Somaliland Security: How a brazen religious zealots took over the Burao city government

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September 12, 2019

Lewis Center, Ohio—It’s a very rare in a male dominated and poverty stricken Somaliland for women to move head and run a business. But, a young woman worked hard and saved enough money to get a license to open for a 1,000 Sqft Warsan Ethiopian restaurant, in the dusty town of Burao. She even hired two female employees. However, last week, her dreams of serving the residents of Burao hit a wall after a local police SWAT team raided her business and shut down the restaurant, for failing to separate sexes. The police arrested her and the two of her employees, but they were all released later.

The local police were taking orders from a so-called Somaliland committee for the promotion of virtues and the prevention of vice (SCPVPV), which orchestrated the raid. This is un-elected religious zealots have kept a tight grip on the local government of Burao. The elected mayor, the police, the district attorney, and even courts are doing their bidding.

These religious vigilantes do mainly focus on harassing young women, people they do not like or who disagree with them or anyone they have a grudge against.

Somaliland has a lot problems that need to be addressed. We have rampant corruption in the business, faith and political leaders; the effect of chat and tobacco consumption on society, the problems of clan identity in our politics, and the allege sexual abuses and harassment or even rapes in the Madrasas or other school systems.Gender separation in the public is not one of them. The religious committee needs to focus things that will make the lives of ordinary people better.They should stop harassing women owned businesses.

Enjoining what is good and forbidding what is evil is not only the most important Islamic duties, but it also one the basic tenets of Islam.

In fact, in the Koran, Allah states, “Let there arise from you a group of people inviting to all that is good [Islam], enjoining Al-Ma’ruuf (all that slam 0rders), and forbidding Al-Munkar (all that Islam has forbidden). And is they who are the successful.” [ Al-Imran, 3:104]

I am not questioning their motives, but what is the troubling to me is the manner the members of the committee of promotion of virtues and prevention of vice conduct themselves on their mission of spreading the good and warnings against the evil things.

Instead of calling people with wisdom and fair preaching, as Prophet Mohammed (SWT), used to do, they’re using a brute police force—which reminds many people the Faqash era repressive tactics. We just liberated the country from a vile dictatorship. Most people still remember midnight raids of the para-military police force and the abuses of the savage “Guul-wadayaal.”

Also, with the aiding and abetting of the local government, they banned from local hotels, restaurants and shopping places, events where gender were not separated. They also banned music and even Somaliland national anthem from all venues.

For instance, on October, 2013, the popular Somaliland band, The Horn Stars, planned to stage a concert with all ticket sold out at local hotel in Burao. Unfortunately, the event turned into mayhem: A group of paid thugs from religious committee smashed most of the vehicles at the parking lot of the hotel, and 9 people were injured. The police never interfered or arrested anyone regarding the injuries people suffered or the destruction of the properties.

Who is to make decision or laws about behaviors that is acceptable or forbidden ‘Haram’ under sharia-law: Our legislature or a brazen remnants of the Islamic Courts group?

In Somaliland, do we have on the books laws or statues requiring gender separation in all public places, including restaurants, shopping or work places?

For the sake of this argument, if we have laws requiring gender separation, then the young lady is violated our laws. Consequently, she must comply the law if she wants to continue to operate her restaurant. Period.

However, as far as I know, there are no laws in Somaliland, requiring gender separation in public places or banning playing music at weddings ceremonies—the most important event in a human event other than a birth of child or other social gatherings.

In Burao—what we got is a complete breakdown of the chain of the command of the police. The Burao police have been compromised like the way organized crime syndicates infiltrate local police force.

It is prudent for the Interior Minister, Col. Kahin, who hails from East Burao, and the commander of the Somaliland police force, to do a complete thorough investigation how a fanatic religious committee took over the whole Burao city government and the police unit.

There must be accountability; we can’t compromise national security matters. If the Interior Ministry fails to shut down this brazen militant group—many people would assume that they’re a state- sanctioned organization.

There are reports that it receives funding and guidance from the Ministry of Religious affairs. More troubling, there are also credible allegations that it got funding from foreign entities as well as businesses, which used to finance remnants of the Islamic Courts and al-Shabaab.

The Agenda of the emboldened religious militant group is bigger than taking over the Burao city government. They have branches all over Somaliland towns and villages. They do not believe our constitution; they hate our system of government, our flag and our country. They’re very determined to bring down Somaliland and takeover our government under the guise of protecting Islam or clan identity.

The thuggish religious committee is not only abuses women, but it also the reason why many from Burao area in the diasporas have decided not to settle or open business in their home city.

However, I am praying for them to change their behavior and conduct because our faith is a religion of mercy, and Allah is the most merciful. But we must not be complacent against those who are trying to harm Somaliland. We must stop them before their narrow Wahabi interpretation of Islam poison the rest of the country. We must also be vigilant and protect our freedom because Somaliland is under siege.

About the Author
Ali-Guban Mohamed is a freelance Journalist and the
Editor of Gubanmedia.com. He is based out of Lewis Centre, Columbus, Ohio.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

They Wish to See a Democracy in Decline

By

Staff

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September 12, 2019

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Less than a month from the day it was established, a 12-member loosely formed coalition of so-called independent civil society organizations, published a briefing entitled: “THE CHALLENGES OF DEMOCRATISATION PROCESS IN SOMALILAND: THE WAY FORWARD.” It opens with a summary that states its purpose as “to provide essential information regarding the challenges facing the democratization process of Somaliland and to recommend steps to be taken to address challenges and learn from past lessons.” Before proceeding to the rest of the report, an attentive reader may stumble on the strange choice of words in its purpose – that it does not aim, for instance, to discuss challenges to democratization in Somaliland, but rather to provide“essential information” regarding these challenges.

A subtle question should have occurred to the drafters of the report: Can there ever be such a thing as “essential information” on any of the democratic challenges Somaliland faced in the past, faces in the present, and will undoubtedly face in the future? Building institutions of democratic governance is a time intensive process. It is afluid process rather than a static condition. Institutions evolve over time and adapt to changing times and circumstances. As a British sergeant once observed, “Somalis no good, each man his own chief.” It seems these days that some civil society organizations in Somaliland are no good; they are their own experts. They can sit somewhere, get their heads together to make “sense” of the most important issues of the day, refer to a recently published survey or report, and come up with an “analysis” and a set of recommendations – to everybody else, except for themselves.

Without using any indicators to support their views, the authors of the report make bold claims: that the civic space started shrinking, that the line between civil society and government became blurred, and that Somaliland’s democracy is in decline. It would have been fine if they remained consistent and stood by that “assessment,” but the same paragraph makes a counter-claim and asserts that Somaliland “remains a leading democratic country in a turbulent region.” This is a contradiction. If you see that the civic space has shrunk, the line between government and civil society has blurred, and our democracy is indeed in decline, how can you at the same time think that Somaliland is “a leading democracy” irrespective of its geographic location? The group, it seems, is confused and cannot present a consistent, well-articulated case to make their point.

The briefing divides the course of Somaliland’s recent democratic history into three “phases”: A clan-based selection phase (1991 to 2001); a good-days phase (2001 to 2008); and a less definitive third phase (2008 to current). It seems that arbitrary phases are being imposed on Somaliland’s post-1991 democratic experience. But the same “phases” may not serve the group’s intended purpose. Between 2001 and 2008, we held three elections: local council, presidential, and parliamentary. From 2008 to the present, three more elections were held: two presidential (2010 and 2017) and local council elections in 2012. One may genuinely ask why one period, 2001 to 2008, should look any better than another, say 2008 to 2017, while the same number of elections were held in both? The group made no attempt to understand why elections are often delayed in the first place. Contrary to what the group would want us to think, extending office terms may not be that bad. If given the choice between holding elections no matter what and delaying them for the right reasons, it is my bet that a substantial majority of Somalilanders would choose the second option. Holding peaceful, free and fair elections is not like ticking boxes in a checklist.

What is disturbing is that the country in the greater East Africa region to peacefully hold the highest number of elections since the early 1990s when the cold war ended, and that has successfully resolved internal conflicts with no external aid, is now being admonished that its internal legitimacy and external democratic credentials are at stake by a dubious group of civil society organizations. Are they right?

Somaliland is seen as legitimate by its citizens. It regained its independence in 1991 at the grand conference in Burao. “As a polity,” Marleen Renders writes in her book Consider Somaliland, “Somaliland began as an agreement between the different clans and subclans of the Northwest. After two spells of intra-Isaaq civil war and elder-brokered peace agreements, Somaliland remained peaceful and proceeded to introduce a modern political system, while holding on to a formal political role for its traditional leaders.” A state with a hybrid political system was born perhaps for the first time in Africa. And as The Economist observed on the eve of the 2017 presidential election, Somaliland “has a strong sense of national identity.” Somaliland, it noted, is more socially homogeneous than Somalia or indeed most other African states (and greater homogeneity tends to mean higher levels of trust between citizens). Unlike most African countries, “the social contract between government and citizens in Somaliland is unusually strong”.

The claim that Somaliland’s international credentials are at stake is also ill founded. In 1999, as The Economist reports, Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal argued that recognition would be dependent on the country’s pursuit of democracy. He proceeded to devise a constitution that was put to a popular referendum in 2001, the newspaper observes. It’s interesting to note that “for fear of encouraging other separatist movements in the region,” as The Economist puts it, “the international community, following the African Union, has never obliged.” Exactly after twenty years when Egal had made that argument, and not following Mohamed Ibrahim Egal in any meaningful sense but by sheer coincidence, our civil society originations would want us to naively believe that the pursuit of democracy will help us gain recognition from other countries, many of them undemocratic. History, if anything, proves that argument wrong. The current group went even further: they declared that our young democracy is in decline simply because elections are sometimes held behind schedule. But let’s not confuse building democratic governance as an end in itself with employing democracy as a means to achieve international recognition.

The decision to hold elections, when and how – or not having them at all – is a collective, political decision, not a legal one. Given its emphasis on the importance of reforming electoral and other laws, it seems that the ill-informed group does not realize the distinction between the political and the legal. While there are overlaps, one is not the same as the other. Holding parliamentary and/or local council elections this or next year, for example, will remain a political issue and not a legal problem. Political parties will have to come together and reach a consensus before they compete for seats in the House of Representatives and in Local Councils. If anything, this shows a robust, growing democracy that has yet to reach a peak, not one that is in decline.

References:

1. Renders, Marleen Consider Somaliland: State-Building with Traditional Leaders and Institutions, Brill (2012).

2. The Economist, Why Somaliland is east Africa’s strongest democracy, Nov. 13, 2017.

The views expressed are my own, and don’t represent those of the Ministry of Justice.

About the Author
Abdirahman Sheikh Hassan is the Director General of the Ministry of Justice and can be reached at @musaabaqo

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

How Somalia’s Pen is Mightier Than Somaliland’s Sword

By

Staff

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September 8, 2019

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It’s been nearly three decades since the Republic of Somaliland re-asserted its independence by declaring the end of its unratified fusion (not union) with Somalia Italiana, the voluntary act that formed the Somali Republic on July 1^st, 1960 and preceded the October coup d’état of 1969 that ushered in the brutal Barre regime. Unless you are an impassioned supporter of the Republic of Somaliland, these are basic facts fundamental to Somaliland’s quest for formal recognition you would have to sift through a dizzying field of conjecture to serendipitously unearth. While only one version of history is documented, multiple revisionist versions of the recent history of the Horn of Africa have been allowed to proliferate and permeate uncontested through the clever use of language, and carefully crafted narratives that trace their roots back to the Barre regime’s mass-indoctrination. This loaded and contrived language based on a demonstrably false and spun version of history, is even oft adopted and inadvertently repeated by ardent proponents of Somaliland’s formal recognition (including its government and officials).

Republic of Somaliland is mislabelled either as “separatist,” “autonomous,” “self-proclaimed,” “breakaway,” “secessionist,” “unrecognised,” “De Facto,” “part of Somalia,” or “a one-clan enclave” amongst many other false labels by re-fusionists (not unionists), when in reality it already successfully withdrew from the failed and unratified fusion with Somalia Italiana through its unilateral declaration and re-assertion of its sovereignty on May 18^th, 1991. While this declaration dissolving the 1960-fusion with Somalia Italiana may not be formally recognised at the time of writing, it is recognised in practice by a growing list of countries that are privy to the reality on the ground, and the irreversible re-separation of the former member countries that were fused together to form the Somali Republic. You see the Republic of Somaliland, is in fact De Jure (not De Facto);its legal argument is based on international law, customs, norms and conventions (as it fulfils all the requirements of the Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States). It is also literally, legally and technically already recognised (albeit informally) through its various sovereign interactions with a constantly growing list of its fellow sovereign states of the international community. Irrespective of political persuasion, factual recognition is not contingent on formal recognition (which is subject to the political interests and whims of members of the international community), nor are the two mutually exclusive. These basic facts have been muddied by a cabal of perfidious re-fusionists behind a concerted effort to coalesce others into adopting their doctored and self-serving narrative (more on that later).

The Republic of Somaliland is based on the former Protectorate of British Somaliland (1884-1960) that shares its boundaries, citizens and history with the same entity that was senior to Somalia Italiana when the two formed the Somali Republic in 1960. This territory included all that fell within its internationally recognised borders as its citizens, which contrary to the false “one-clan enclave” claim included over 13 tribes that are native to its boundaries. On attaining recognition on June 26^th of that fateful year, this same entity with 76-years of a unique and documented modern history was formally recognised by thirty-five countries internationally before voluntarily fusing with Somalia Italiana without much forethought. The new entity they formed was the Somali Republic, which later morphed into the ironically named Somali Democratic Republic under Barre’s Faqash military rule in 1969. Somaliland has never been a part of “Somalia” at any point in history, nor were the inhabitants of either country ever united in any shape or form – at any time in history – prior to the colonial era that preceded the fusion of Somaliland and Somalia Italiana. Much to the chagrin of emotion-driven anti-colonial revisionists, the largest unification of ethnic-Somalis actually occurred as a direct result of colonial involvement in the 19^th century. Even the internationally ubiquitous nickname “Somalia” is a shortened version of the Somalia Italiana moniker gifted to Somalians along with their flag through Italian colonisation, a history and experience in which the people of Somaliland (Somalilanders) were nonparticipant. Considering Somaliland to be or have ever been a part of “Somalia” is akin to considering Ireland, Wales or Scotland to be England; a patently false assertion or notion. The simple fact is that the concept of a great, homogenous and ethnically united Somali entity, is mostly Barre-era tribal-propaganda and spin (digested without much rational thought and) repeated by surviving Faqash & Neo-Faqash jingoists; a majority of whom are blissfully unaware they have co-opted a tribal cause that does not serve Somalis as we pursue a universal peace in the horn.

This brings us to the Greater Somalia concept, and the language its re-fusionist advocates have masterfully reanimated and injected into the mainstream. The idea of Greater Somalia sprung from the Pan-African movements of the mid 20^th century, but was immediately and completely appropriated by a certain tribalistic subset who wanted to unite their entire clan under one flag and country. These people existed in both the former British Somaliland and Somalia Italiana, and were the driving force behind their unity in the Somali Republic. For brevity; the virulent and expansionist Pan Somalia or “Greater Somalia” ideology is essentially a politically-correct euphemism for a primitive and tribal ideology fervently supported and clung-to by adherents of only one ethnic-Somali clan, and completely abandoned by others who bore the brunt of the failures of its failed expansionism (not irredentism) that led the Ethio-Somali and Shifta Wars. The tribally motivated concept has permutated into a newly concocted “cause” of uniting this same single clan which was (and still is) a minority of all “Shanta Soomaali” (or the five-Somali States) in the 19^th century. This one-clan-driven yearning and desire is at the expense of all the other peace-loving Somali clans, and regional stability in the Horn of Africa. Hardliners from this clan obsessively push their one-clan Greater Somalia agenda under the guise of collective patriotism and Somali nationalism, when in reality it is just a tribal construct that has been deserted by all other clans. Like them, all ethnic-Somali clans in the Horn of Africa are also split across multiple international borders, but they do not share the one-clan’s ideology and fervorous interest in tribal borders and a “unification” that places their political unity above the needs of their fellow ethnic-Somalis and ethnicities they share Kenya, Ethiopia and “Somalia” with.

It’s not much of a secret that the most vocal and vociferous re-fusionist (not unionists) and expansionist supporters of Pan Somalia primarily consist of a minority of Somalilanders, Kenyans and Ethiopians hailing from the above-unmentioned clan, and their diaspora members that unfortunately believe in their supremacy over other Somali clans (which they carefully mask as ethnic-Somali supremacy and nationalism). They are heavily supported by only their Somalian clan-counterparts in the Puntland province (the only exclusively one-clan entity in Africa and the world), and a few indeliberate members of other clans who have adopted an ideology pernicious to the collective interest of all ethnic-Somalis, non-Somali natives of “Somalia” and its neighbours. This single-clan ideology further popularised by Siad Barre through the propaganda machine of his Faqash regime, and once again popularised by his cockalorum nephew and unelected Somalian “President” Mohamed Abdi (Farmaajo) on his selection in 2017. It is this small-core and cabal of tribalists that have enjoyed much success in beating Republic of Somaliland into submission by setting the terms and language of Somaliland’s quest for recognition. By embedding their transplanted language in Somaliland’s diction and verbiage mistakenly rote-adopted in both casual and formal interactions and communications; Somalilanders have been made unwitting advocates for re-fusionism, the biggest threat to Republic of Somaliland’s sovereignty.

With so much at stake, it’s imperative Somaliland cuts the unchecked and unabated circulation of self-defeating and incorporated language in all its forms in both public and private communication (beginning with its elected government). There’s also an exigent and existential obligation and duty to halt Somaliland’s disposition towards mild-mannered and complacent diplomacy, by adopting a critical paradigm shift away from the use of meek defensive language that obfuscates its ambitions, and it’s crucial we correct any terminology that is self-defeating. The intellectually dishonest narrative from Barre’s Faqash era must not serve as the only linguistic dichotomy outside observers are familiar with, and the responsibility falls on all Somalilanders to defeat Faqash hyperbole. While no one is infallible, and English may not be the first language of Somalis, it’s still shocking that the Republic of Somaliland – a former British Protectorate – is regularly trounced in the strategic use of English by their neighbour and former Italian-speaking colony. This heavily one-sided rarely clandestine verbal maneuvering by Somalians and re-fusionists, must be countered to shed our naïve deference.

Below are some suggestions, but not a panoply or definitive list of corrections that can serve as a general idea of where Somaliland can begin to bring the narrative closer to the historical truth.

Correct Term/Usage	Incorrect Term/Usage
“Somalia”	Somalia
Amisom Protectorate of Somalia	Federal Republic of Somalia
Ethnic-Somali	Somali
Expansionism	Irredentism
Faqash	Supporters of Barre Regime & Dictatorship
Fuse	Unite
Fusion	Union
Genocide	Massacre, tribal skirmishes
Madaxweyne aan la dooran	Madaxweynaha
Neighbours	The south, southern(ers)
Neo-Faqash	Offspring and new supporters of Faqash Regime
Puntland Province	Puntland
Re-fusionists	Unionists
Re-Independence (on 18, May 1990)	Independence (on 18, May 1990)
Re-Separate	Separate
Republic of Somaliland	Somaliland (state of “Somalia”?)
Selected (when for Somalian official)	Elected (when for Somalian official)
Separation	Secession
Somalian	Somali
Somaliland	The North, northern
Somaliland-Somalia bilateral talks	Somaliland-Somalia talks
Somalilander	Northerner, northern
State Sponsored Genocide	Civil-War
The Elected President of Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency	Somaliland Leader
Unelected Somalian “President”	President of Somalia
Unelected Somalian Government	Federal Government of Somalia

Furthermore, as “Somalia” does not recognise Republic of Somaliland and puts its name in quotes shouldn’t we also do the same? Does the fact Somaliland refuses to respond in kind mean Republic of Somaliland recognises Somalia (which includes it as Somaliland State)? This is yet another example hurdles we must overcome. Many in Republic of Somaliland will obstinate and show reluctance to consider or make these changes, out of fear of appearing cantankerous or dramatic from a strictly-Somalian perspective, the same perspective that has all too easily confined Republic of Somaliland to “breakaway region” status since 1991. The literal fear of Somalian and Neo-Faqash derision is what has held our case back (along with our own naivete and ignorance). Heck, half of Somaliland was so confused they celebrated a Somalian football victory because their identity has been confused through language.

Somaliland’s sword (military might) may currently be sharper than their Somalian counterparts’, but Siad Barre (through his indoctrinated Neo-Faqash minions) is still beating them into submission from beyond the grave decades-later through the power of the pen.

About the Author
Abdi Abdillahi is a Civil Engineer based in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Breaking – President Bihi Departs for an Official visit to Djibouti

By

Staff

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September 3, 2019

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The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi is departing today to the neighboring country of Djibouti on an official visit.

Though Somaliland has enjoyed a warm relationship with the Republic of Djibouti in the past and many Somaliland government agencies have a close working relationship with their counterparts in Djibouti, President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh has forged a closer bond with Somalia and its President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo.

*President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh in Mogadishu on March 2019*

Djibouti is Somaliland’s primary strategic and economic rival due to their access to the strait of Bab-el-Mandeb strait and being the supply route to Ethiopia’s landlocked population.

This would be the second visit President Bihi visits Djibouti since assuming office. He has previously visited Djibouti as a Presidential candidate.

Officials in Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation declined to confirm or comment on the President’s visit to Djibouti or provide any details on the President’s Agenda.

Exclusive – Unidentified Spy Plane Surveys Somaliland

By

Staff

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September 1, 2019

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On Sunday August 25th, a Beechcraft Super King Air 350 aircraft took off from Djibouti and crossed on to Somaliland airspace.

Unlike many of the other flights using Somaliland airspace that day, this was the only unidentified flight without a call sign or a registered serial number. A standard practice for flights operated by military or intelligence services.

The aircraft unusual flight pattern started to zigzag over an area of Awdal region, making several passes over the same area before it proceeded to an area parrallel to Arabsiyo and North of Hargeisa , an area east of Lughaya on the coast before reaching an area between Berbera and Sheikh and conducting the same a repetitive flight over a small area.

Borama, Lughaya and Hargeisa surveyed areas
Berbera surveyed areas
Flight Altitude and speed

Most commercial flights cruise at 35000 feet but this particular plane maintained an altitude of 19 to 22000 ft and averaged 200 kts ground speed during most of its flight.

Flight path of unidentified aircraft (BE30) in Somaliland airspace.

Beech Master aircraft has been the standard special mission platform fielded by many NATO pact militareis around the world and most notably the United States whose Africa Command is based out of Djibouti.

Beech Master aircraft are capable of carrying an array of sophisticated surveillance equipment including Cameras, Lidar, and LOROP for Photography and Mapping.

The date of this flight coincides with an article by Michael Rubin of the American Enterprise Institute on the National Interest magazine in which he implored the United States to consider setting up military bases in Somaliland.

United States has not expressed a formal interest in a military base in Somaliland though the type of aircraft and where it originated makes the United States the most likely country to own this plane.

Somaliland government officials would not confirm or deny the flight and declined to comment on if prior authorization has been sought for this flight.

The Bihi Presidency At A Crossroads

By

Staff

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August 30, 2019

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The Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi has just returned from making the Hajj pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia. Whilst in Saudi Arabia, he was met with and was rightly accorded the protocol of a Head of State. The social media images of the President aiding his elderly mother around Mecca and Medina not only highlighted his filial duties, but also, showed the humane side of a man often termed as stern, stubborn, unsentimental and strict.

The visit to Saudi Arabia concluded with several meetings with senior Saudi Arabian government officials and a well organized gathering with Somaliland community in the Kingdom. There were those among his supporters and detractors who will mention the lack of meeting with the Saudi monarch or crown prince, but, since Somaliland doesn’t currently enjoy de-jure recognition, it was felt that instead of the large ceremonial gathering with the Saudi monarch, a more productive meeting with Saudi Arabian decision makers would be more of a benefit to Somaliland.

As for that “infamous” photograph, it was a goodwill gesture on President Bihi’s part used for by the rogues in Mogadishu for infantile public relations stunt.

So, it was after this remarkable journey to the Hajj and it’s productive diplomatic elements, that President Muse Bihi returned home to a warm welcome and even a warmer political climate. Because, for all the diplomatic and personal glow from the Saudi trip, the presidency of Muse Bihi Abdi is at a crossroads.

The president has returned to the ongoing political stalemate pertaining to the parliamentary and local council elections. The president has returned to the ongoing situation with the Caare insurgency in the mountains of Sanaag. The president has returned to the howls of indignation from his communities in Somaliland who feel marginalized or worse, victimized by the central government, Ceel-Afweine. The president has returned to daily incursion by the rag-tag militia affiliated with the neighboring Somali state of Puntland and defections by Somaliland soldiers from the community in and around Badhan.

President Muse Bihi has often stated that “he doesn’t mind criticism, because he had been in opposition all his life. That he welcomes constructive criticism and is willing to debate and engage all opponents through dialogue and discussion”. This is all very commendable, but if one doesn’t, much like history, learn from criticism, then what is point of being open to it?

The advice given to this President from many of his more seasoned advisers and more importantly from previous Presidents was, “Don’t isolate yourself, beware of the many, many, people who will trade on your name or position, be a politician, be flexible, be thick skinned, be strong, but most of all be generous, patient and accommodating”.

Now, I am sure, President Muse Bihi has taken aboard most of this advice, and has acted upon it. However, you still get the sense, that there are those among his own community, who keep whispering to him, “It has taken us a long time to reach this office, don’t be weak, don’t give in, don’t do that, or this, etc”. I could be wrong. I am sure the majority of the Somalilanders who voted for President Muse Bihi in 2017 were not all from his own community, because they voted for a strong leadership to roll back the malaise and corruption of the previous administration.

However, if some voted for the President on community basis, well, after almost two years, not even they bargained for the current predicaments facing the country.

Don’t get me wrong, President Muse Bihi has achieved many laudable gaols. I am a great supporter of the National Service. “Shaqo Qaran”. I think it is a wonderful programme that will build self-confidence, self-awareness, knowledge of self, the country and it’s people, in our youth. But, even then this programme has become tainted with nepotism and corruption.The President has campaigned to stop corruption, even sacking some high profile ministers over, alleged, accusation of fraud. The President has also carried on with the DP World Berbera project, The Berbera Corridor, and constituted a more focused approach on agriculture, education, health, fishing, commerce and industry, which are starting to show some results.

There have also been several historic diplomatic successes during the President’s term in office, the recent visit to the Republic of Guinea, comes to mind.

But, where the President, in my opinion, must receive a failing grade or if we are being generous, “must improve”, is domestic political policy.

One of the most important government agencies in Somaliland, is the Home ministry. This ministry is in charge of everything within our borders, from Police, Security, Local regions, etc,etc. It is clear that the current minister, Mohamed Kahin Ahmed, is not up to the job. The president remains loyal to his fellow party stalwart, brother-in-arms, and friend. It is laudable that the President shows loyalty to his colleagues and friends, but, Somaliland must be above friendships.

If the friendship and loyalty between President Muse Bihi Abdi and Minister Mohamed Kahin Ahmed is as strong as we believe it to be, then the truth between friends should not be painful. Minister Kahin is simply not up to the task.

The other torn in the president’s side is the current parliament and it’s destitution. Somaliland has now the longest sitting parliament, without elections, (14 years, 5000+ days), since the “Long parliament of 1642-1653” during the English civil war that cost a King his head. The House of Elders has been sitting for more than three decades ( 30 years) without reform. This is embarrassing!

And the worst thing about this situation is not because of a lack of will, support, logistics, data, or due to war, pestilence, drought or worse, but of leadership. The democratic credentials and progression of the country are being held hostage by “parliamentarians” who will not enact the bills to hold elections, by a political party afraid of losing it’s seats and majority in the house, by a opposition party afraid to trust the process, and by politicians who don’t want see their lucrative careers came to an end.

Finally, we come to the most alarming failure in domestic political policy. The blatant disregard for the law by both the government and the citizens which is leading to the fragmentation of the society.

We have the absurd situation in Somaliland, of a self enthroned “Boqor” raising militias and causing havoc in Sanaag. We have a renegade Colonel in the mountains, we are seeing soldiers from certain communities in the east bolting the country!

Mr. President, Somaliland is not just the corridor between, Gabiley, Hargeysa, Burco, Boorama and Berbera. You need to look east. You need to go there, base yourself there, and once and for all, remedy the situation.

We also need to invest in the quest for international de-jure recognition. Somaliland is blessed with many talented, urbane, influential and educated people, both at home and abroad. The indefatigable Edna Aden cannot to do it all alone. Empower our representatives abroad to take initiatives, engage the international communities. We need to lobby extensively. We have a strong and just case, and should not feel embarrassed to lobby.

I have a great empathy with President Muse Bihi Abdi, because deep down, like all of us, he loves his country and it’s people. All of its people. He just has to show that in deeds rather than words. The president must make sure that the elections take place. That those who feel marginalized become included. That equality, justice and freedoms are protected. That we do not cast “Maandeeq” away, again, like we did in 1960.

For all those old enough to have grown up, educated and worked in the region during the ill-fated union know there will always be social, cultural and even economic ties, but not political ties. There is a Somali saying ”Waa habeen xalay tagay”.

Wa Bilaahi Towfiiq

About the Author
Ahmed Kheyre is based in London, UK and can be reached @ ruraledcomm[at]yahoo.co.uk

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Somaliland: Our Defense Forces Are Above Politics And Tribalism

By

Staff

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August 28, 2019

0

The people of Somaliland support their Defence Forces and it’s members. Let no one be in any doubt about that. Our Defence Forces are one of the pillars of the nation’s existence. Without them, there is no peace, security or safety. They are and have always been above politics and tribalism.

Even before military rankings were instituted among our Defence Forces, the chain of command was based on mutual respect, experience and obedience. This will never change.

Our Defence Forces have grown, and have become more professional thanks to the support of our friends in the international community and our neighbours in Ethiopia. They have more training, they have more logistics and hardware, but most important of all, they continue to have the confidence and support of the Somaliland population.

And rightly so, because we are going to need them. Let no one be in any doubt that the weak entity in Mogadishu and it’s subcontractors in the region, are gearing up for and will sooner or later, try to engulf Somaliland in another civil war. Do not be under any misapprehension. Our enemies have never left, and are bidding their time.

The issue with the Colonel Caare is unfortunate. It is political and tribal. We have seen this situation before and it was resolved peacefully. But, what makes this situation even more perilous is the intransigence on both sides. There has to be a give and take. We have not came this far to start bickering and fighting among each other.

What is needed is real leadership and we need to use the Somaliland formula; dialogue, discussion and consensus.

Unfortunately, our political leadership, not just from our President, Muse Bihi, but also our opposition leaders, Abdirahman Irro or Faisal Ali Warabe, seem be overlooking the main thing. Somaliland.

As the nation progresses and conditions improve, have we become complacent?. Have we returned to old ways of internal community bickering? This is unacceptable. Do we have such a short memory? Our three branches of government must work. We have to turn away from community elders outside the House of Elders interfering in everything. What on earth is the Guurti for?

We need to reform our institutions in order to strengthen the foundations of our country. We need to hold the prospective parliamentary elections. Get some youth and vigour into the system. We need to reform the Guurti. We need to protect the rights of our citizens. We need to fight corruption. We need to maintain unity among all our communities. And most of all, we need to defend, support and encourage our Defence Forces.

Somaliland is the be all and end all. We must not be distracted by petty party politics, simmering community issues and grandstanding.

This is not the task of the President alone, it is a task for all Somalilanders.

Wa Bilaahi Towfiiq

.

About the Author
Ahmed Kheyre is based in London, UK and can be reached @ ruraledcomm[at]yahoo.co.uk

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

GEOSOL: How Mayor SOLTELCO and his Friends Plan to Make Millions in Unlawful Taxes from Hargeisa Property Owners.

By

Staff

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August 28, 2019

0

On March 26th, 2018 President of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi unveiled a program by Hargeisa Municipality to modernize and manage property and land using geographic information system or GIS.

President of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi at the inauguration of the GEOSOL project.

Before we delve into the details of the history of GIS in Somaliland, GEOSOL and how it’s connection to the Mayor of Hargeisa Mr. Abdirahman Mahmoud Aidid SOLTELCO, let us understand how a GIS system would benefit Somaliland in many aspects from simple navigation to infrastructure development and town planning.

Somaliland might be one of the last countries on earth without actual home addresses, especially in main population centers and as a result, the National Identification and driver’s licenses lack an actual place of domicile.

Emergency services, whether medical and fire would not be effective without the ability to locate a victim or the address of the house that is on fire. And while Somaliland has one of the highest adoption rates of mobile communication, emergency services cannot locate subjects via GPS.

It is important to understand that this report is not about the importance of GIS and how beneficial its proper implementation would be for Somaliland and its development, instead our report focuses on the likelihood of success of this project given the record of Hargeisa Mayor and his local council during their tenure.

Esri Case Study: California Governor’s Office of Emergency Services (Cal OES)

Brief History of GIS in Somaliland

Efforts to create GIS systems in Somaliland has been ongoing since the late 1990s by multiple UN and International NGOs. The first joint effort was started by UNHCR in collaboration with UNDOS even though it was not detailed enough for urban management and navigation.

UNHABITAT has created a GIS based land management system for many municipalities in Somaliland including Hargeisa as far back as 2004.

Existing GIS office in Hargeisa Local Government.

This is how the project is described “UN-HABITAT set up a Geographic Information System (GIS) and did a pilot land survey in Gebiley, Somaliland. A second pilot survey followed in Burao during the first half of 2003. However, the programme’s GIS and land management component fully took off with the setting up of an Urban Land Information System in Hargeisa in 2004. Experts first vectorized a high-resolution satellite image of the city, digitized all the properties and building blocks visible on screen, and then organized a door-to-door housing survey to gather information on each building’s status.”

It is unclear if the company plans to undertake the actual mapping of Hargeisa and will create the GIS data sets from scratch or will rely on the work previously completed by UNHABITAT.

The Company – GEOSOL

The company tasked with the monumental task of modernizing Hargeisa municipality with GIS-based land management system and an E-Government platform for citizen services is GEOSOL.

In one of their many presentations, the company claimed that its leadership had 45 years of combined expertise in “Business strategy, execution, and technical solutions” and they have managed operations of over 200 million dollars.

The company has zero track record and was only registered in Somaliland on December 2017. Efforts to locate it in foreign company registries were unsuccessful.

Other than the multiple presentations with Hargeisa municipality and meeting with various government officials, there is not a lot of information about the company or its principals to assess the chances of success of this project.

GEOSOL team with Somaliland Vice President and Hargeisa Deputy Mayor.

There is no record of a public bid by Hargeisa Municipality and we could not locate project document including cost estimates, duration or any other specifics.

On the local council, there was not much of a debate or discussion of the project except a lengthy and incoherent speech made the Deputy Mayor of Hargeisa that included the need to catch up with Dubai and its upcoming self-driving vehicles which he correctly stipulated that a GIS system is a key to achieving it.

Few local council members spoke on the same session but they mainly complained about the fact that this was the first time they were hearing about the project and that no specifics.

Promise them the Moon

According to company presentations, the project has two facets: create a GIS system for land management and an E-Government component for citizen services including tax collection.

Related image — Somaliland’s Chief Justice Adam Haji Ali

One thing the company promises is that it will map Hargeisa with great accuracy and that it will virtually eliminate land dispute and help unclog the court system. This is the reason the project is said to have the full support of Somaliland’s Chief Justice Adam Haji Ali.

Also, the company says it will convert existing land and property deeds into new immutable documents that will be hard to forge; it is unclear what that will entail.

The system will include a component that will be used by public notaries, presumably for property and land deed transfer from one owner to another.

The E-Government component, according to the company will offer a full range of services to citizens and will enable them to follow the progression of their case in a modern workflow system. In addition, the system will create financial transparency.

GEOSOL is trying to branch out to other areas and has met with the Minister of Finance Dr. Saad Ali Shire on a possible venture to help his ministry collect taxes.

Hidden Price Tag

One of the mysteries of this project is that no one knows how much it will cost perhaps except GEOSOL and the Mayor and they have not shared that information with the public including the Hargeisa local council, Ministry of Interior or the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology.

What we do know, however, is that when the project was unveiled by the Mayor and his Deputy to the local council, a budget of 3 million dollars was added to the 2018 municipal budget. It is unclear how much of the three million has been disbursed to GEOSOL.

According to multiple Hargeisa councilmen who spoke on condition of anonymity, the Mayor has signed with GEOSOL a 20-year agreement that will institute a new set of fees that will be added to city services including annual property taxes. The fee is intended to help the company recoup the funds it has invested in the project. They added that the Mayor and his Deputy are silent partners of GEOSOL.

To get a buy-in from many government officials for approving projects, in Somaliland, it is an open secret that either an upfront payment or partnering with them is the only way to get things moving.

While GEOSOL and Mayor Soltelco has been less than transparent about the cost of the project, they stand to make a minimum of million dollars a year. Suppose there are only 100,000 taxable properties in Hargeisa and each pays an additional 10 dollars for GEOSOL’s fee.

Number of Homes	GEOSOL’s Fee	Annual Revenue for GEOSOL
100,000.00	$ 10.00	$ 1,000,000.00

Mr. Soltelco has accelerated the timeline to declare the system operational perhaps since his term has ended months ago without an extension from the Senate and unclear prospect for reelection.

Given that this is project is based on existing work by UNHABITAT, it’s unclear why GOESOL and Hargeisa Mayor would start a duplicate project that will cost Hargeisa residents millions of dollars for the next 20 years.

Another area of concern is the safeguarding of of personally identifiable information the system will contain and the lack of any involvement by the relevant ministries such as the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology.

Efforts to reach the Mayor’s and his Deputy were unsuccessful. In addition, request for comment to Mr. Ibrahim Isse, a GEOSOL principal were not answered.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle. It is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

President of Jubbaland Wins A second term.

By

Staff

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August 24, 2019

0

The president of Jubbaland, a Somali region of vital importance to the struggle of East Africa against the militant Islamists of Al Shabaab, has won a new term on Thursday.

The contest has created tensions between Kenya and Ethiopia, longtime allies, both with a large contingent of peacekeepers in the country, who see Jubbaland as a buffer zone against Islamist attacks in their own countries.

Kenya supports the winner Ahmed Mohamed Madobe, while Ethiopia has come closer and closer to the Federal Government in Mogadishu.

Statement from Kenya’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Mr. Madobe won 56 of the 74 votes cast in the regional parliament, said Cabdi Maxamed Abdirahmaan.

“I am ready to sit and talk to all people, including the opposition.I will speak and work with anyone who has a complaint, ” Madobe said after the vote.

A number of opposition candidates who had been barred from registering for the election said they had cast their votes in Kismayo on Thursday and voted for Abdirashid Mohamed Hidig who has since declared himself President.

The federal government in Mogadishu, which had declared the electoral process unconstitutional, rejected both competitions.

Statement from The Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation.

The Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation said it “does not recognize the two different outcomes in Kismayo where two people claimed to be the president of Jubbaland ”

KEY STATE

A map posted by the Kenyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs marked Jubba land as Special status Region.

Jubbaland is considered the breadbasket of Somalia and the capital Kismayo is a strategically important port.The coast borders a hotly contested sea zone with potential oil and gas reserves claimed by both Somalia and Kenya.

Madobe supplanted al Shabaab in 2012 with the help of Kismayo’s Kenyan forces, then took power and was first elected in 2015.

Hundreds of people gathered on the streets of Kismayo after the results were announced and sang “Long live Ahmed Madobe!” And waved his picture.

Jubbaland is the third of the seven semi-autonomous regions of Somalia to hold presidential elections ahead of next year’s national vote.

While analysts say that President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo needs to exercise greater control over Jubbaland and the other regions in order to have a chance of winning next year, they also expect the federal government to reluctantly accept thursday’s results despite earlier fears of violence.

They will have to live with (Madobe), “said Hussein Sheikh-Ali, former national security adviser and founder of the Mogadishu-based think tank of the Hiraal Institute.

Al Shabaab controls parts of the territory and several cities in Jubbaland, and analysts say it could exploit the spit over the elections.

The militants who want to overthrow the Somali government have killed thousands of Somalis and hundreds of civilians across East Africa in a decade-long uprising.

Somalia has been in a state of prepetual war since the overthrow of the dictator Siad Barre in 1991.

Sources: Reuters and other wire services.

With All Due Respect Mr. President – You May be an Idiot

By

Staff

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August 14, 2019

0

Mr. President: We need to talk, we need to talk about your behavior.

Mr. President, your trip to the Hajj, the pictures and videos of you and your delegation and most especially your mother in Mecca was a sight to behold, a massive morale boost for the people of Somaliland. It gave them a much needed reprieve not only from their daily grind the political gridlock – And then you have ruined it all with a picture of the very men who are making life difficult for the people of Somaliland.

You see Mr. President, there is something you may not be familiar with and it’s called public relations, regardless of the context, a picture is worth a thousand words where everyone will interpret it their own way. This is something that Somalia understands very well since they are not wasting anytime governing or even pretend to run Somalia, public relations and photo ops are their specialty.

It boggles the mind how no one in your delegation had any issue with taking a picture with these professional trolls. Everything about their demeanor, their visible blue badges, the stupid smiles, and how they are mixed in with your team shows that they had a plan and have used you and your team as simple props that were arranged to their liking. This may not be the case, but we do not know that.

Farmajo and his government’s sole preoccupation has been to make life difficult for our people and unless we are meeting them in an internationally mediated venue, the pleasantries can wait.

The fact that after 24 hours, no one has bothered to explain to the public what happened and give the photo a context. Somalia, in contrast, has created so many narratives they are tripping over one another with tweet after tweet.

Somalia has been a wedge issue, and being pro-Somalia is something that your party and your government have constantly accused the opposition with zero evidence, sometimes because of a photo – just like the one you have taken with Villa Somalia ministers.

An apology to Waddani party is in order. An apology from you, Kulmiye and your government. Accusing citizens of working against their nation is divisive and harmful rhetoric and must stop.

Finally, Mr. President, you are in desperate need for a team that understands optics, public relations, and basic communication. Not trolls and fervent supporters, professionals who will stop you from horrible mistakes like this.

There was something wrong with the photo and we have fixed it.

Somaliland Chronicle is responsible for the content of this editorial.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Investigative Reports

Brief History of GIS in Somaliland

The Company – GEOSOL

Promise them the Moon

Hidden Price Tag

Mr. President: We need to talk, we need to talk about your behavior.

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