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The Diplomacy of Gullibility: How Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry Keeps Falling for International Fraudsters

In what has become a familiar scene in Somaliland's...

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...
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Where would the mediation process of Djibouti between Somaliland and Somalia lead to?

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There is a Somali proverb that says “Aanu wada hadalno wa aanu heshiino”, when translated means; initiating a dialogue between opposing sides will finally end in peace.

This is an apt description of mediation in peacebuilding; voluntary acts of facilitation by a third party (e.g. Djibouti) to help disputants (in this case; Somaliland and Somalia) reach a sustainable peace agreement.

So let us idealize what the characteristics of the mediator should be.  They should be impartial, neutral, committed, and well experienced in the disputed issues and familiar with their indigenous perceptions, cultures, values, and norms.

The mediation process in Djibouti between Somaliland and Somalia which took place on the 14th of June, 2020 is unprecedented in its kind, both due to the caliber and number of delegations participating such as the President of Djibouti, Mr. Ismail Omer Gelle; the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Abiye Ahmed; the President of Somaliland, Mr. Muse Bixi; the President of Somalia, Mr. Mohamed Abdillahi ‘’Farmaajo’’; the Ambassador of United States, Mr. Donald Yamamato and finally, various other delegations from IGAD, AU and EU.

An interesting detail to note is that there remains a period of only months before the duration of the presidential term of Mohamed Abdillahi Farmaajo comes to a close. This has raised many questions in the minds of the Somali people, again both of the ‘timing’ and the sudden ‘high priority status’ accorded to the meeting by the United States and the Ethiopian governments in particular and the international community in general.  To illuminate what this entails, I believe we have to look at the interest held by these two countries in Somalia and what is at stake.

On 16th of February, 2017, President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmaajo was elected in a landslide by the Somali congress. They elected him with the high hopes that by giving him the mandate to lead the country, President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmaajo will enact his election promises of forming a concise, hardworking and qualified government which upholds law and order, transparency, oppose structural corruption and nepotism while minimizing acts of terrorism by Al Shabaab in the country. A lesser-known but just as significant reason for the strong backing of the current administration initially was the expectation that they would form a strong government that can withstand any foreign military and political interference within Somali affairs in general and particularly from the historical enemy of Somalia, Ethiopia, under the guidance of their representative in Mogadishu, then, the strong man General Gabre.

Fast forward to today, after three years and a half in office, the Somali people have become disillusioned with President Mohamed Abdillahi‘s inept handling of the government which has worsened the daily life of the people of Somalia, a fact reflected by the lack of progress in every issue the government had promised to tackle. To pinpoint out how things went wrong for the Somalia President, we have to go back towards the first steps he had taken:

  1. Despite the Somali government adopting the federal system, the President had started to suppress the authorities of the federal states and chose to go into direct confrontation with them, expending valuable time and resources. He did succeed in controlling and putting under his influence; the two states of South West and Hir Shabelle with the help of the Ethiopian government led by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. However, in turn, the President has lost the trust of the other federal states. Puntland and Jubaland states have nearly cut ties with the federal government while Galmudug state is in turmoil and their administration had collapsed due to interference from the presidential administration. With regard to why Ethiopia is providing strong support of the Somalian President, it is important to remember that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed came to power as a result of the political upheaval caused by the uprising of the Oromia people – and thus the first time an Oromia official rules Ethiopia. Prime minister Abiy Ahmed, being well aware of the historical suppression and oppression of the Oromia by the Amhara and Tigre rulers, has sought to seize this opportunity afforded to him and change the longstanding foreign policy stratagems of his predecessors in spite of the imminent risks to his administration that is expected from his foes inside Ethiopia; particularly the leaders of Amhara, Tigre and the Oromia Liberation Front. This has compelled Abiy Ahmed to find new alliances and that is why he has made peace with Eritrea, the traditional foe of TPLF and Somalia, the traditional enemy of Amhara.
  2. President Mohamed Abdillahi, with the help of his mentor Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, has put a lot of diplomatic and economic pressure on Somaliland and tried to stop the flow of international donations and investments to the country, including the expansion of Berbera port by DP World, of which interestingly, there are currently rumors that Ethiopia is seeking to freeze its 19% share ownership of the Berbera port. This all demonstrates the subtle desire of the Somalia President to demonstrate influence within the region and showcase strong leadership despite the risk of actually being perceived as spiteful and vindictive by the Somali people.
  3. The United States and other western countries have pumped billions of dollars to stabilize Somalia by strengthening its security and armed forces and pay the salaries of 21,000 UNISOM soldiers present in Somalia. The end goal of these countries with their involvement is generally considered to involve limiting the influence of countries such as Turkey and China in the region. Despite their intentions however, the reality on the ground shows that little has changed with respect to the security situation with explosions and attacks by Al-Shabaab occurring regularly in the capital Mogadishu and across Somalia in general. Furthermore, nepotism and corruption have become the norm in Somalia, an ongoing matter of disappointment for the western countries who had high hopes for the administration of President Mohamed Abdillahi to seriously tackle this issue.                

With the presidential term of Mohamed Abdillahi Farmaajo coming to an unsatisfactory end, his allies, namely the United States, Ethiopia, and other western countries have sought to launch a last-ditch attempt in salvaging his legacy among the Somali people by holding a high caliber mediation conference in Djibouti between Somaliland and Somalia. Their bet was to demonstrate that Somaliland is willing to come back to the fold of Somalia and this would be a winning proposition to the Somali public. In their diplomatic sessions, it was clear that they felt that an apology from Somalia by President Mohamed Abdillahi to the people of Somaliland for the atrocities committed to them by Siyad Bare would be enough to heal all wounds and provide grounds for an immediate reunion. However, the fact remains that Somaliland approached this opportunity for mediation to take some time to build trust between the two states and in addition, the fulfillment of the outcomes from the three previous agreements. The main outcomes that had resulted from this latest attempt at mediation namely included joint management of the air space in Somaliland; a stop to the placement of any obstacles towards the flow of international aid and investment to Somaliland and co-operation in security and free movement of the Somali people between the two countries.

With the Djibouti mediation coming to a deadlock, a communique was finally issued calling for the formation of three committees to tackle the three issues mentioned above as a means of ensuring that the meeting did not officially end up as a failure, but which has to be admitted, will not bear further fruit as past history has already taught us.

About the Author:

Ismail Abdi Abdillahi (Bashe Abdi Gaboobe), holds Marine Engineer Certificate from Arab Maritime Transport Academy in Alexandria-Egypt, Marine Engineer Certificate from Sharjah- UAE, Post Graduate Diploma in Peace Building from Hargeysa University and Master degree in Peace Building from Coventry University, UK. Mr. Gaboobe can be reached gaboobe _3[@]hotmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

High-Level Ethiopian Delegation Visit Somaliland

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An Ethiopian delegation led by the Minister of Finance Mr. Ahmed Shide arrived today in Hargeisa, the capital of the Republic of Somaliland. The delegation includes the Minister of Education Dr.Ing Getahun Mekuria and the State Minister for Foreign Affairs.

This previously unannounced visit comes days after news broke that an Egyptian delegation paid a two-day visit to Somaliland for talks on economic cooperation between Somaliland and Egypt. So far, no official information has been released regarding the purpose of the delegation’s visit.

Tensions between Ethiopia and Egypt are at an all-time high over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Egypt calls the filling of the dam an “existential threat”.

Long-established bilateral ties between Ethiopia and Somaliland have withered under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed …Despite the fact that Ethiopia is one of Somaliland’s largest trading partners and holds a 19% stake in Berbera Port currently managed by Dubai World Ports. The 442 million dollar project is the largest direct foreign investment in Somaliland.

President Muse Bihi Abdi in Addis with Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu and Hon Ahmed Shide.

It is unclear if the Ethiopian delegation will offer any concessions to ensure Somaliland remains in its political sphere and keep Egypt at bay.

This is the second time a delegation led by Mr. Shide, the highest-ranking ethnic Somali in the Ethiopian government visited Somaliland for talks with President Bihi. No details regarding the meeting in late February have been made public.

International Partners praise Somaliland political parties’ agreement to hold the parliamentary and local election in 2020

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JOINT PRESS STATEMENT ON SOMALILAND’S POLITICAL PARTIES AGREEMENT

The International Partners (listed below) supporting Somaliland’s democratization process welcome the Somaliland Political Parties agreement, signed on 12th July 2020, to conduct Local Council and Parliamentary Elections in 2020.

This landmark agreement presents new opportunities to advance preparations for the elections and requires the NEC to present technical time schedule within 14 days starting from 12th July 2020.

Having all Somalilanders being part of the process, notably the large majority of young women and men who have never voted for their representatives or had the opportunity to be elected, is of utmost importance for the democratic credentials and the stability of Somaliland.

The international partners call for all stakeholders to ensure that women, youth and minority groups are being included, both as voters and candidates and call on the President, Political Parties, Parliament, the NEC and the Supreme Court to include women and minorities quota in their decisions.

The international community strongly commends Somaliland’s progress towards the elections and are ready to support the Somaliland’s electoral process, including safeguarding the women and the minorities quota.

* Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Djibouti, Ethiopia, European Union, Finland, France, Germany, Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Ireland, Italy, Kenya, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, United States, and United Nations.

Ministry of Transportation Website Exposes Personal Details of 20,000 Drivers

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The website of the Ministry of Transportation and Road Development is exposing sensitive and personal details of 20,000 former driver license holders. According to the Ministry’s website, the list is intended to help former driver license holders to look up the details of their previous license to help them with the application process of the newer and secure driver’s license.

There is no security mechanism to prevent unauthorized access of this sensitive information on the ministry’s website, the links expose the entire list at once. It is unclear if the Ministry of Transportation and Road Development deems the list sensitive or it has been published by mistake.

Although no citizen services are provided online by the Somaliland government, most government websites lack basic security features such as SSL and best practices to safeguard critical information.

The Ministry of Information and Telecommunication Technology whose own website is among many insecure government websites did not answer questions for this article.

Our efforts to reach the Minister of Transportation and Road Development, Mr. Abdillahi Abokor Osman were unsuccessful.

Taiwan offers scholarships to Somaliland students

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The Tale of Two Cities: Halane Compound vs Mogadishu

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Facing the Indian Ocean, a beautiful beachfront Halane Compound houses foreign dignitaries and their embassy staff members, over 300 NGOs, contractors, and AMISOM mission representatives in Somalia. The fortified Halane Compound tenants and the city of Mogadishu dwellers live in parallel universes. One secure and luxurious with all necessary amenities, including hotels, restaurants, entertainment venues and resorts, and the other of misery and sufferings of massive scale – the capital city, Mogadishu. The mission of these multinational entities overlap and at times they are funded over similar projects from different donors with no accountability.

Chelsea Village, one of the many privately-owned “secure” accommodations in Mogadishu International Airport zone (MIA) or Halane

Mogadishu was under a lockdown order before the Coronavirus outbreak. It is a city under siege. When the Somali Federal government failed to secure the peace and was unable to defeat the Al- Shabab insurgence, they decided to lock down the city and they barricaded themselves inside the Villa Somalia compound. Consequently, due to this, blockage businesses suffered and as a result, some of them were forced to close. The few that survive, struggle to pay customs duties and sales taxes to the government and to the terrorist group.

Somalia is approximately 178,218 square miles of mostly plain and accessible terrain, yet a military force of over twenty-thousand strong from the six African nations plus the Somali national army, fully mechanized with strong support from air and sea, could not defeat a group of approximately 3,000 poorly armed insurgents. One wonders why such a military force with disproportionately superior capability could not defeat and dismantle a weak terrorist militia.

Somalia receives assistance from many African and European countries to train their military and police force. This cross-continental trainings at times cause the breakdown of unit cohesiveness and command difficulties. Hence, the occasional confrontation among Somali military units themselves with major casualties. This behavior makes it very difficult to carry combat missions when there are underlying disciplinary concerns within a platoon.

It has been thirty years since the collapse of the military regime of Siad Barre. Unfortunately, Somalia did not recover from the ruins and destructions of the past thirty years. Although there is a provisional constitution and established regional states under the central government, the current regime of Fermajo undermined the rule of law. He undermined the constitutional rights of the regional states to hold independent local elections by forcing them to elect hand-picked loyal heads of states. He imposed economic sanctions to member regional states and treated them as foreign adversaries by withholding the allotted funds from international donors states and organizations.

Contrary, to the chaos from neighboring Somalia, Somaliland maintained stability and peace within its borders after reclaiming its independence from Somalia after a failed union in 1960. Somaliland held five presidential elections by one-man-one-vote. Recently, Somaliland stepped up its recognition campaign efforts and it has gained momentum as the Somaliland name echoed around the globe including superpower nations of the United States and China when Somaliland established diplomatic relations with Taiwan. The United States hailed the new Somaliland-Taiwan agreement. Several African countries including Gambia, Kenya, Guinea Conakry showed a renewed interest in discussing and promoting Somaliland agenda. Most recently UAE recognized the Somaliland passport. The new aggressive foreign policy is very promising, and in a very short time, it has yielded tangible and concrete results.

About the Author:

Mohamed Adan Samatar is a Former State of Arizona Government Management and holds BSc, MS Agriculture. He can be reached adan.samatar01[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Breaking – Egyptian Government Delegation Visits Somaliland

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According to sources, an Egyptian government delegation visited Somaliland on July 12 for a series of high-level meetings with members of Somaliland government on bilateral ties and cooperation between the two countries.

Sources indicate that members of the delegation whose visit lasted two days have participated in a series of high-level meetings with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Ministry of Education, and the Ministry of Livestock and Fisheries Development. It is unclear if President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi met the Egyptian delegation.

According to a member of Somaliland government who spoke on strict condition of anonymity, the meeting was initiated at the highest level from Cairo, who are taking a closer look at the strategic region on the heels of newly established diplomatic ties between Somaliland and Taiwan.

Sources add that the Ethiopian government has lodged a formal protest with Somaliland within hours of the Egyptian delegation’s arrival in Hargeisa.

Although there has been previous high-level contact between Somaliland and Egypt, the latest visit from the Egyptian delegation to Somaliland comes at a time of heightened tension between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.

Video: Somaliland Political Parties Agree to hold elections in 2020

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The Djibouti near miss and the new Taiwan connection

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On 14th June 2020 Somaliland and Somalia met in Djibouti for a four-day summit. The summit, the first serious one since the two sides started talking in 2012 in London, stirred up so much social media frenzy about its gamut and about whose initiative it was to bring the two sides together. The Americans, the Ethiopians and the Djiboutians were quickly identified as the midwives. But why this trio? 

Somalilanders are forever suspicious of outsider motives ––and for a good reason. Not only that foreign intervention seldom brings fortune, but also the fact that states by definition look after their own interest does not sit well with missionaries repudiating Somalilanders. Wild speculations have it that each of the trio was chasing their own interest. For the American Ambassador Donald Yamamoto, the talks offered an opportunity to enhance diplomatic ambitions and for his country to strengthen her foothold in the Horn. For the ambitious Ethiopian young prime minister Abiy Ahmed, inspired by his recent bagging of Nobel Prize, to double his accolades by becoming the one who succeeded in bringing Hargeisa and Mogadishu back together again and to bolster his country’s economic ambitions. For the Djiboutian strong man, Ismail O. Guelleh, struggling with a local uprising against his aging regime, the talks offered an opportunity to remain politically relevant; for the outgoing Somalia’s Mohamed Abdillahi Mohamed (Farmaajo) a chance to use these talks to extend his tenure and probably win a second term in the next presidential selection and; for Somaliland’s Muse Bihi Abdi (MBA) a chance to flex his muscles. In short, the summit took place in the midst of these intriguingly competing interests.

Speculations aside, the reality is that since Somalia came under the leadership of Farmaajo, interest for the talks simply dried up. Farmaajo tried to achieve his country’s mission of bringing Hargeisa back under Mogadishu rule by reversing all earlier agreements thereby reducing Somaliland to a regional entity and by pursuing a policy of unsettling community relations in Somaliland. His move may not be entirely new. Propped up with international handouts and kept alive by foreign forces, his country, has always been failingly wishing to dictate the terms of the talks and to subjugate Somaliland into submission. One may remember Somalia’s Minister of Planning, Investment and Economic Development writing to international donors instructing them to cease special arrangements with Somaliland and the Somalian parliament trying to block a rare DP World investment opportunity in the Berbera seaport. 

However, pressure from the trio has arguably this time forced Somalia’s Farmaajo to agree plodding to the table, but like his predecessors, serious about it was he not or worst yet prepared. He attended with an empty portfolio, pretending to worry about the people of Somaliland and drawing on the “Somalinnimo” narratives he started in his short stilted talk to preach MBA of the benefits of reunification but wasted much of his slot thanking “brother Ismail O. Geulleh” for bringing together “Somali brothers to work out their differences”. 

Despite apparent frivolousness of the talks, Somaliland too turned up, but did so with intent. An incentive for the move was that the international convenors auspicing the loggerhead would tame if Somalia does not play by the rules. Critics in Somaliland remained skeptical of the expediency of the rendezvous, but things changed though when MBA delivered a stellar speech laying out the incontestable legal, historical and institutional grounds for Somaliland’s sovereignty. Explaining how the two sides got where they are now, MBA rested on the illegality of the defunct union, leaned on the genocidal acts against the people of Somaliland, on the ongoing sabotage of economic recovery, on the politicisation of humanitarian assistance and sped off by listing the catalogue of unfulfilled promises Somalia made since 2012 in a speech he enjoyed delivering and then left the judgment to the conveners. 

The summit offered Somaliland an opportunity to open up for discussion the 1960 dubious failed union, a subject Somalia has forever been eschewing. Farmaajo’s team was already on the back foot, but the knot tightened further on his men for lacklustre attitude towards the talks when in an apparent attempt to derail the proceedings of the talks, they tabled trivial points undermining Somaliland’s sovereignty and the summit almost collapsed. It was a deadlock to be rescued by Djibouti at the eleventh hour to save face for everyone, well except for Somaliland.

The organisers may have planned to pave the way for eventually a favourable outcome for Somalia, but it was Somaliland, capitalising on the opportunity, that has, piercing into their psyche of the convenors with undisputed history, has turned a new page. Nodding and note taking American Ambassador under the tutorship of Dr Edna Adam fed the pedant populations of Somaliland with much-needed pride. The contrasting photos of the Somalian delegate returning home under the cover of darkness and Somaliland’s delegate receiving a hero welcome in broad daylight speaks volumes. As former Somaliland Vice President Ahmed Yussuf Yasin has tellingly observed the welcoming crowd braving the Covid-19 risks were sending multiple messages to their president, to the leaders of Somalia, Djibouti, and Ethiopia and to the Americans and beyond: to show the world that MBA only represents them in a two-state solution scenario and to express their unwavering support for anyone championing their aspirations.

President MBA showed in his speech so much charisma that made President Farmaajo look so sloppy that Somaliweyn pundits struggled to hide their frustration with the ineptness of “Somalinnimo” sentiments. Some even went so far as to suggest the summit was not meant to bring the two sides closer but to humiliate the very Somaliweyn ideal. 

However, there were blind alleys to the talks. Suspicion arose when a few days later, Djibouti had unconventionally issued a ghost communique suggesting that Somaliland had, in the end, agreed on two very contentious points, one pertaining to cultural exchange with Somalia and the other to co-management of the Somaliland airspace. The suspicion was further inflamed when Somaliland’s Foreign Minister, Yasin Haji Mohamoud, suggested the communique contained a misprint, Edna Adam tried to play it down, but MBA alluded to Somaliland making a concession on the contentious cultural exchange point but with attached conditions. 

The president took the risk of taking off the edge of his rising popularity when he tried to explain away the mess that it was a question of semantics. Much to the relief of anxious Somalilanders, the confusion was cleared following the announcement of Somaliland exchanging diplomatic missions with the China Republic of Taiwan. With the news that Somaliland has indeed turned the page, Farmaajo wasted no time. He immediately summoned the mainland Chinese Ambassador in Mogadishu to his fortified office. According to his office’s communique the two discussed the territorial integrity of their countries being infringed by Taiwan and Somaliland. To the talk’s critics, Farmaajo’s move was nothing but a knee jerk reaction indicating Somalia was not seeking a dialogue but control over Somaliland and wanted the trio (now plus the Chinese) to help her rescue her shipwrecked expansionist agenda. In any case, the new Taiwan connection has certainly dispelled any pretensions that under the sway of the summit Somaliland’s resolve may have weakened. The nodding and note-taking Americans are now suddenly welcoming the new Taipei-Hargeisa connection.  

About the Authors:

Mohamed Obsiye, Ph.D. is a freelance researcher with a keen interest in the nexus of ethnicity, nationalism and nation-state building.  He can be reached mobsiye78[at]hotmail.com. Mr. Obsiye’s previous articles include The Carnage of Heritage in Djibouti.

Hussein Abdillahi, Ph.D. is a former senior consultant to the Ministry of Agricultural Development in Somaliland and formerly an exiled dissident and can be reached habdillahi[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

White House National Security Council welcomes Taiwan’s Engagement in East Africa

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In the clearest indication of its interest in Somaliland and Taiwan’s newly established diplomatic relationship, the White House’s National Security Council welcomed Taiwan’s engagement in East Africa.

The bilateral ties between Somaliland and Taiwan have been underway for some time and were made public on July 1st with the announcement of previously undisclosed high-level visits and appointment of representatives.

Somaliland Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hon. Yasin Hagi Mohamoud Hiir (Faratoon) with the President of the Republic of China Tsai Ing-wen

Although many US policymakers are keenly following the news of the bilateral ties between Somaliland and Taiwan, the announcement from the National Security Council indicates the White House’s interest in East Africa and Somaliland in particular.

Somaliland government rejected China’s effort to prevent the rapprochement between Somaliland and Taiwan. China and Somalia have announced their strong opposition to the diplomatic relationship between Somaliland and Taiwan.

Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Zhao Lijian accused Taiwan of “undermining Somali sovereignty and territorial integrity.” and added, “China firmly opposes Taiwan and Somaliland establishing an official agency or having any form of official exchanges,”.

US Ambassador to Somalia Mr. Donald Yamamoto with Somalia’s President Farmajo

United States Embassy in Mogadishu has been a strong supporter of Somalia’s Federal Government who has sided with China in its opposition to Taiwan’s bilateral ties with Somaliland. It is unclear if the Embassy will follow suit of the White House and support Taiwan’s arrival in East Africa.

Taiwan is an important strategic ally of the United States and its engagement with Somaliland aligns with the US’s Africa Policy to push back Chinese expansion in Africa.