Investigative Reports

Somaliland Office in Taiwan Rejects Sexual Misconduct Allegations

The Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan has...

Ministry of Information Spends 600,000 US Dollars to Fix a Decade Old Radio Station

According to a contract signed by the Minister of Information, Culture...

How Somalia is trying to Stifle Somaliland – US ties with an Online Troll and a pseudo-Charitable Organization

In February, June, and  August 2022, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten filed Lobby Disclosure Act...
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China’s investments in Africa: a fresh lens offers more balanced insights

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Simon Manda, PhD, University of Zambia

The rise of China in Africa has triggered an ongoing debate about whether Chinese capital is a barrier that entraps African governments in practices that hinder poverty reduction.

The most recent contribution to these debates is a book by a professor of sociology at the University of California, Los Angeles, Ching Kwan Lee. The book is based on Lee’s ethnographic study in the copper and construction industries in Zambia. It interrogates Chinese state capital in relation to global private capital.

She argues that the terms frequently used in the discussion about Chinese capital in Africa – such as empire building, colonialism and hegemony – are limiting. They don’t allow for the interrogation of the actual behaviour, practices and possibilities of Chinese capital.

How then does Lee help us to re-frame the Chinese narratives in Africa? Rather than focus on migrant entrepreneurs or private companies, Lee argues that the uniqueness of Chinese investment has to do with state capital. And, she argues, China’s growing power and influence has been accompanied by misleading

aggregate, continent-wide statistics on trade, investment and migration.

There has hardly been any critical examination of the different sorts of capital traversing Africa, related behaviour, and the actual trends and patterns of foreign direct investment stocks.

Negative messages

Coverage of Chinese presence in Africa has been somewhat misleading. Media as well as policy and academic experts provide inaccurate data about China’s expanding investment patterns. For example, they overestimate Chinese loans.

This misleading coverage conceals the fact that Chinese capital is just one instance of capital still contending on the continent. In fact, Chinese capital is far from being the leading source of foreign direct investment. UK and French investment into Africa remain larger.

Lee draws from the negative portrayals of Chinese capital to shed light on the practices in Zambia. She uses three historical frames: the 2008 global financial crisis, policy developments of windfall tax and value addition.

She shows how Chinese capital is shaped by two imperatives: accommodating national demands and development strategies in Zambia. Development strategies include, for example, Zambia’s policies on adding value to mineral resources before they are exported.

This behaviour of Chinese capital contradicts the extractive nature of western capital. Western capital is driven by a profit motive. It pays little attention to national development goals including labour, taxation and value addition.

Lee also examines the question of Chinese capital from the perspective of African states. She notes that national states have been amenable to Chinese capital under a mandated south-to-south relationship.

As with other African countries, Zambia’s resource dependency limits value added products being made from copper and other minerals. But, as Lee shows, cooperation from Chinese capital has helped change this trajectory. She points to the Chambishi Multi-Facility Economic Zone project. This project has involved an investment of more than $900 million and potential to generate about 7,000 local employment opportunities and up to $300 million local procurement contracts.

But there have been problems too. Lee shows that Chinese capital hardly behaves differently in employment practices from those prevailing in the rest of the private sector in Zambia. Subordination and exploitation remain the order of the day.

This shows that key political and economic instruments as well as policies should be strengthened to address the negative social implications of Chinese capital on the continent.

What’s missing

The book’s narrative is limited in explaining why Chinese capital remains controversial in Zambia and across Africa. Nor does it sufficiently address why a negative perception of “Chinese investors” persists often alongside the failure of countries to manage natural resources better.

Nevertheless, Lee’s book is important because it departs from generalisation to interrogate actual practices of Chinese capital.

Rather than attempts to find strategies to regulate and manage the influence of China on the continent, probably the focus should be on how China’s presence can be made to respond more to national and regional development aspirations than is the case currently – a feature for national policy and development actors.

While the battle for political and economic influence between the West and East is playing out across the continent of Africa, the behaviour of capital will greatly influence current and future narratives.

Lee shows that China seems to hit the right note in many countries and in crucial economic sectors. But perils remain in areas such as those related to labour relations.

She also shows that characterisations of Chinese capital in Africa should not rely on a set of implications and generalisations about the ways in which Chinese capital works, and the ways in which national states change as a result of Chinese engagements. Rather it should depend on actual practices and realities and what they mean for national development.

Currently, however controversial, China appears to have been set apart as a partner of choice. And Lee shows the reasons why.

Simon Manda, PhD, Lecturer of Agriculture, value chains and Environmental Sustainability, University of Zambia

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

‘Track and trace’ is key to containing COVID-19: how privacy can be protected

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shutterstock.

Co-Pierre Georg, University of Cape Town

In efforts to contain the spread of COVID-19, governments are imposing stringent restrictions on movement, including social distancing and a national lockdown. They are also finding efficient ways of tracing and tracking contact once an infection has been verified.

The ability to track and trace infections for public health has emerged as one of the single most important interventions. The first such app, TraceTogether, has just gone live in Singapore and tracks users’ whereabouts using locational data.

But track and trace presents an unprecedented challenge to people’s privacy. Apps such as TraceTogether pose a nightmare from a privacy perspective.

It doesn’t have to be that way. Blockchain and modern cryptographic methods allow for the same functionality while protecting users’ privacy. Some innovations on this front also allow users to remain in control of access to their data.

Why track and trace?

Most of what we know about COVID-19 comes from recent research. Some of it is contentious and as new data becomes available perspectives change. Nevertheless, with this caveat, some lessons are emerging.

First, the crisis will be with us for the foreseeable future. It is paramount that, to slow the spread of the virus, we “flatten the curve” now, by practising good hygiene, engaging in social distancing, and strictly obeying the guidance from public health officials if and when a national lockdown is enacted.

Second, it will take months before a vaccine is available. And once it is, it will take more months before it is available at scale. Only with an effective vaccine available will we be able to ease on the stringent containment measures currently in place. Because, as researchers from Imperial College London write in their landmark study on the SARS-CoV-2 virus, which causes COVID-19:

We predict that transmission will quickly rebound if interventions are relaxed.

Third, the virus is likely to mutate and return in a new guise, rendering existing vaccines less effective. Every time a new variant of the virus emerges, we will have to find ways to stop it in its tracks. And yes, the best way to do this is through trace and track apps that allow targeted interventions.

Given these choices, it is quite clear which way governments will go. Even more, it is tempting for citizens to sacrifice their privacy during a national emergency. But there are serious drawbacks of doing so.

First, the data collected is incredibly sensitive. Imagine a world where the government can trace where you were and who you met. Or worse, imagine that Facebook or WhatsApp could do that and then allow the government to send a warning message to all your friends if you test positive for COVID-19.

How long do you think it will take your friends to piece together who got infected? This is known as a re-identification attack in cryptography, a problem without an easy solution. The potential for stigma, in particular in vulnerable communities, is enormous.

Second, and as a consequence, there will be serious challenges to adoption. If such an application were to be built on WhatsApp, for example, people might simply switch from WhatsApp to Threema, or worse, try to fake the data. It would be only days or weeks before any such system was hacked.

We have learned from the Equifax hack, where four members of the Chinese military have now been indicted over hacking the credit bureau Equifax, resulting in the breach of 150 million credit records, that no centralised database is perfectly secure. Collecting the incredibly valuable geolocation information will create a focal point for hackers to attack, a risk that further limits adoption.

Third, privacy is a human right. It is not simply a privilege to enjoy when times are good. It is a fundamental right and any government that violates this right opens itself up to potential court challenges, further delaying roll-out and adoption.

The combination of these reasons means that any system which does not respect privacy defies its purpose. The data collected will be biased, making it more difficult for epidemiologists to model and understand emerging outbreaks.

In addition, the system could lead to false positives where a policy action is taken based on faulty data. Or the system could miss the outbreak of a new strain of the virus because of limits in adoption. In social networks, even weak ties are important for transmission, as the sociologist Mark S. Granovetter pointed out in his 1976 paper The Strength of Weak Ties.

But it doesn’t have to be this way. Two years ago, blockchain was the hot topic on everybody’s mind, from large venture capitalists to the inevitable discussion about Bitcoin at a party. In part because of this hype, we have made tremendous strides towards privacy-preserving distributed systems.

One particularly promising approach in the current crisis is what is called self-sovereign identity. The idea is that every user stores their private data and is in full control of when and under what circumstances it’s shared with third parties. Proponents of this system include banks, activists around the globe and the “father of the internet”, Tim Berners-Lee, who launched a self-sovereign identity startup.

Maintaining privacy

The main difference in a self-sovereign identity system is that users are in control of access to their data. An app that would maintain privacy, while allowing the same functionality as any centralised app, for example based on WhatsApp, would overcome problems prompted by a system open to data abuse. It would therefore be much easier to get adoption, increase the quality of the data, and ensure that one human right isn’t traded off for another.

Countries around the world face the choice of building infrastructure that has serious security issues or infrastructure that ensures the privacy of citizens and solves the challenge at hand more efficiently.

It is clear that tackling the COVID-19 crisis has to involve efficient track and trace. But it is equally clear that this should be done using the best available information and research.

Co-Pierre Georg, Associate Professor, UCT School of Economics; South African Reserve Bank Research Chair in Financial Stability Studies, University of Cape Town

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Somaliland Government Issues A Temporary Moratorium on Khat Import

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The National Preparedness Committee for COVID19 chaired by the Vice President of Somaliland HE Abdirahman Abdallahi Ismail Saylici have announced a temporary moratorium on khat import into the country.

The ban starts from Sunday April 26 and will last until May 21st two days ahead of Eid al-Fitr depending on changes on the status of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Khat and the possibility that it may spread COVID-19 has been the subject of intense public debate, where prominent politicians, including Dr. Gabose have recently appealed to the President to stop khat import at once.

The statement from National Preparedness Committee for COVID19 instructed various provincial administrations and law enforcement agencies to cease apprehend any khat shipped into the country and incinerate it and to also ordered the seizure of any transport carrying khat and to bring to justice anyone caught bringing in the country.

Although members of the COVID-19 committee previously explained why the government was unable to ban khat imports, today’s decision of a temporary moratorium was not expected.

Khat is a Cathinone narcotic consumed in Eastern Africa and parts of the middle east is widely used in Somaliland and is the most widely imported commodity costing Somaliland tens of millions of dollars.

No economic impact assessment has been issued by the government that the khat moratorium may cause.

Somaliland Strongly Rebukes Somalia’s attempt to Implement A World Bank Project in its Territory

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Somaliland Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation issued a strong statement warning Somalia’s Federal Government to refrain from interfering in its sovereignty.

The statement also informed the United Nations, African Union and the European Union that the Bahnaano social welfare program recently unveiled to be a direct threat to Somaliland’s security and a deception of the international community.

The Statement asked the World Bank to pay extra attention to the grants given to Somalia’s irresponsible government which has used aid and humanitarian assistance for political purposes to undermine security and stability in Somaliland.

A statement from Somalia’s Minister of Labour at the unveiling event stated “The project will grant $ 4 million each month to 200,000 poor households throughout this year. and will target 1>million families in the next years. This is the beginning of a ministry-led plan to reduce poverty”

Although Villa Somalia’s did not mention source of funding, two days later World Bank Country Director Mr. Carlos Felipe Jaramillo congratulated Somalia on launching the Shock Response Safety Net for Human Capital Project funded by the World Bank.

The districts of Gabiley, Lughaya and Saylac in West of Somaliland are among the 21 locations the project is set to be implemented.

The statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs warned against the participation of this project in it’s territory. The Ministry did not specify of any consequences for either local or international NGOs who participate in this project.

Critics have accused President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo of using the World Bank funding to boost his reelection chance. Although it is not entirely clear if elections will take place or delayed due to COVID-19. Somalia is scheduled to hold its first ever 1 person 1 vote elections in late 2020 or early 2021.

Somalia was the most corrupt country in the world two years in a row by Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index.

Ethiopian Airlines’ Indispensable Role as Somaliland’s Lifeline during COVID-19 Pandemic

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Ethiopian Airlines flights into Somaliland has been the subject of public debate recently where some including this outlet have suggested banning passengers coming into Somaliland to prevent the spread of COVID-19 pandemic.

Government officials who spoke on condition of anonymity reiterated a directive issued by the government a while ago that airlines are prohibited from bringing in passengers from countries worst affected by COVID-19 such as the United States and some European destinations and that Ethiopian Airlines has been compliant.

He added that legally, no one can prevent a citizen from returning home and although Somaliland government cannot afford to charter flights to ferry its citizens’ home, Ethiopian Airlines through limited routes such as Addis Ababa is their only way back in the country.

Although Somaliland government has struggled to articulate this clearly, Sources from Somaliland Civil Aviation and the Ministry of Health based at Egal International Airport, Ethiopian Airlines has severely limited its flights and all passengers are tested and quarantined upon arrival. Despite these measures, there have been complaints about the condition quarantine premise, an arrangement made by the government.

There is, however, another less visible but important role that Ethiopian Airlines has played recently and that is being an indispensable lifeline that has been bringing in medical and other necessities in Somaliland.

According to sources, Somaliland’s Diplomatic Mission in Ethiopia is working with the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Health, Customs and Ethiopian Airlines to ship two tons of critical supplies purchased by Hargeisa Group Hospital from Dubai and facilitated shipment from Dubai to Addis Ababa by Somaliland’s Liaison Office in the UAE.

Because of the urgent need for these supplies by dialysis patients and at a time when no country is allowing medical supplies to leave its territory, sources say, the work of Somaliland’s Mission in Addis and specially the Deputy Ambassador Mr. Barkhad M Kaariye has been instrumental in ensuring the expeditious delivery of these vital supplies by ground. Ethiopian Airlines’ Hargeisa office has declined to comment on the matter.

Sources also point to the 1.4 million worth of medical supplies donated to Somaliland by Mr. Ismail Ahmed, the founder and the Chairman of the World Remit financial services company was delivered by Ethiopian Airlines on Friday, April 17th. A government official said, “without Ethiopian Airlines, it would be impossible to get these supplies on time”.

President Bihi has thanked Mr. Ahmed yesterday and urged others to follow his example.

Other governments are workings with Ethiopian Airlines to help deliver critical aid for COVID-19 into Somaliland. A source close to the Airlines Hargeisa office stated that many companies that work in Somaliland have approached them about bringing in medical cargo from as far away as South East Asia, South Africa, and United Arab Emirates.

Asked about the ongoing debate to shut down the airline’s operation in Somaliland, the official stated that Ethiopian Airlines’ work in Somaliland has not been commercially viable since the COVID-19 pandemic and added that it is important for Ethiopian Airlines to ensure that Somaliland can receive critical supplies in this difficult time.

Ethiopian Airlines has been delivering COVID-19 aid from various sources including a large shipment from the Founder and CEO of Alibaba Group Mr. Jack Ma to many African countries

President Bihi Addresses the Nation on Renewed Crisis in Sanaag Region and COVID-19

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President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi addressed the nation this afternoon on renewed hostilities in Sanaag region and spoke at length on various measures his administration is currently working on to prevent the spread of COVID-19 pandemic.

President Bihi has spoken on the government’s initial three million dollar funding for the COVID-19 prevention fund and appealed to businesses and the public in general to give contribute.

Mr. Ismail Ahmed addressing the TechCrunch Disrupt London at the Copper Box on December 5, 2016 in London, England.

President Bihi thanked Mr. Ismail Ahmed, the founder and the Chairman of World Remit financial services company and a native son of Somaliland who has donated 1.4 million dollars worth of medical goods to help combat the spread of COVID-19. The President added that Mr. Ahmed has also imported more products that he will be selling back to the public at cost.

President Bihi also spoke on austerity measures that will curb spending due to anticipated economic impact of COVID-19. Austerity measures were first reported by Geeska newspaper.

On the khat import, a subject of Dr. Gabose’s recent appeal to the President to halt its import, the President addressed the difficulties of trying to ban khat in a country with porous borders but added that there are still ongoing discussions with khat traders and that he expects some good results from those negotiations soon.

Dr. Gaboose Makes an Impassioned Plea to President Bihi to Stop Khat Imports due to COVID-19

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One of Somaliland’s most respected doctors, Dr. Mohamed Abdi Gabose who spoke to the media a short while ago made an impassioned plea directly to the public and the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi to stop Khat imports to prevent the possible spread of COVID-19 in Somaliland.

Dr. Gabose who spoke candidly about the dangers of COVID-19 pandemic and the possible life long complications that one may encounter even if they recover from the virus. He added that so far there is no solution to these complication which may effect multiple organs.

Dr. Gabose reminded the public that khat is not packaged or prepared for human consumption as one expects of other consumables but is handled directly by hand in the most unsanitary conditions possible and is a perfect vehicle to spread COVID-19 from its consumer to anyone they get in contact with.

Speaking directly to the President, Dr. Gabose spoke of his unique qualification and training on prevention of infectious diseases and implored President Bihi accept council from someone with his breadth of expertise and stop khat imports at once.

So far there is no indication that Somaliland government is considering banning khat and according to the Minister of Information and Public Guidence Hon. Saleban Ali Kore, Somaliland does not posses the resources to enforce a total ban on khat.

Dr. Gabose with Somaliland VP and former Minister of Health on the opening of Haldoor Hospital

Dr. Gabose, a renowned neurologist who has held cabinet position in President Egal’s government who currently runs Haldoor private hospital in Hargeisa is a high ranking member of the Waddani opposition party and has in the past leveled withering criticism against the President. He is not on the National Preparedness Committee for COVID19.

Life in the Lap of Luxury: How Somaliland Spends Lavishly to Covers the Living Expenses of Top Government Officials.

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According to government records examined by Somaliland Chronicle, Somaliland is spending lavishly to cover the living expenses of top government officials including the Chairmen of Senate and House of Representatives and various high ranking government officials.

President Bihi at Somaliland Parliament for the Annual State of the Union address

Expenses include over 160,000 US dollars for a house being built for the Chairman of the House of Representatives Hon. Bashe Mohanmed Farah complete with own private electric generator. In addition to the house, Somaliland government has spent additional 10,000 US dollars to cover the rent and domestic help expenses for Hon. Bashe for fiscal year 2019.

Efforts to locate officials tender for the home being constructed for Chairman Bashe’s were unsuccessful.

While the expense on Chairman of the Parliament and the new house being constructed for him stand out, Somaliland Senate and specially the Chairman Hon. Saleban Mohamud Adan and other senate leadership is a close second who are also getting their most basic expenses covered such as rent, water, electricity and internet usage to the tune of thousands of dollars a month.

On the Executive Branch, there is nearly 20,000 US dollars spent to cover the rent expenses for couple of Ministers of Justice, Constitutional Affairs and Information and National Guidance. This includes rent for the former Minister of Justice Mr. Cabdirisaq Ali Abdi Salah who was removed on December 2, 2019.

In Somaliland where an average Grade A government employee makes a little over a hundred dollars, it is unclear if living expenses are part of these officials’ compensation package and if lavish package is codified by any existing legislation. It is also unclear why these perks are not consistent.

Confusing and Conflicting COVID-19 Messaging on Mosques Closures, Public Transportation, International Flights and Khat Import

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Mosques across Somaliland are still open and packed despite a confusing order from National Preparedness Committee for COVID19 on April 13th that asked the public to perform prayers in their homes but stopped short of ordering the mosques to be closed.

The lack of clarity on the status of the mosques led to a widespread confusion where some religious leaders rejected the order altogether stating that stopping international flights and banning khat import should be prioritized over shuttering of mosques.

The Director General of the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowments has since held a press conference and read a statement from the Minister to try to clarify the specific order concerning mosques and stated that the order did not order the closure of the mosques but that the public were informed to perform prayers in their homes.

Statement from the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Endowment

Although the Ministry of Religious Affairs tried to clarify that mosques have not been ordered to close, it failed to clear up confusion surrounding the government’s actual position to prevent large gathering including prayer at mosques.

It is important to note that many Muslim countries including Saudi Arabia has ordered the complete shutdown of mosques to prevent the spread COVID-19 infections.

Public Transportation

To ride or not to ride

In the same confusing directive from April 13th, National Preparedness Committee for COVID19 has also issued a guideline regarding the number of passengers on various types of public transportation including buses and taxis.

The Committee has set various limits for in-city transportation such as taxis and auto rickshaw known as bajaaj and a limit of 50% capacity for all long distance transportation.

It is unclear what scientific basis if any, the Committee has used to achieve the public transportation limits which fall below the 6 feet or roughly 2 meters recommended for social distancing.

The Committee has instructed public transportation owners to maintain current price levels but did not specify if the government will cover some of the lost income.

Khat Import

cant touch this!

Although the Committee has met with a group of khat importers few days ago who seemed to welcome the idea of total ban of khat in Somaliland, so far no decision has been made whether to ban khat imports.

The clearest sign that Somaliland government does not intend to ban khat import from Ethiopia came from he Minister of Information and National Guidance by stating that the government does not have the capacity or the resources to enforce a total ban of khat.

Khat is currently imported by few individuals and may not require a large scale intervention to prevent smuggling but if unclear why Somaliland government is considering the economic impact of banning one of the largest source of tax in Somaliland.

In addition to Khat, Minister Saleban Ali Koore, the Minister of Information and National Guidance also spoke about arriving flights and the fact that there no arriving passengers but rather departures. This is in inaccurate as we have confirmed that there are still arriving passengers also Ethiopian Airlines flight schedule is limited.

No further cases of COVID-19 has been confirmed by the Ministry of Health Development since April 13th announcement of additional 3 cases raising the total to 5.

Efforts to reach Minister Koore and other members from the COVID-19 Committee were unsuccessful.

Somaliland Government Announced additional cases of COVID-19

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The Ministry of Health Development announced three additional cases of COVID-19 in Somaliland, two in Hargeisa and one in Borama in addition to the two previously confirmed cases.

No additional details were announced about the patients including age, sex and their current status as well as contact tracing information.

The announcement came from hastily convened press conference by the Minister of Health Development and the Director General. So far, the COVID-19 committee has not commented on the new cases.

No steps have been taken yet to curb large public gathering in Somaliland. International flights by Ethiopian Airlines, khat import from Ethiopia, public transportation such as taxis and buses as well as mosques are still operational.

This is a developing story and we will update as we receive more details.