrians, on our streets is one way Somaliland can move forward.
About the Author Nasibah Elmi is a graduate student in an urban and regional planning masters program, specializing in environmental and land-use planning. She currently works on organic waste management and recycling programs for New York State. She has a B.A. in Globalization Studies and Spanish and is passionate about urban planning issues in the developing world. Her research interests include zoning reform, sustainable materials management, participatory politics, informal urban settlements, and environmental law and planning. In her free time, she enjoys reading historical fiction novels, hiking, baking, upcycling old materials into new décor and dabbling in hand embroidery. She can be reached at nasibah.elmi[at]gmail.com.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
