The People’s Republic of China is throwing a tantrum and is threatening the people of Taiwan and the stability of the Taiwan Strait simply because Nancy Pelosi, Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, has visited Taipei. Unfortunately, this is nothing new and is reminiscent of the same tantrum and coercive behavior that China exhibited when Taiwan and Somaliland built their diplomatic ties.
In 2022 when the dawn of authoritarianism is setting around the globe, and the threats and use of force have not worked out for Russia against Ukraine, it is unfortunate that China is once again resorting to threats against the peace-loving and democratic nation of Taiwan. China’s habit of defaulting to the use of force, economic coercion, and brinksmanship should not be appeased but universally condemned.
Ms. Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan was not only historic, but has shown us the courage that many leaders around the globe should emulate and choose to stand on the right side of history against authoritarianism and those who want to impose their unwanted will on others.
The people of Somaliland, a nation born out of the ashes of freedom from unimaginable tyranny, should stand with the democratic and peace-loving nation of Taiwan, and as the G7 Foreign Ministers have called for, force and coercion are not the answer; instead, dialogue and peaceful resolution should be the only avenue to resolve issues.
With regard to China’s deliberate intensification of various forms of military posturing targeted at Taiwan recently, the Taiwan Government emphasizes that China’s provocative actions have already posed a challenge to the international order and disrupted peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and in the region. In particular, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army has announced live-fire military drills between August 4th to August 7th and has warned aircraft and vessels from other countries not to enter designated airspace and waters. These actions have had an even more serious impact on international trade and the international legal order.
Faced with the current situation, the government of Taiwan will proactively enhance Taiwan’s self-defense capabilities. It will also continue to maintain close communication and coordination with the United States and other like-minded nations to jointly protect the rules-based international order, prevent any military escalation endanger regional developments, and ensure security across the Taiwan Strait as well as peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific.
The G7 Foreign Ministers of Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and the High Representative of the European Union, reaffirm their shared commitment to maintaining the rules-based international order, peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and beyond on 3rd August 2022.
It was Friday afternoon. We have been planning to attend a Sitaad session for quite some time. Today is the day. The place we are heading to opens its doors only on Mondays and Fridays and is closed for the rest of the week. While Monday is a working day, we have decided to go on Friday. We have not made a booking or anything else because it was not needed. Every woman is welcome to join as long as she is following the rules, which are pretty simple: you should come early, you should not enter in the middle of a session (in this case, if you come in the middle of a segment, you should wait at the door until that segment is over), you should participate (sing and clap your hands), you should not make distractions (no side talking, talk on the phone), you should respect everyone and bring Sadaqah (small amount of money for the purpose of donation and the maintenance of the place). After forty minutes of drive, we finally arrived at the destination. It was an old house with one big room, a kitchen, and a veranda. The session room was about six to seven-meter square. Its walls were covered with curtains and some calligraphy and writings. There was a big green flag on the right wall of the room with Arabic calligraphy which said ‘لا اله الا الله محمد رسول الله’, which means ‘There is no God truly worthy of worship except Allah’. On the left wall, is the name of the place: Xadrada Hooyo Diran: Mother Diran’s Spiritual Place.
“SITAAD is a genre of religious panegyrics laced with spirituality and a yearning to emulate and fuse with some respected earlier women of Islam” (Awale, 2013)
As the woman in charge of the place told us before the beginning of the session, the place belonged to her grandmother, Diran. This place was her house originally, and she was the one who turned her place into a spiritual gathering location. She was the session leader as well. Once she passed away, her daughter took over, and now, the granddaughter runs the place. It is obligatory, and the place should run as long as possible.
There were about thirty women in the room sitting in a circle. The middle space was empty as it is inappropriate to sit in the middle because it is the praise dancing area. Apart from the woman, the flag, and the calligraphy, there was also a very big Durbaan (Drum), a few bottles of perfume, a small container of Uunsi: frankincense (Somali prepared scent), a pair of curtains on the window, and undeniably loads of positive energy. The lady in the middle started playing the drum loudly with two sticks. With a thunderous and pure voice, she also started a spiritual song. The rest of the women started chanting and singing after her. She and a lady next to her were leading the session and the rest of us were chanting and clapping. The rhythm, drumming, and clapping were balanced and spiritually uplifting. After a few intense intones, two women reached their spiritual climax (Jibbo), started shaking, and finally fell to the floor.
Sitaad (Sittaat) is also known as Xaawiyo Faadumo (Eve and Fatima) or Madaxshub (the anointment of the head) and particularly in the south as Abbaay Sittidey are songs throughout the Somali region. Sitaad forms part of a rich and varied range of cultural expressions of Islamic devotion in the horn of Africa, forms of worship that are often directly linked to Sufi brotherhoods. (Kaptjeins, 1995)
The word Sitaad has different meanings. The most familiar name is that the word is from the Arabic term Sayidaat which means mistress or a respected woman with authority. Arguably the Sitaad culture began a long time ago, during the Prophet Mohamed’s time. While there is no accurate information, it is believed that the daughter of Prophet Mohamed (PBUH), Fatima, was somehow the initiator of Sitaad because she organized a feast for poor women and children while pregnant with her sons (Hassan and Hussein). The purpose was with this act was to ask or beg Allah for safe delivery. In Somali culture, this tradition is called Taraaraysi, a ritual act performed during the last month of pregnancy. (Awaleh, 2013)
Sitaad is very familiar among Somali women, specifically older women. In Somali culture, age and gender have always defined society’s social roles and responsibilities. The status in society is usually determined by age. For example, older men were always the community leaders because of the patriarchal culture. Both cultural and religious leaders mainly were older. Likewise, older women were more respected among the women as well. The traditional midwives, decision-makers, and Sitaad session leaders mainly were older women. These women have specific and essential roles, obligations, and status in society and are very well respected.
Married women had a distinct social circle because of their expected roles, duties, and challenges. They have everyday responsibilities, including wifehood and motherhood. This special bond in which they usually share their daily challenges, pray together and link their roles and responsibilities to the previous Muslim women as role models is one of the main reasons Sitaad forums were formed and became popular among Somali women. Sitaad is an empowering forum for women. In every session or occasion, they use to console those among them who experienced misfortune: sickness, poverty, infertility. They also advise themselves from the evil doing. The ideal goal of every woman in the Sitaad is to become Raalliyo (the Good Woman) because their end goal is to be in the heavens.
According to Kapteijns, in his article: Sittaat: Somali Women’s Songs for ‘The Mothers of The Believers’, the singers of Sitaad explicitly emphasize their everyday problems as wives, mothers, and providers in the urban slums of underdeveloped countries. They also appeal to their common bond of womanhood with the famous women (mothers, wives, and daughters) of early Islam. In doing so, they assert the values central to their lives. They sing in praise of eve as humankind’s first wife and mother. They celebrate the loyal wifehood of Khadija, so beloved by the Prophet. In Fatima, they praise the significance of daughterhood, her wifehood to Ali the fourth caliph, and her motherhood to Hassan and Hussein. The imagery used in the Sitaad concretely links the singers to the heavenly ladies through chains, ropes and ladders. (Kapteins, 1995).
The big question is, how did the Sitaad start? According to the only written book about this topic: Sitaad: is dareen gelinta diineed ee dumarka, ( Somali Women’s Self-teaching in Islam through Sitaad ) by Ahmed Ibraahim Awale (2013), it all started with the love for the religion and the scarcity of the basics of Islam among Somali women decades ago. It has been said that the knowledge of the religion among the Somalis, in general, was insufficient. At the same time, there were no available religious schools in the area, and families and communities sent selected male individuals to Harar (Harar is an old city in eastern Ethiopia that is also known as the 4th holy Islamic city because of its historic role in Islamic teachings). The reason for sending those young men was to study religion and return to educate people back home.
Unfortunately, men were the only privileged ones who used to receive such knowledge, and women were always left behind. Not only women had not received these opportunities, but they also could not attend the teaching sessions. Women then started to become very curious about the Islamic knowledge that only men discussed under the trees, and to get any insight, one of them used to sneak to the men’s religious gatherings and learning sessions and listen to their discussions. With the bit of information they overheard, women started to learn about Adam and Eve, the Prophet’s names, Prophet Mohamed and his families, caliphates, and more. They started composing spiritual songs based on their hearsay along with rhythm and chanting to spread the little information they had among other women. That is how Sitaad was born. To educate the religion among women.
Sitaad was the only place women found anything related to their religion. Every session was educational and inspirational as well. Furthermore, they expressed freely the love they had for Xaawa (eve) and the other Muslim women figures, including Khadija: the wife of the Prophet. Fatuma: the daughter of the Prophet and others. For example, this song:
‘Ummooy hortaa ma jirinoo
Hooyooy hortaa ma jirinoo
Hortaa, heybedley, hortaa
Hooyo la isma odhan
Xubkeed xariiraay'
'Before you (the name of) mother did not exist
Before you 'mama' did not exist
People did not call each other mother
Mother eve, silken beauty.'
Sitaad session is also a place of awareness. Women constantly remind themselves of the consequences of bad deeds like gossiping and backbiting. There is always a constant reminder of death, afterlife and how every woman should prepare herself for the day of judgment. Look at those verses:
‘Lama ridhoo reer adduun raasamaalba maleh
Ballami maysaane, waa kala baqoolaysaan
Minkaaga oo buuxa waxa laga baxaa madhnaan
Adiga oo diiran baa dawga lagu marshaa
Qasil la qooshiyo biyaa lagugu qoynayaa
Adiga oo qaawan baa qayd laguu xidhaa
Adiga oo qudhiya waxa lagu dhigaa qabriga
Adiyo camalkaaga cidladay isku mudanaysaan’'The people genuinely have no wealth (wealth is useless as we shall all pass away)
There will be no promises amongst you to meet rather, you'll all leave each other
You shall leave your entire home empty-handed
Naked, you will be carried down a road
They will wash you and apply qasil on you
And whilst naked, they will wrap you in cloth
And you, by yourself, will be lowered into the grave
You and your deeds will be with each other alone.'
In recent times, the Sitaad has been in line with the progress and civilization of the modern world, and women discuss and raise awareness on the recent issues. For example, during elections, they warn themselves not to vote for tribalism but to vote for one who is in their best interests and those of the nation, while in times of conflict, they urge each others to take part in conflict resolution efforts and to contribute to peace.
Apart from the spiritual uplift and the constant reminder of the religious rules, Sitaad can also be a group counselling session. Challenges of wifehood and motherhood are sincerely discussed and sung by the women in the session. After the chanting and the rhythm, women usually feel lighter and supported. The songs and the chanting get rid of any negative feelings and troubles, eventually making them feel relieved and full of optimism and positive energy. At the session’s end, they feel strong, motivated, and happy. Sitaad is like immediate healing to everyone who attends. This particular feeling causes commitment and punctuality among Sitaad practitioners because Sitaad session is the only place in the community where women do not feel judged, lonely and unsupported. For example, those verses below highlight how helping each other is an obligation.
‘Naa tiina xaaska ah ku xurmeeya baa la yidhi
Middiina dhali wayda u dhabreeya baa la yidhi
Dhallaankiina u diroo dhawra baa la yidhi
Oo naa waa is dhaantaane, isu dhiiba baa la yidhi’
'It has been said; the wives amongst you, respect them
It's been said; the ones who cannot give birth fight for them
It's been said, and send your children to them and protect them
You vary in ability so give to each other'
Sitaad has psychological benefits for women, especially the stay-at-home moms & wives, because those women have low or zero social life except the Sitaad colleagues. The sessions have given those women a platform to connect, socialize, chat, empower and, most importantly, have fun.
Shaadali (complimentary tea) is usually distributed during Sitaad sessions. Most Sitaad venues serve complimentary tea during every session and free food on special occasions like the birth of Prophet Muhammed (PBUH). The free food (mainly meat & rice) is sometimes given to the neighbours or poor people. During and after the Sitaad session, the woman leader collects money for different purposes. Some of those purposes can be found in this song:
‘Isku samroo isku miciinay Sahri ina tidhi
Naa waa is dhaantaane, isu dhiiba baa la yidhi
Oo tiina gaajoota u garaaba baa la yidhi
Naa tiina kici wayda kaalmeeya baa la yidhi
Naa tiina taagta daran taageera baa la yidhi’
'Support and be patient with each other, Sahra said to us
You vary in ability so give to each other
It has been said; the one who is hungry amongst you, be sympathetic to her
It's been said; the one amongst you who cannot stand, assist her
It's been said; the one amongst you who is weak, support her'
Furthermore, Sitaad is all about prayer and asking for forgiveness and blessing from Allah. It is compulsory to chant with many songs that are a prayer. Most of them ask Allah for forgiveness, blessing, wealth, children, ease, health etc. For example, this song is prayer, and the women ask Allah to widen their graves once they are deceased.
‘Qabriga labadiisa dhaban way isku dhawyihiin
Allahayow kala dhufooy, maalintaan dhex galo’
'The two walls of the grave are ever so close and tight
So O' God please push them apart [for me] the day I enter'
Overall, Sitaad is a joyous occasion. It is festive. Tea is delivered during and after the session. Cuud and Uunsi are always burning on the Dabqaad/Girgire (Incense burner), and the entire room smells nice the whole time. It is full of good spirit, joy and happiness. Not only women, but sometimes children like to come and celebrate with their mothers as well. It is a celebration and positive vibes.
However, Sitaad is a joyous and crucial occasion for Somali women; it has been facing a tremendous challenge for the last decades on the other hand. In general, Somali men do not value women’s poetry. A few lines from a famous poet: Hadraawi, also known as the Somali Shakespeare, define Sitaad as something far from literature.
‘Suugaantu iib maaha,
Erey iyo sunnee maaha,
Hugun iyo Sitaad maaha’
Literature is not for sale,
It is neither words nor free
It is neither humming nor Sitaad'
This is clear evidence that Somali men have not given any respect to the Sitaad and do not see it as part of the society’s rich poetic tradition. Not only have they dismissed and belittled Sitaad, but they have also tried to stop their wives and sisters from attending Sitaad sessions because some believe it is a waste of time. Some others assume that women consume Qaad (qaad is a green leaf stimulant that is popular among Somali men). Some others look at the actions of Sitaad with the suspicion of a forum to conspire against them. Recent religious ideologists also stamped Sitaad as Haram (not allowed) they specified as shirk/bida’a (means forbidden). Their reason relates to that some of the songs of Sitaad include believing and asking forgiveness of others rather than Allah only. Those challenges, along with the heavy influence from the technology: televisions, the internet, and cell phones have caused a massive decline in Sitaad sessions. So many places have been shut down.
However, Sitaad is still familiar among Somali women, and it is performed both in Sitaad places and at weddings. Nowadays, it is common to hear some of the Sitaad songs at traditional weddings and other women’s various occasions and festivals.
References:
Awale, Ahmed Ibrahim. Sitaad: Somali Women’s Traditional Devotional Space. Afrikan Sarvi journal 1/2014. Finnish Somalia Network.
Kapteijns, Lidwien with Maryam Omar. Sittaat: Somali Women’s Songs for ‘The Mothers of The Believers’. African Studies Center. 1995.
Awale, Ahmed Ibrahim. Sitaad: Is dareen gelinta diineed ee dumarka. Iftin Publishers. 2013.
“Sitaat as Part of Somali Women’s Everyday Religion.” In Perspectives on Women’s Everyday Religion, edited by Marja-Liisa Keinänen, 203–21. Stockholm: Stockholm University Press.
Sitaad Audios. Recorded by the authors: Muna & Hamda, 2021
Hamda Raage is a young professional lawyer, human rights activist, and researcher. She works with different organizations about gender equality, woman’s political participation and equal rights. She is also a culture enthusiast.
Muna Ahmed is a bilingual writer, published Author, and Activist. Muna works with some other robust networks to promote literacy and advocate for reading, self-development, Gender Equality, and Cultural Identity among Somali Youth.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
Africa being a massive continent with a heavy richness of natural resources such as gold, diamond, great fertilized land, water, oil, natural gases, minerals, forests, wildlife animals, and many other untouched or discovered yet renewable and non-renewable resources have had been what attracted many Western and Non-western countries which made them colonize many countries in Africa or later on to build foreign and diplomatic relations oriented the need and desperation of the western countries’ raw materials like rubber, timber, diamonds, and gold. China by sharing a similar history to many other developing countries, especially in Africa such as its history of being a European such as Britain, Germany, and Japanese colony, China has started to regard, and count itself as a member of the developing nations, and member of the ‘Third World’ countries. On that note, this step of China associating itself with the developing countries has allowed it to build net-tie and close cooperation relations with Africa including but not limited to economic, technological, and political relations. On the other hand, China has limited its interactions with the developed countries military and economically as well such as the United States, and many other economically strong countries in Europe and Asia. Since its formation of diplomatic and economic relations with Africa, China has promoted massive infrastructure plans such as the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ in which the Chinese government in Beijing has claimed that these projects are meant to help the development of Africa despite how other world leaders view these projects.
According to Robyn Dixon from the Los Angeles Times, “China has pumped more than $124 billion into Africa since 2000… and offered another $60 billion while canceling the debts of some poor African nations. It has spent $500 million on Belt and Road Initiative Projects in dozens of countries globally mainly [in Africa]” (Dixon, 1, 2018). And these projects from the Chinese government such as the ‘Belt and Road Initiative projects are implemented in different forms. For example, some of the projects that were taking place in Africa like building roads, railways, airports, stadiums, and electrical systems were built by Chinese state-owned companies or sometimes by private firms that are affiliated with either the Chinese government or its partner country who is hosting these projects.
Some of these projects like the ‘Belt and Road Initiative projects’ come at a time back in 2015-18 “while there [was] a doctor shortage, rampant pollution and people [Chinese] were struggling to buy medicines or get a decent education at home” (Dixon, 1, 2018). On the other hand, many Western countries’ accusations of these projects were that the Chinese government would “snare nations [developing] into unsustainable debt… And that China will give out “loans without questioning governments about human rights, [which is] a policy that makes China an attractive partner to African leaders” (Dixon, 2-3, 2018). In these past years, the presence of China in Africa caught the eyes of many international media and economic, and geopolitical analysts. Even though China has become a great international market among many countries in the developing world due to its capability of giving funding and the implementation of infrastructure projects.
According to the Brookings Institution, China has four main interests in Africa and it has been doing everything it can to satisfy these national interests despite how easy or hard the challenges are within its relations in the region [Africa]. The first and most important reason why China has been paying much attention and support to the African countries by drawing any parallel lines with the African nations was the to build a ‘political allies’ who can stand behind China’s policy of “One China” which will prevent any Chinese considered territories such as ‘Taiwan’ to build any diplomatic relations with these African nations who receive Chines loans and funds. Politically as well, building a strong and unbreakable diplomatic and economic interdependence with these African developing nations will allow the Beijing government to receive massive support when it comes to the multi-governmental organizations such as the United Nations (Sun,1,2014). The second national interest in China’s relationship with Africa is an economic aspect, since “Africa is seen primarily as a source of natural resources and market opportunities to fuel China’s domestic growth” (Sun,1,2014). The third national interest that influenced and lead the path to China’s relations with the Africans was from a “security standpoint” since due to the expansion of globalization has increased the dangers of transnational threats from organized crimes to weapons, infectious diseases, and other diseases caused by environmental related issues. Due to China’s “rising presence of Chinese commercial interests in Africa has led [also] its growing security challenges for the Chinese investments and personnel” faced threats fueled by some of the political instability in the region. The four reason why China was interested to establish these diplomatic relations between the Chinese government and the developing countries in Africa was due to “China’s underlying ideological interests in Africa, as the success of the “China’s model” in non-democratic African countries” will go against the political ideology in which America and many other Western countries have been claiming and supporting which is the idea that “democracy and the human-rights” are universal (Sun,1,2014).
Nevertheless, China’s interest and expansion in Africa started way before the Chinese government introduced the project the ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ which was formerly known as the “One Belt One Road” or ‘’OBOR’. Back in 2013, official members of the Export-Import Bank of China had “estimated that by 2025, China will provide Africa with financing- including direct investment, soft loans, and commercial loans- totaling $1 trillion U.S” (Dixon, 2, 2018). Despite how promising this deal was between the Chinese government and the developing nations in Africa, it’s also on the other hand more likely that many African countries to get trapped into a debt crisis much worse than the debts they faced from the Western and multilateral lenders in the past. The shocking fact about the China-Africa investment projects and money lending is the requirement of both parties to keep details about these loans and investments secret since some of the deals involve the current dictator and leaders whose whole mindset is measured by money used the minerals and the oil resources of their nation as collateral. This act can destroy and rip apart the China-Africa relations since this deal is putting a threat and danger situation many African countries’ sovereignty (Dixon, 2, 2018).
Sino-Ugandan Relations
About Uganda
Uganda is an Eastern African country that shares borders with Kenya, South Sudan, Rwanda, Tanzania, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. From 1984 to 1962, Uganda was a British Protectorate like many other countries in Africa. Uganda has dozens of diverse ethnic groups who share different religions, cultures, and many different ethnolinguistic languages. Despite their different religious affiliations and languages, the English language which is a colonial ‘legacy’, and Christianity both play an important to close the gap in order to introduce a sense of homogeneity in the country. Even though there are much other Ugandan ethnolinguistics such as Ganda, Nkole, and Lango; the English language and Swahili are the two official languages. English is mainly referred to as the language of the ‘education and government’ related jobs, while the Swahili language helps the Ugandans to integrate and interact with other neighborhood countries that share this language such as Rwanda and Kenya (The Library of Congress, XII,1992).
The economy of Uganda is heavily dependent on agriculture which contributes an estimated 4/5 of the nation’s working population. Tasks toward economic development and modernization played an important role in the process of preventing political instability in the country. Uganda’s agricultural activities and productions count for a large share of the nation’s earnings and its gross domestic production (GDP). Within the agricultural sector, women play an important role since the majority of them own the land they work on. Fish and fish products from the lakes and the rivers play an important role as the main factor of local food since Uganda is a landlocked country that doesn’t have any seawater. Uganda’s reserve minerals are included but not limited to copper, tungsten, cobalt, gold, phosphate, iron ore, and limestone. Back in 2006, during the oil strike in many places around the world, the government of Uganda was able to discover a limited amount of petroleum. Uganda’s major important destinations are included but not limited to China, India, U.A.E, Kenya, and Japan. While on the other hand, Uganda’s major export destinations are included Kenya, the Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, and Rwanda (Central Intelligence Agency,2022).
The political and government structure of Uganda is a presidential republic. The current President Yoweri K Museveni is the Chief of State and he come to power in 1986 till today since he won the last presidential election in 2021 with a vote of 58.3%. The Prime Minister is the Head of the Government. Uganda adopted its constitution in 1995 and made amendments in 2005 while the current president was also ruling the nation at that. During the amendment in 2005, Uganda removed its constitution the presidential term limits, while on the other hand, it legalized the multiparty political system. Similarly, the Executive Branch is elected by an absolute majority with a term limit of five years. The Legislative Branch is elected by a plurality vote with 238 total members out of 112 of these seats are filled by women and other legally-established interest groups and minorities (Central Intelligence Agency,2022).
The beginning of China-Uganda Diplomatic Relations
China and Uganda established their first diplomatic relations on October 8, 1962, which was the occasion of Uganda’s independence. At this time, leader Idi Amin was in power in which Milton Obote was in charge when China and Uganda signed their diplomatic relations. Right after when Uganda received its independence from the British colonial, China was among the first few countries that recognized Uganda as an independent nation. Since then both countries, despite their internal and external changes, they maintained strong ties. This diplomatic relations between China and Uganda “during the period of 1962-85, [it] witnessed a steady development in the spite of regime changes in Uganda” (James Foundation,1,2013). In 1971, when the United Nations, “decides to restore all its rights to the People’s Republic of China and to recognize the representatives of its government as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations”, Uganda was among the 76 nations who provided a strong with other African countries to support China’s legitimate seat at the United Nations in 1971 (ug.china-embassy.org, 2004). Since the regime of this current President’s National Resistance Movement government come to power in 1986, the bilateral relations between China and Uganda have grown and China has supported Uganda in many ways contributing to the areas of the economy, social, and political growth (Conrad, 2021,1).
In 1996 and 1997, Uganda supported and backed China’s stance on the United Nations Human Rights Commission. And in 2000, Uganda also supported “the bill put forward by China on the maintaining and observing of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty in the U.N” (James Foundation, 1,2013). Both countries exchanged visits at the highest level since 1962 including the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, Standing Committee members, and as well as foreign diplomats (Conrad,1, 2021).
The Present Diplomatic Relations of China and Uganda
These two countries expanded their diplomatic relations, and, on many accusations, they signed agreements that supported their mutual benefit. When China and Uganda established diplomatic relations, they also established bilateral trade and economic cooperation which had both a positive and negative impact on Uganda. Through this bilateral trade and economic agreement, China imports from Uganda goods such as leather, coffee, fish, and food products. While on the other hand, Uganda imports from China goods like light industry products, farm tools, textiles, pharmaceutical products, garments, and ceramics (James Foundation, 2013, 1). On the other hand, some of the projects that helped Uganda’s economy funded by the Chinese government were included but were not limited to the “Kabimba and Doho Rice Schemes, the Kampala Ice Plant, methane-generating pits, the Foodstuff Porcelain Research Center, and the National Stadium” and on top of that the Chinese government has sent to doctors to work in the public hospitals in Uganda at the Chinese government’s own expense while it also donated anti-malaria drugs and built the Naguru Friendship Hospital (James Foundation, 1,2013).
In the education sector, Uganda has benefited from China’s diplomatic relations and is willing to support the education system in Uganda. Every year, the Chinese government gave over a hundred scholarships in the areas of medicine, engineering, science, computer, and education and these majors varied in both undergraduate and graduate programs (Conrad,1,2021). From the manufacturing sector, with the help and the cooperation of the Chinese firms, the government of Uganda was able to build a couple of public parks, including the “Africa Shandong industrial park, Sino-Uganda industrial park in Mbale, the China-Uganda Agricultural Cooperation industrial park, among others” (Conrad,1,2021). The implementation of these national parks allowed the government of Uganda to create job opportunities for many Ugandans.
The Future of Sino-Ugandan Relations
Besides the economic and diplomatic relations between China and Uganda, over the course of their diplomatic and bilateral agreements, China and Uganda were able to build a great military relationship in which Uganda become a huge market for China’s arms sales regardless of china’s dominance on arms sales for other African countries. According to the James Foundation, “Defense Minister General Liang Guanglie visited Kampala in November 2011 and pledged $2.3 million to support the Uganda People’s Defense Force (UPDF) in its war efforts against Somalia’s al-Shabaab militants” (James Foundation, 2013). On the other hand, there have been several representatives from Uganda’s military generals who paid a visit to the People’s Republic of China even though these countries don’t have that strong military ties and relations compared to the other 14 countries in which China has military bases such as Djibouti- which is one of it’s biggest military bases in overseas. Nevertheless, China has been giving Uganda’s military various training programs. On that note, “in 2010, a Ugandan Air Force pilot attended the PLA Air Force Command College’s foreign officers’ course. Each of the 21 foreign students, including 11 pilots, was paired with a PLAAF officer during the course”. (James Foundation, 2013). In the 1960s, after Uganda gained independence, it expanded its diplomatic ties as well into other countries besides Britain and China. Israel, Russia, and Ukraine become some of the biggest suppliers when it comes to arms sales in Uganda. In contrast to China’s relative and minor role in military and arms sales in Uganda, however other African countries like Sudan, South Sudan, and Zimbabwe become among some of the biggest markets that purchase China’s arms sales (James Foundation, 2013).
The aspect of China’s soft power such as education and cultural exchanges between Uganda and China has grown over the course of their diplomatic relations. According to China’s embassy in Uganda, China has started a series of programs known as “Focusing on Culture” which become a yearly event program that takes place in Uganda in which countries like Uganda and many other countries in Africa get the chance to learn about the Chinese culture, language, and traditional customs as well. In 1985, China and Uganda signed a cultural cooperation agreement to improve the cultural relations between the countries (Ug.china-embassy.org,2004). Since China has started its close diplomatic, economic, and cultural relations with Africa, it increases the number of Chinese tourists visiting Africa. On the other hand, many people from Africa started visiting China for trade, business, tourist, and education opportunities (Ug.china-embassy.org,2004).
In this modern world in which global politics become either being aside from the Western world or against the Western world, China seems that it has been too busy building other nations that share similar political ideologies such as being neo-fascism and anti-liberal democracy. China has invested both diplomatically and economically building a close tie with many developing and poor countries despite the fact that some people even consider and categorize China itself as a ‘developing country’ since China’s per capita GDP has been ranked around 79 in the world, while on the other hand some of China’s ordinary people are poor who are struggling with to meet their basic needs while China is handing out ‘no strings attached’ to many African dictator leaders (Dixon, 2, 2018). Even though it might seem that the current diplomatic Sino-Ugandan relations are going well, it might not be as promising as they now due to the fact many developing countries in Africa and Asia are currently battling with the quite high risk of the debt trap from China’s biggest investment project in Africa known as “The Belt and Road Initiative’ in which Uganda is part of among the countries who signed this deal. According to “a report in March by the Center for Global Development, a Washington-based think tank, warned that 23 of 68 countries were at “quite high” risk of debt distress due to Belt and Road projects”, in which some of these countries are but not limited to “Pakistan, Djibouti, the Maldives, Laos, Mongolia, Montenegro, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan” (Dixon, 2, 2018).
The failure of ‘The Belt and Road Initiative Projects’ which was meant to be a series of trade routes that connect China to the rest of the world with an ultimate goal of increasing China’s dominance in global trade and politics, might the be the be beginning of what could be ‘the end-era’ of the ‘Sino-Ugandan’ relations since as reported by local media that “Uganda risked losing its only international airport to China over a $200 million loan to expand the facility “since the Chinese government in Beijing decided to “rejected Uganda’s request to re-negotiate some clauses in the 2015 loan deal” (Athumani,2021). in the case of China taking over Uganda’s biggest international airport, has the potential of what could be the ground leading of Uganda’s political demurral of overthrowing it’s current ruling government and as well as being a change that will introduce new political reform in Uganda. Surprisingly, some of the civilian people in the People’s Republic of China started to view ‘The Belt and Road Initiative Projects’ as political weapons and tactics “used by party officials to curry favor with their superiors by making them look good” according to Matt Schrader of the Jamestown Foundation, Washington-based global affairs think tank (Dixon, 2, 2018).
For many years, China has been both Uganda and Africa’s number one trade partner mainly in electronics, manufacturing and farming equipment, light industry products, pharmaceutical products, and textile. On the flip side, China mostly buys from Africa products such as leather, coffee, raw materials (hydrocarbons and other priceless minerals) (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,1,2019). However, if, in the future, the West creates an alternative and better trade deals with Uganda and other developing countries in Africa, the Sino-African relations could be eliminated by superior western trade agreements.
However, since it seems that there is a high level of companionship and trust between Russia and China, with Russian being the only country that could have challenged China’s presence in the region, America and it’s Western allies must come together and start a strong economic, trade and diplomatic relations between them and the developing nations in Africa. Such strong relations with African countries would keep the West’s dominance and prevent Africa from being a reflection of China’s political ideologies such as giving the least attention when it comes to human rights, check and balances within the government, or the freedom of speech and expression.
United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. “China-Uganda Relations: Closer Is Not Necessarily Better.” Refworld, James Foundation , 4 Jan. 2013, https://www.refworld.org/docid/50ee8d092.html.
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ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Sayidcali Ismail Ahmed is an alumnus of Abaarso School of Science and Technology (Somaliland) and Carroll High School (Indiana-USA). Sayidcali won a full scholarship sponsored by MasterCard Foundation Scholars (African Leadership Academy) to attend and do his undergraduate studies at Westminster College(Missouri- USA). He is double majoring in political science & Global and Transnational Studies and minoring in law. He is passionate about discussing, analyzing, and writing about geopolitics’ dynamics and the political changes in the world, especially in Africa.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
This past Saturday, July 16, Jamal Jimaale, an attorney, the son of the first SNM leader, the late Ahmed Jimale, died of a gunshot wound on the left skull of his head, in his Hargeisa house. Jamal was right-handed.
The reports are sketchy, but according to his relatives, he had a protracted land dispute with a perpetrator, who is well-connected to the ruling Kulmiye party. The court litigation has been going on since 2012 over the ownership of parcels of land on the west side of Hargeisa, Somaliland’s capital.
We lost one of our brightest people in the country because of a dispute over a parcel of land that he inherited from his father, Ahmed Jimale, the former Hargeisa mayor during the civilian government.
Ahmed Jimale was dissident, and the military dictatorship sentenced him 4 years in prison, for refusing to co-opt the military regime. He fled into exile in 1975 to fight against Siad Barre’s tyranny.
But so far, as always, the police have not arrested or questioned any suspect for this murder, including the alleged perpetrator of the crime.The government is trying to sweep the murder under the rug, but the family have refused to bury Jamal until investigation of his death is done.
Jamal has been harassed and intimidated by criminal thugs and rogue policemen hired by the perpetrator, and was hiding from them, according to his relatives.
The judges and the police were conspiring with the alleged perpetrator because of the clan identity politics. The appeal court has ruled the ownership of land to the perpetrator, and issued a two-year sentence against Jamal, plus ordered him to pay the court cost and the legal fees. So far, we do not know what the charges were against him.
But the Hargeisa local government land resolution unit has reversed that ruling and declared that Jamal is the rightful owner of the parcel.
However, according to the relatives of Jamal, the Minister of Interior, Mr. Mohamed Kahin, decided to get involved in the case and vacated the Hargeisa municipal government order.
The killing of Jamal in Hargeisa last Saturday has brought to the fore the high stakes involved in land grabs in Hargeisa. In Hargeisa, a lot of people have been killed or injured because of deadly violence over land disputes. Our judicial system and police are broken and corrupt.
The judges and the police are crooks who take bribes from all the litigants, and they are complicit with the violence emanating from the land grabbers. They collude with land grabbers. The trials for the land disputes usually are long, and sometimes take years, to reach a verdict. In fact, I was involved in a land dispute, and I had a horrible experience.
An entrenched, greedy merchants are also fueling the violence of the land disputes. These merchants have repeatedly used the politicians, courts, and the police as a conduit to illegally grab public and private lands, and buildings, including a public library near Hargeisa Central police station, schools, and police stations.
But most troubling of all however, in this case, is the involvement of the Interior Minister. Mr. Kahin, who runs a sprawling agency including the coast guard, immigration Department, the police, the local government and rural affairs, and election matters.
Why is Mr. Kahin, whose main job is public safety and national security, getting involved in a local land dispute in the first place? This is unusual, we need an investigation on why he is obstructing justice and abusing his power!
The wheel of justice is usually slow for the victims of murder, rape, and other heinous crimes. Our justice system is not working, and it is failing our people, including the sons and the daughters of the men who fought for our freedom.
Why is the alleged perpetrator getting special treatment? We need answers from our government. Who murdered Jamal? Why was Jamal murdered?
We are also demanding from the Bihi administration, at the very least, to appoint a special prosecutor to do a thorough investigation the murder of Jamal and arrest all suspects of this crime.
The Minister, Mr. Kahin, must recuse himself from the investigation of the murder because he has already aided and abetted with one side of the case.
Since Jamal was a Canadian citizen, it is prudent for his family and relatives to ask the Canadian consulate in Nairobi for help with the police investigation. Because Somaliland police forces are ill-equipped and have no capacity to do a crime scene investigation.
We do not have forensic labs to do a murder investigation. Moreover, we do not even have a functioning coronary or medical examiner’s office to determine the cause of the death.
We lost a man who could have been the next Attorney General of Somaliland. But it is the land grab of a greedy individual colluding with corrupt court judges, the police, and the Powerful Interior Minister that cost Jamal his life. We should not tolerate the killing and maiming of people over their own rightful lands.
It would be a gross injustice for the victim and his family if law enforcement fails to hold the perpetrator and their thugs accountable. If justice is not administered for Jamal and his family, people will then have to take justice into their own hands, resulting in increased levels of mob violence.
We will not see justice until the government arrest, indict, and convict the perpetrator or the perpetrators of this heinous murder. Justice delayed is justice denied.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Ali-Guban Mohamed Founder and Editor
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
According to Somaliland government records examined by Somaliland Chronicle, two companies, BIOSOM Diagnostic Care and Modern Medical Laboratory, owned and operated by government employees and presidential appointees, are supplying COVID-19 reagents and related supplies to the COVID-19 testing facility at Hargeisa Group Hospital.
BIOSOM’s company registration shows four of its shareholders are government employees who work at the COVID-19 testing facility at the Hargeisa Group Hospital, this includes the Deputy Head testing facility Mr. Hassan Mohamed Abdi, and Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye, the brother of the Ministry of Health Development’s Director General Mr. Mohamed Abdi Hergeye.
Modern Medical Laboratory is owned and operated by Mr. Abdirahman Hassan Derie, the ultimate insider who has served as an advisor to successive ministers of Health and a member of Central Committee of the ruling party of Kulmiye. In addition, Mr. Derie is a presidential appointee to represent Somaliland on the DP World Berbera venture since former President Ahmed Mohamoud Siilanyo’s government.
Mr. Derie with President Bihi and DP World Chairman
Mr. Derie’s company, Modern Medical Laboratory, has sold a whopping $766,369.69 worth of COVID-19 reagents and other unspecified supplies since March 2021, while BIOSOM has done $295,822.80 worth of business in the same period. The two companies have billed more than million US dollars to the Ministry of Health Somaliland and the Somaliland taxpayers.
Although official government reports on COVID-19 infection trends are no longer issued consistently, BIOSOM and Modern Medical Laboratory’s business of selling reagants and other COVID-19 supplies to the Ministry of Health Development has been steadily on the rise at times more than the height of the pandemic.
In addition, the Ministry of Health does not issue statistics on number of travelers served by the COVID-19 testing facility. Negative COVID-19 PCR test result which is still a requirement for most travel destination costs $45 US dollars. According to the 2022 budget, Ministry of Finance expects 2.3 million US dollars to be generated from COVID-19 testing fees.
Areas of revenue for the 2022 budget. Page 39 of 2022 Budget.
A closer inspection of BIOSOM and Modern Medical Laboratory transactions shows massive inconsistencies. BIOSOM is charging more than a thousand dollars for a box of reagents that are available in the market at around 300 US dollars. Modern Medical Laboratory seems to cut and paste the same amount for eight consecutive times down to the cents. It is unclear how a company’s cost can stay consistent for eight billing periods with the rise in transportation and fuel costs.
Although government policy mandates that all contracts exceeding fifty million Somaliland Shillings be put through bid through the National Tender Board, there is no indication that BIOSOM and Modern Medical Laboratory have won their contracts through the National Tender Board.
Representatives of the companies we have spoken to disputed any wrongdoing, including conflict of interest, and did not seem to be aware that multiple laws prohibit government employees and appointees from directly benefitting from their position.
With BIOSOM, where half of the company’s shareholders also work at the COVID-19 testing center and include the brother of the Director General of the Ministry of Health, self-dealing seems to be business as usual as the entire lifecycle of the purchasing process is done by the same people on both ends of the transaction.
In Somaliland, where systemic corruption has been the norm, an appointment or a government job has become license to steal and a shortcut in landing coveted government contracts.
According to a legal counsel we consulted for this report, multiple statutes and laws prohibit government employees and officials from directly participating in business ventures that can create a conflict of interest.
Mr. Derie the owner of Modern Medical Laboratory denied any wrongdoing and claimed he has owned the company before his appointment, despite all the company’s business with the government starting last year and stated that he pays his taxes before abruptly stating that he did not wish to make any more comments to us.
BIOSOM shareholder Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye, the Brother of the Director General of the Ministry of Health, accused us of unprofessionalism and that it was inappropriate to ask if he and the Director General were siblings.
According to sources, the World Health Organization which donated the COVID-19 equipment to the Ministry of Health has stopped supplying COVID-19 reagents and related supplies last year. World Health Organization Officials in Hargeisa who work directly with the Ministry of Health and COVID-19 testing center did not respond to repeated calls for information.
Repeated attempts to reach the Minister of Health, Mr. Hassan Mohamed Ali (Gaafaadhi), and the Director General, Mr. Mohamed Abdi Hergeye for answers to questions for this report were unsuccessful.
In this interview, we are speaking with Mr. Larry André, the current United States Ambassador to Somalia, about Somaliland and his view on its independence and potential cooperation between Somaliland and the United States.
Somaliland Chronicle: You have been in the region for quite sometime, and as we know, the Horn of Africa is a restive region because of internal conflicts and global power competition. How do you see the future of the region? And how much does the rivalry between foreign powers contribute to the instability in the region?
Ambassador André: The entire world is currently confronting greater than usual challenges, including this region. If the various peoples who make up this region, and their leaders, can overcome these challenges through building optimal relations within their borders and with their neighbors, then this region has a bright future. Conflicts, both internal and external, make sustained social and economic progress impossible. Mutually beneficial, mutually supportive, and mutually respectful relations among individuals, among groups, among regions, and among countries advances the best interests of all. Freedom of expression and open discussion are required to achieve optimal relations. These principals apply to all human societies, including my own. An inclusive, tolerant, and united society and region is more resistant to negative external forces.
Somaliland Chronicle: Somalia went through a rough “election” cycle over the last one and a half years, but finally a new president is in place, however Al Shabab has been resurgent and has intensified their attacks. There are calls for the need to open talks with Al Shabab. Does the US encourage some type of dialogue with Al Shabab just like you did with the Taliban?
Ambassador André: Our top goal is to increase security for the United States and Somalia. Our role is to assist Somali security forces and their African Union allies in protecting Somalis, East Africans, and Americans from terror attacks, violent extortion, and the other criminal activities of the extremist organizations al Shabaab and Daesh. Somalia’s leaders will decide the best approach to protect the population from these groups, and how best to rid the country of their murderous and extortionary behavior.
Somaliland Chronicle: Somaliland is described as a model for peace, stability and democracy in the region and has been relatively successful in holding one person one vote elections with minimum outside help, especially from the US. Somaliland’s President visited the US in March 2022 and had fruitful meetings with the different sectors of the US administration and legislative houses. You are also aware there is a Somaliland Partnership Act with bipartisan support by the senate and similar bills by the House calling for establishing closer cooperation between Somaliland and the United States in areas of strategic interest. What are your plans for further advancing and solidifying this growing momentum?
Ambassador André: We often hear the mistaken assertion that the United States does not aid the people of Somaliland. That is false. As I informed President Bihi when we last met in Hargeisa, over a recent 12-month period the American people provided the following assistance to the people of Somaliland:
More than $160,000 in security projects to counter money laundering and terrorist financing, upgrade visa registration systems, and train Somaliland Cost Guard officers.
More than $1 million in programs to support increased investment, job creation, and renewable energy generation.
More than $2.2 million to expand access to justice and support educational and professional opportunities for women and youth.
Since October 2020, The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the State Department’s Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration have provided more than $640 million in humanitarian funding to meet the needs of people in Somalia, including in Somaliland.
As I have told President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud and President Muse Bihi, the United States is deeply committed to Somalia’s revival. We work with all stakeholders to improve security, prosperity, and governance. In collaboration with other international friends of Somalia, the United States has supported talks between Mogadishu and Hargeisa, most recently in June 2020 in Djibouti, which I attended at the invitation of both parties. The purpose of such talks is to find a way forward on specific arrangements that will improve the lives of all Somalis. We hope to provide future diplomatic, technical, and material assistance for a new round of talks when leaders are ready.
Within this context, we are currently considering additional partnership measures to propose to Somaliland authorities.
Somaliland Chronicle: What goals do you have for Somaliland – what would you like to have achieved at the end of your term?
Ambassador André: Exactly the same goals as I have for all of historic Somalia: Increased security, humanitarian response, inclusive economic growth, and effective governance.
Somaliland Chronicle: What are your plans to visit Hargeisa in an official capacity?
Ambassador André: I already visited Hargeisa and Berbera in my official capacity on May 12, including a formal call on President Bihi and his cabinet in Hargeisa, a tour of the Berbera airport, and an aerial tour of the Berbera sea port. This was my first official visit outside Mogadishu, other than meeting our troops in Baledogle. I have a list of other places and senior leaders within historic Somalia that I should visit. Once I complete those initial visits, I plan to return to Somaliland with more of my colleagues to consult with leaders and to review our aid programs.
Somaliland Chronicle: Can you elaborate on your recent comments to Hiiraan Online that U.S. policy is to recognize “historic Somalia, in its historic borders”?
Ambassador André: Sure. I note that Somaliland has cooperative relations with several countries, including Ethiopia, Djibouti and UAE, as well as ourselves. No United Nations member state recognizes Somaliland independence. We are no different than Somaliland’s other international friends. The United States recognizes the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia in its historic borders, which include the Somaliland region. We respect the achievements of the Somaliland region in terms of democratic governance and security. We work on shared goals with Somaliland’s authorities just as we do with Somalia’s Federal Member States. We view the question of Somaliland’s status as an issue for the people of Somalia (including Somaliland) to determine. We note that in the June 2020 talks in Djibouti between delegations from Hargeisa and Mogadishu, both parties agreed to work together to promote the interests of all Somalis within the territory of historic Somalia, thereby increasing mutual confidence and promoting reconciliation and an eventual agreement on status.
Somaliland Chronicle: How does the U.S. government define “historic Somalia”?
Ambassador André: Somalia was admitted into the United Nations on 20 September 1960. The United States, like all United Nations member states, recognizes Somalia as it was on that date.
Somaliland Chronicle: Your recent statement that U.S. policy to recognize “historic Somalia, in its historic borders ever since former British Somaliland opted to join the former Italian Somaliland and form the country” has been interpreted by some as wholly dismissing Somaliland’s sovereignty, and in more categorical terms than your predecessors. How do you respond?
Ambassador André: Official United States government policy is stated on this public webpage: U.S. Relations With Somalia – United States Department of State. Note this sentence: “The United States recognizes the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia within its 1960 borders…”
Somaliland Chronicle: Is it fair to say that you are taking a contrarian position to the rest of the US government when it comes to Somaliland and the fact that direct US engagement may be in the best interest of the United States? And how do you square your adherence to “historic Somalia” with the interest of the United States that may include potential military base in Berbera?
Ambassador André: My job is to accurately represent the views of the United States government. If I took “a contrarian position to the rest of the U.S. government” then I would soon become a former Ambassador.
Somaliland Chronicle: Do you agree with the 2005 assessment by an African Union fact-finding mission that Somaliland’s search for recognition is ”historically unique and self-justified”?
Ambassador André: I defer questions about African Union positions, past or present, on any given matter to the African Union.
Somaliland Chronicle: How would you compare the current state of democracy and security in Somaliland against that in Somalia?
Ambassador André: I frequently express our admiration for the achievements of the Somaliland region in terms of democratic governance and security. I first visited Hargeisa in 2001. Much progress has been achieved since then in terms of economic development and infrastructure as well. The Federal Government of Somalia was established ten years ago. Progress in all sectors has been achieved, although the last two years saw a partial reversal of that progress due to a dysfunctional level of political contentiousness. I sense a current public mood of cautious optimism, which we share.
Somaliland Chronicle: You have been extraordinarily deferential to government in Mogadishu, particularly in your rhetoric about the “one Somalia policy,” so how do you explain actions that seem to suggest a de facto recognition that the writ of the state does not extend into Somaliland, such as accompanying the U.S. AFRICOM commander to Hargeisa and Berbera?
Ambassador André: I disagree with your characterization. I characterize explaining our longstanding policy in clear terms as “extraordinarily honest.” We work with regional administrations throughout historic Somalia, as well as with the federal government in Mogadishu. General Townsend and I traveled together to Hargeisa and Berbera. Recently, Colonel Bishop and I traveled to Kismayo. This is normal.
Somaliland Chronicle: The Somaliland government has been very vocal about seeking partnership opportunities with the U.S.; what tangible steps is the U.S. taking to reciprocate these proposals?
Ambassador André: Per my response to question 3, we have extensive partnership programs in Somaliland. We have other potential cooperation under discussion. We are not able to satisfy every request, but our level of cooperation is comparable to that in other regions.
Somaliland Chronicle: How do you respond to criticism that you have alienated the Somaliland people by failing to visit Hargeisa for official consultations with government and civil society leaders? What is your message to those who have interpreted your recent statements and lack of direct engagement as signs of bad faith?
Ambassador André: I respond that they are mistaken. Again, I made an official visit to Hargeisa and Berbera on May 12, meeting with President Bihi, his cabinet, and several officials in Berbera. I first met President Bihi in Djibouti during the June 2020 talks between delegations from Mogadishu and Hargeisa. I have also spoken on the phone several times to President Bihi, Foreign Minister Kayd, and leaders of Somaliland’s political parties. I made a point of reaching out to Somali Americans with Somaliland origins when I was in Minneapolis earlier this month. I also met Somalilanders in Washington DC. I called on Somaliland’s representative in Nairobi. I communicate frequently with Somaliland’s representative in Washington DC. My record shows frequent direct engagement and good faith.
Lack of women politicians is not only hurting Somaliland’s economy and society, it is also damaging Somaliland’s recognition efforts abroad. Somaliland women are the backbone of the nation; they are often more educated and vote at a higher rate than men. Yet, their path to politics and decision making has been a rocky one.
On January 18 2022, Gavin Williamson, a member of the British Parliament, organized a debate where about 24 British MPs gathered to discuss Somaliland’s recognition. Williamson praised Somaliland on the progress it has made over the past 30 years apropos of education, health, and development. He emphasized his admiration for Edna Adan, “one of the most remarkable women [he has] had the pleasure of meeting.” He described Hargeisa University, where majority of the students are girls and women, as “the sort of example that we want to set around the world, ensuring that young women and girls are able to thrive and seize all the opportunities that should be available for them, whether in Somaliland or elsewhere on the global stage.” However, Kerry McCarthy, another MP, mentioned that what was “slightly disappointing about the most recent election is that… a lot of progress still needs to be made on female representation. There was one woman MP, but now there are zero, out of 82 elected MPs.”
Somalilanders exercise their power by freely voting, so at first glance one can blame women themselves for their lack of representation. While there is a degree of truth to this, it is a simplistic interpretation of the matter. Somaliland’s democratic process begins after the candidates are selected, a process that both historically and presently stops women in their tracks. Not only has that prevented women from even entering the ballot, it has also led to a Somaliland that is almost exclusively governed by men. To move forward, both the candidate issue and men’s de facto political domination must be overcome.
In the 2005 house of representative election, only two of the 82 people elected were women, In the house of elders, which were originally chosen by the clans, all 82 seats were held by men. One woman inherited after her husband passed away, but she resigned in 2012. In the 2021 elections, no woman was elected to the house of representatives. In the 2012 local council elections, women won 10 out of the 375 seats. All the 25 seats in the Hargeisa local council were held by men. According to the Somaliland National Electoral Commission, 28 out of 798 (3.5%) candidates were women in 2021 municipal and parliamentary elections. Under Article 22, “every citizen shall have the right to participate in the political, economic, social and cultural affairs in accordance with the laws and the Constitution.” How is every citizen equal if more than 96% of the SELECTED running candidates are men? How can there be a fair election if Somaliland elders have patriarchal ideologies that discriminate against female candidates?
Amina-Bahja Ekman, Michael Walls, Marie-Luise Schueller ‘s Political Settlement in Somaliland: A gendered Perspective” sheds lights on “the influence of the gender ideologies held by the Somaliland political elite and wider society on the interpretation of women’s needs and interests, which leads to women’s exclusion from existing political agendas and policies.”
The clan based selection does not “only discriminate [against] women in the election process, but also disfavors them in the appointment or nomination of political positions and public offices..This could be inferred from the fact that there is only one woman out of 40 cabinet members in 2007” (Abdi 2007, 15).
Almost no women have a track record or experience in government, in part due to Somaliland starting by choosing all men for elders and not choosing women to ministries. Leaves those running playing from behind. Women’s absence from the government is not a woman’s issue or a man’s issue. It is a societal issue. It is a Somaliland issue. We all need to work together to elevate women’s presence in politics because after all, Somaliland’s prosperity and success depends on both women and men. Somaliland’s democracy cannot sustain itself if half of its population is excluded from politics?
We need to start from scratch in getting men and women to view women as viable candidates.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR:
Originally from Somaliland, Fahima Abdi Ali is currently pursuing a master’s in International Business and Global Governance at Tufts University, She completed a bachelor’s degree (Sociology) at Columbia University in the city of New York. She founded Hiil Movement, an initiative whose mission is to advance and broaden opportunities available to Somaliland Women by integrating women into Somaliland’s political fabric.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
The Ministry of Education Development of the Republic of Somaliland has announced that it is beginning vocational training for 1032 students and that the Ministry of Education and Science will conduct training across the regions of Awdal, Marodijeh, Sahil, and Togdheer.
Mr. Abdiasis Egeh Riyale, the Director of Vocational Training who made the announcement, the vocational training will include plumbing, electricity, mechanical, welding, metal and woodworking, and new skills such as gypsum installation and interior decoration, hospitality, and cosmetology. Mr. Riyale stated the Ministry added the additional training modules following market research that showed the need for skilled workers in these fields.
Although official statistics on the Somaliland workforce and what new skills are required are not readily available for independent analysis, many high-paying fields, such as the installation of gypsum or drywall for decoration and HVAC installation, are currently denominated by foreign workers.
Mr. Riyale, the Director of Vocational Training at the Ministry of Education and Science, stated a strong desire and commitment to learn is one of the basic requirements to apply for one of the 1032 slots available for this training.
In addition, it is unclear if the Ministry of Education and Science is coordinating with public and private higher education institutions to ensure the curriculum keeps up with market needs and prioritizes workforce-ready graduates to combat rampant unemployment, especially among educated youth.
It has been nearly three years since the Minister of Telecommunication and Technology, Dr. Abdiweli, announced in a cabinet-level extra-ordinary session a plan to include information technology into the national curriculum. So far, this plan has not materialized and technology is not part of the national curriculum.
A massive forest fire has been raging in Somaliland’s mountainous region of Sanaag for the last two days. Although authorities have not announced what and how the fire started, the terrain, elevation, dense vegetation, and lack of resources are making it difficult to bring under control.
The original site of the fire appears accessible by Tab’a road, a treacherous road that winds through Sanaag’s scenic mountains, but NASA’s Fire Information for Resource Management System shows the fire spreading into a second location not far from the original fire, and both sites seem to be spreading.
Somaliland government has ordered all armed forces including police, military and coastguard to head to the site to combat the fire in coordination with the governor, the local governments in the area and Sanaag population in general.
Somaliland’s is still reeling from the massive fire that consumed Waheen Market which has wiped an estimated two billion dollars worth of property. It is unclear if Somaliland government will appear for international assistance to help bring the forest fire raging in Sanaag region.
This is a developing story and we will update as we know more.
