Investigative Reports

Somaliland Office in Taiwan Rejects Sexual Misconduct Allegations

The Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan has...

Ministry of Information Spends 600,000 US Dollars to Fix a Decade Old Radio Station

According to a contract signed by the Minister of Information, Culture...

How Somalia is trying to Stifle Somaliland – US ties with an Online Troll and a pseudo-Charitable Organization

In February, June, and  August 2022, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten filed Lobby Disclosure Act...
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Human Rights Centre Condemns the Arbitrary Detention of Idiris Sa’eed Mohamed and Mohamoud Maxamed Haji Ibrahim.

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Press Release

Human Rights Center condemns the arbitrary arrest of the comedian Idiris Sa’eed Mohamed, also known (Sayidka Barakaysan). On December 2, 2021, Idiris Sa’eed Mohamed, has been arrested by the Somaliland police. His arrest comes after a mock portrayal of the president; he was detained without a warrant and due process of law.  He was brought to the court on 5 December 2021 and was remanded for seven days as his family informed us.

In addition to that, on December 6, 2021, Mohamoud Mohamed Haji Ibrahim, got arrested in Burao after he published a Facebook post criticizing the Somaliland ministry of interior.

Article 25(1), in particular, states that “No person shall be deprived of his liberty except in accordance with the law.” On the other hand, article 32(1) grants citizens the right to express opinions orally, visually, artistically, or any other way.

Moreover, Article 25(2) of the Somaliland Constitution dictates that “No person may be arrested, searched, or detained, except when caught in flagrante delicto, or on the issue of a reasoned arrest warrant by a competent judge”.

Somaliland’s government should respect and adhere to the laws governing the country accordingly, and specifically to the Constitution of Somaliland. We call on the government of Somaliland to release the detainees immediately, stop arbitrary detentions, and respect the freedom of expression enshrined in the constitution.

Yasmin Omar Haji Mohamoud

The Chairperson of Human Rights Centre, Somaliland

Twitter: @hrcsomaliland  

Preferential Treatment: How Sagal Jet won more than 1.2 Million Dollars in Government Contracts Under President Bihi

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Sagal Jet, arguably the most prominent publishing firm in Somaliland, has been thriving since President Muse Bihi Abdi took office. Awarded nearly 1.3 million US dollars in government contracts in just three years, it has used these profits to establish itself as the dominant publisher in an unusually short time. The government’s own National Printing Press received a diminutive $560,000 US dollars in government contracts over the same period in comparison, according to government records viewed d by Somaliland Chronicle.

President Bihi, who critics have accused of the unjust distribution of government contracts and preferential treatment of a few, has repeatedly praised Somaliland’s National Tender Board and stated that all government contracts are won through a competitive and transparent bidding process held by the National Tender Board. Somaliland Chronicle is unable to substantiate President Bihi’s claim as publicly available listing of the Tender Boards records are incomplete.

A prime example is Sagal Jet, whose CEO Mr. Abdi Yusuf Aar is a close confidant of President Bihi with unfettered access to the President and his cabinet, and who has received lucrative no-bid contracts directly from Somaliland’s Presidency. Records show that the Director General of the Presidency, Mr. Mohamed Ali Bile, has frequently requested exceptions from the National Tender Board in order to directly award Sagal Jet no-bid contracts. While the Presidency is Sagal Jet’s largest customer, other government agencies have also joined in the practice of giving considerable no-bid contracts to Sagal Jet.

One of the contracts in question was for the printing of flyers, scarfs, hats, children’s balloons, and other paraphernalia in 2020 for the 18th May Independence celebrations. This no-bid contract was worth $139,850 US dollars as per the documents reviewed.

Somaliland’s government under President Bihi has allocated more funding and made substantial upgrades to the National Printing Press by procuring high-end equipment, and building facilities; but is still outsourcing the majority of its printing needs to Sagal Jet for unknown or ambiguous reasons.

Other private printing establishments have made less than a combined $100,000 USD from the government the same period, and it’s unclear whether they lack the technical capacity to compete in governments contracts, or if Sagal Jet does indeed have a legitimate competitive advantage over other publishing firms and the National Printing Press.

What’s curious is that there is a sundry of transactions that manage to avoid meeting the required threshold for bids to go through Somaliland’s National Tender process, thus potentially circumventing Somaliland’s National Tender Board. While there is some ambiguity to the threshold amount (because of the lack of a clear-cut and defined figure being made available), the repeated small transactions we parsed through read like $9,999 Currency Transaction Report avoidance, with payments being broken down into smaller repetitive amounts.

These transactions and untendered contracts, along with Sagal Jet’s rapid rise to power in Somaliland’s publishing industry, may shed light on a system of patronage that has been the norm in many administrations but is becoming more visible under President Bihi’s administration.

The CEO of Sagal Jet, Abdi Yusuf Aar, with other prominent partners, who invested heavily in President Bihi’s election campaign, early on President Bihi’s presidency has also been widely accused of getting exclusive and lucrative contracts as a quid-pro-quo for picking the right horse.

In an administration known for closing its doors and access to even the likes of the Honourable Sheikh Ali Jawhar, one of modern-day Somaliland’s founders, Mr. Abdi Yusuf Aar has found himself with unconstrained access to the halls of Somaliland’s Presidency, and a seat at the table with close proximity to President himself.

While pay for play schemes are a regular occurrence throughout most of the democratic world, what’s concerning is the lack of oversight and accountability and the missing role of the National Tender Board. That President Bihi is able to so openly reward one of his early investors, and that these actions are in stark contradiction to the public image the President likes to portray, are a ghastly reminder that corruption has become the norm in Somaliland.

Somaliland’s nascent democracy can only flourish through transparency, accountability, and strong government institutions playing their respective roles with proper checks and balances in place. The corrupt practice of rewarding campaign contributors directly from the national coffers, thus rendering the National Tender Board a rubber-stamping agency for Somaliland’s Presidency, will have devastating effects on the Somaliland government’s continued democratization efforts.

Mr. Yusuf Abdi Aar has declined to comment on this article. Efforts to reach officials at the Presidency and other government agencies for comments were unsuccessful.

The Achievement of Joint Effort of Taiwan-Somaliland ICT Cooperation: First “Women in Tech Training Program”

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NEWS RELEASE

Taiwan has assisted the Somaliland government in establishing the Somaliland Innovation Zone, which was opened in October 2021. Following the opening, taking into consideration of the gender equality initiatives, the first and exclusively reserved for women course – “Women in Tech Training Program” has been carried out. 33 Somaliland women from both public and private sectors have gained brand-new skills from the intensive 1-month courses, including computer basics, office automation and graphic design.

On 8th December, Taiwan Technical Mission collaborated with the Ministry of ICT has held a grand closing ceremony for this program. The ceremony was not just for awarding the certificate, but also for students to showcase their group project on brand design. To prepare for the showcase, students spent countless times even after class for practice. Students have spoken highly of this training program in a survey. Some of them wished the class never ends, while some requested to open more training, such as video editing and programming training.

Deputy Representative Nabil Wu of the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland mentioned in his remarks that he is glad to witness the first batch of 33 females to accomplish their training and to be equipped with better working skills and efficiency. In addition, he encourages all the students to apply for Taiwan Scholarships to further strengthen their ICT knowledge in Taiwan.

Dr. Abdiweli Abdillahi Soufi, Minister of Information and Communication Technology, and other invited dignitaries also appreciated the sponsorship of TaiwanICDF and the hard work of Taiwan Technical Mission for making the class so successful, and expect more courses will be open in the Innovation Zone.

Non-stop Love — Taiwan Government and NGO share the warm power with Somaliland

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NEWS RELEASE

Taiwan Government and “Simply Help” foundation based in the USA work together and continuously share daily necessities and medical supplies with Somaliland Government to show the rock-solid friendship as well as the borderless love.

Deputy Ambassador Nabil Chengchi WU of the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland underscores Taiwan Government’s efforts to integrate resources from NGOs and private enterprises to channel to Somaliland. Since 2020, the Simply Help Foundation continues to donate daily necessities to Somaliland. The said foundation operates in more than 20 countries and not only donates needed materials but also trains people to learn living skills. In 2005, the said foundation acknowledged the Special Consultative Status with ECOSOC.

Taiwan Representative Office, on behalf of the Taiwan Government and Simply Help Foundation, donates daily and medical necessities to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to assist the local people in need. It is believed that a friend in need is a friend indeed.

Taiwan is helping and Taiwan has long been contributing on many fronts. Our efforts is proudly described as the “Taiwan Model”. We are always ready to share with Somaliland what we have and what we are good at.

President Bihi’s Decree Slams the Revolving Door Shut and Criminalizes Political Participation in Somalia

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In a decree issued today by Somaliland Presidency, the President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi stated that anyone participating in the political process in Somalia will be prosecuted as a traitor according to existing Parliamentary, House of Elders, and Presidential decrees issued in 2003.

Somaliland has been grappling with a political revolving door where many Somalilanders would run for office in Somalia or vote anonymously in sham elections being held in Somalia for Somaliland. Many heavy-weight politicians who have served in Somalia’s government have returned to Somaliland following Presidential pardons.

President Bihi’s decree prohibiting and criminalizing political participation in Somalia marks a turning point in this long-standing issue and explicitly states that the legal process has to take its course before Presidential pardons can be considered for individuals convicted of breaking this new law.

The current Federal Government of Somalia has many high-ranking officials originally from Somaliland including the Deputy Prime Minister Mr. Mahdi Guleid, the Minister of Finance Mr. Abdirahman Dualeh Beileh, the Minister of Information Mr. Osman Dubbe, and Somalia’s Chief Justice Mr. Bashe Y. Ahmed among others.

Most recently, Mr. Osman Aw-Mohamoud Mohamed widely known as “Buur Madow” or Black Mountain, a prominent elder and a self-styled King has visited Mogadishu where he was initially welcome but caused an uproar following a controversial remark.

President Bihi’s decree instructed Somaliland’s law enforcement agencies to execute the Parliamentary and House of Elders decision and prosecute anyone who breaks this law for national treason.

Although many Somalilanders openly question the value of talks with Somalia, President Bihi’s decree stopped short of abandoning the fruitless talks with Somalia and stated that only the government can participate in meetings with Somalia.

It is unclear if the Somaliland government will change its ambiguous posture in dealing with foreign diplomats who have openly endorsed and encouraged the inclusion of Somaliland in Somalia elections with unknown voters.

From Freedom Fighter to Fighting Freedom — Has Somaliland’s President Bihi Turned Into A Thin-Skinned Autocrat?

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The Republic of Somaliland is a quintessential example of the phoenix that rose from the ashes, a country built back from the rubble created by the brutal Barre regime’s systemic genocide. After a prolonged struggle, it won its freedom, eventually regaining its independence on May 18th, 1991 through the ultimate sacrifice paid by its people.

In a rather unfortunate set of circumstances, and after three decades since regaining its independence, Somaliland is showing alarming signs of falling back to the anti-democratic governance of the Barre dictatorship-era under current President Bihi. Modern-day Somaliland is rife with injustices of its own, which include extra-judicial imprisonment of citizens for the slightest infractions. Some examples of these “infringements” (in the eyes of the Bihi administration) comprise of calling President Bihi “local” – a moniker he was presumably awarded for his uncanny ability to ignore the bigger picture in lieu of local issues – or producing political satire. A recent popular segment by up-and-coming comedian Sayidka Barakaysan (The Blessed Lord), depicting a scene of President Bihi discussing the state of the nation’s economy and education with his Ministers, was met with immediate arrest. 

What makes injustice in Somaliland unfathomable and particularly regretful, is that Somaliland has one of its most famous freedom fighters at its helm in President Muse Bihi Abdi. His story reads like a Stephen E. Ambrose novel, starting with his career as an officer in the Somali Airforce, to deserting his post to join the Somali National Movement as a member of an organized 3000-man resistance.  He and the SNM took the fight to Barre in the name of democracy, and in their struggle, President Bihi was even wounded multiple times.

Just as shocking and regretful, is the fact President Bihi is flanked by Mohamed Kahin as his Minister of Interior, and Brigadier General Dabagale as his Commander of Somaliland Police; both of who have an equally heroic pedigree in fighting at the front lines as members of the SNM.

The latest person to be arrested in Somaliland for mere speech is a young artist who has made a name for himself in skewering politicians satirically, and who speaks to the frustration of the youth and the wider population; but he is just another example of the countless people who have been arrested for expressing their views, and exercising their constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech. His case is, however, eerily reminiscent of “kabtan kufay ku qosle,” a famous case quoted by Somalilanders when describing some offenses people were arrested under Siad Barre’s dictatorial regime.

There’s a tendency in Somaliland’s intelligentsia to downplay or outright dismiss the rash of arrests under President Bihi as benign when compared to neighboring Somalia’s complete lawlessness, rigged elections (dominated by NISA agents), and regular mass casualties at the hands of the Al-Shabab terror group, government-sanctioned assassinations, and tribal infighting. In fact, Somaliland’s intelligentsia somehow prefers to blame the International Community for holding Somaliland to a higher standard than its neighbor Somalia, and other despotic states in the Horn.

There is a simple counterargument to this mindset which is abundantly evident: Somaliland is not Somalia, and the fact of the matter is that this way of thinking is extremely problematic, and a hindrance to Somaliland’s quest for international recognition.  Somaliland should be held to a higher standard because it has proven itself as the little country that could, and succeeded in nation-building with minimal outside intervention, and has regularly held free and fair elections to the International Community’s measured glee.

Because of these injudicious – and frankly idiotic – arrests, Somaliland’s detractors have been given the green light to sarcastically question the motive for Somalilanders’ rebellion against Siad Barre’s dictatorship, which is an altogether disingenuous argument. While there is no equivalency or comparison – short of making a mockery of the memory of those who sacrificed their lives for Somaliland – President Bihi has done his best to invite the insinuations by treating social commentary as dissent. This is, afterall, where the Barre regime began on the slippery slope that led them to pursue mass extermination of the people of Somaliland. While no one can make an honest argument that this is Somaliland’s trajectory, President Bihi’s inability to remember yesteryear’s atrocities welcomes the comparison.

Arbitrary detention of citizens without due process seeds fear in society and makes them amenable to the status quo. Just like the fictional five monkey experiment, Somalilanders will in due course embrace a culture of collectively punishing anyone going against the grain, to instinctively protect themselves (and the status quo) to their detriment.

In Somaliland, under President Bihi, the arc of the moral universe does not bend towards justice, because those who fought and bled for justice are now perpetrating some of these major injustices against the very people they fought to free.  Arbitrary arrest of citizens for exercising their constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech is against everything the Republic of Somaliland stands for, and President Bihi who is exhibiting despotic and hypersensitive traits bears sole responsibility for turning Somaliland into a police state causing irreparable harm to its case for recognition. President Bihi who was voted in democratically, in a process collectively owned by the people of Somaliland, is accountable to the citizens via speech at the very least. There are a wide range of issues that need President Bihi’s attention, such as the inconvenient truths highlighted in Sayidka Barkaysan’s recent – and popular for a reason – segment. Instead of arresting the messenger, perhaps it would be more prudent for President Bihi to pursue rectifying the truths that irked him. After all, Somaliland’s democratic credentials shouldn’t be held hostage to President Bihi’s personal shortcomings and insecurities.

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Will omicron – the new coronavirus variant of concern – be more contagious than delta? A virus evolution expert explains what researchers know and what they don’t

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Suresh V. Kuchipudi, Penn State

A new variant named omicron (B.1.1.529) was reported by researchers in South Africa on Nov. 24, 2021, and designated a “variant of concern” by the World Health Organization two days later. Omicron is very unusual in that it is by far the most heavily mutated variant yet of SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.

The omicron variant has 50 mutations overall, with 32 mutations on the spike protein alone. The spike protein – which forms protruding knobs on the outside of the SARS-CoV-2 virus – helps the virus adhere to cells so that it can gain entry. It is also the protein that all three vaccines currently available in the U.S. use to induce protective antibodies. For comparison, the delta variant has nine mutations. The larger number of mutations in the omicron variant may mean that it could be more transmissible and/or better at evading immune protection – a prospect that is very concerning.

I am a virologist who studies emerging and zoonotic viruses to better understand how new epidemic or pandemic viruses emerge. My research group has been studying various aspects of the COVID-19 virus, including its spillover into animals.

Why do new SARS-CoV-2 variants continue to emerge?

While the unusually high number of mutations in the omicron variant is surprising, the emergence of yet another SARS-CoV-2 variant is not unexpected.

Through natural selection, random mutations accumulate in any virus. This process is sped up in RNA viruses, including SARS-CoV-2. If and when a set of mutations provides a survival advantage to a variant over its predecessors, the variant will out-compete all other existing virus variants.

Does the omicron variant’s greater number of mutations mean it is more dangerous and transmissible than delta? We simply don’t know yet. The conditions that led to the emergence of the variant are not yet clear, but what is clear is that the shear number and configuration of mutations in omicron is unusual.

One possible explanation for how viral variants with multiple mutations emerge is through prolonged infection in a patient whose immune system is suppressed – a situation that can lead to rapid viral evolution. Researchers have hypothesized that some of the earlier SARS-CoV-2 variants, such as the alpha variant, may have stemmed from a persistently infected patient. However, the unusual constellation and numerous mutations in the omicron variant make it very different from all other SARS-CoV-2 strains, which raises questions about how it came about.

Another possible source of variants could be through animal hosts. The virus that causes COVID-19 can infect several animal species, including mink, tigers, lions, cats and dogs. In a study that is not yet peer-reviewed, an international team that I lead recently reported widespread infection by SARS-CoV-2 in free-living and captive white-tailed deer in the U.S. Therefore, we also cannot rule out the possibility that the omicron variant emerged in an animal host through rapid evolution.

Two white-tailed deer look for food in the woods in Pennsylvania.
White-tailed deer have recently been identified as a significant reservoir for SARS-CoV-2, the virus that causes COVID-19. Media News Group/Reading Eagle via Getty Images

How the delta variant became dominant worldwide

Delta is between 40% and 60% more transmissible than the alpha variant and nearly twice as transmissible as the original SARS-CoV-2 virus first identified in China. The delta variant’s heightened transmissibility is the primary reason why researchers believe it was able to out-compete other variants to become the dominant strain.

A key factor in viral fitness is its replication rate – or how quickly a virus can make more copies of itself. The delta variant replicates faster than previous SARS-CoV-2 variants, and a not-yet-peer-reviewed study estimated that it produces 1,000 times more virus particles than its predecessors.

In addition, people infected with the delta variant are making and shedding more virus, which is another potential mechanism for its increased ability to spread. Research suggests that a possible explanation for the delta variant’s heightened ability to replicate is that mutations in the spike protein led to more efficient binding of the spike protein to its host, via the ACE-2 receptor.

The delta variant has also acquired mutations that would allow it to evade neutralizing antibodies that serve a critical role in the body’s defense against an invading virus. This could explain why, as multiple reports have shown, the COVID-19 vaccines have been somewhat less effective against the delta variant. This combination of high transmissibility and immune evasion could help explain how the delta variant became so successful.

Studies also show that people infected with the delta variant have a higher risk of being hospitalized compared to those infected with the original SARS-CoV-2 and early variants. One particular mutation on the spike protein of the delta variant – the P681R mutation – is thought to be a key contributor to its improved ability to enter cells and to cause more severe disease.

Will omicron replace delta?

It is too early to say if the omicron variant is fitter than delta or if it will become dominant. Omicron shares some mutations with the delta variant but also possesses others that are quite different. But one of the reasons why we in the research community are particularly concerned is that the omicron variant has 10 mutations in the receptor-binding domain – the part of the spike protein that interacts with the ACE-2 receptor and mediates entry into cells – compared with just two for the delta variant.

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Suppose the combination of all the mutations in omicron makes it either more transmissible or better at immune evasion than delta. In that case, we could see the spread of this variant globally. However, it is also possible that the unusually high number of mutations could be detrimental to the virus and make it unstable.

It is highly likely that the omicron variant is not the endgame and that more SARS-CoV-2 variants will emerge. As SARS-CoV-2 continues to spread among humans, natural selection and adaptation will result in more variants that could plausibly be more transmissible than delta.

We know from influenza viruses that the process of viral adaptation never ends. Lower vaccination rates among many countries means that there are still a lot of susceptible hosts out there for the virus, and that it will continue to circulate and mutate as long as it can spread. The emergence of the omicron variant is yet another reminder of the urgency to vaccinate to stop the further spread and evolution of SARS-CoV-2.

Suresh V. Kuchipudi, Professor of Emerging Infectious Diseases, Penn State

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Ministry of Telecom and Technology Bans Advertisement Text Messages from Telcom Providers

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In a directive issued today, the Minister of Telecommunications and Technology Dr. Abdiweli Abdillahi Soufi has banned advertisement text messages sent by telecommunications providers to their customers on behalf of business customers.

Telesom and Somtel, the two telecommunications companies that provide cellphone service, send an inordinate amount of unsolicited text messages to their customers.

The Minister’s directive states that if telecom providers violate the ban of unsolicited messages to customers without their permission will result in a 70 million Somaliland Shillings or 8,000 US dollar fine as defined by Somaliland Telecommunications Law. The directive does not specify an avenue for the public can report infractions to the Ministry of Telecommunications and Technology.

The Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology exerts minimal control and oversight on powerful telecommunications companies and has been unsuccessful in inter-connect the two cellphone carriers of Telesom and Somtel despite many promises.

In addition to the telecommunication service, Telesom and Somtel are also part of the two major banking conglomerates of Dara Salaam Bank and Dahabshiil Bank, which own and operate Zaad and E-Dahab digital currencies widely used throughout Somaliland.

Efforts to reach the telecom companies for comments were unsuccessful.

Press Statement on Somaliland Foreign Minister’s visit to the United States of America

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A high-level government delegation from the Republic of Somaliland, led by Foreign Minister Dr. Essa Kayd Mohamoud accompanied by Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, concluded a six-day visit to Washington, DC, and New York City, where they met with a number of top government officials, advocacy organizations, experts and academics focused on the Horn of Africa. They also held community events with members of the Somaliland diaspora in the United States.

Foreign Minister Kayd and Special Envoy Adan provided updates on recent developments in Somaliland and highlighted the growing need for closer ties with the United States given the many areas of mutual interest between the countries on economic, security, and governance issues in the Horn of Africa. The delegation also outlined the challenges that Somaliland continues to face as an unrecognized nation, including acquiring COVID-19 vaccines from the international community, and provided specific recommendations to advance cooperation between Somaliland and the United States.

In Washington, DC, the delegation participated in a series of meetings with officials from the National Security Council, Department of State, Department of Defense, and U.S. Agency for International Development. On Capitol Hill, they met with members and senior staff from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the House Foreign Affairs Committee, and other relevant committees. They also met with the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office in the United States and briefed experts from the Atlantic Council, American Enterprise Institute, Jamestown Foundation, U.S. Institute of Peace, Wilson Center, American University, and National Endowment for Democracy, International Republican Institute and Freedom House. In New York, the delegation participated in meetings with United Nations officials and experts on East Africa, peacebuilding, and democratic governance.

“Our visit was an important and timely opportunity to consult with American partners on a range of regional issues that have drawn us closer together than ever before, including the fight against terrorism and instability in neighboring countries,” said Foreign Minister Kayd. “To this end, we felt a mutual interest with U.S. Government officials in exploring a framework for U.S.-Somaliland cooperation that we look forward to building together.”

“For thirty years, Somaliland has been a beacon of democracy, security, and steady economic progress in an otherwise troubled region,” Special Envoy Adan added. “Our ability to sustain this role will benefit greatly from the support of the United States and other like-minded allies.”

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END

South Africa needs to tighten controls on substandard and counterfeit medicines. Here’s how

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David R. Katerere, Tshwane University of Technology

Substandard and counterfeit medicines can be extremely dangerous. They are fraudulently manufactured to deceive buyers about the product’s quality, authenticity and effectiveness. These medicines don’t meet quality and regulatory standards.

Such medicines are usually manufactured by highly organised criminal groups that are often involved in cross-border trafficking. The products can be bought online, in tuck shops or at street markets. Sometimes they find their way into legitimate supply chains, cropping up in registered pharmacies and hospitals.

Commonly referred to as substandard and falsified medicines, they take many forms. These include anything from pills for erectile dysfunction and weight loss to antidepressants, anabolic steroids, antibiotics and pain killers.

These medicines are accessible and affordable. That makes them appealing to consumers – but they can do great harm. Some products may contain the wrong ingredients, others may have no or much lower concentrations of active ingredients. They may also contain toxic substances used as tablet fillers, like rat poison, boric acid, chalk or anti-freeze.

Some researchers suggest that as much as 42% of medicine distributed in African countries is counterfeit. The World Health Organisation estimates that there are over 1 million deaths annually due to substandard and counterfeit medicine. It’s also been reported that about 53% of anti-malarial drug resistance in Southeast Asia and sub-Saharan Africa may be linked to the use of substandard and falsified medicines.

There have been attempts to tackle the problem. The WHO, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and Interpol have made joint efforts to create policies and implement strategies that member countries can adopt.

We set out to explore how South Africa is managing the problem of counterfeit and substandard medicines. The answer, unfortunately, is “not very well”. There are several reasons for this. Primarily, it’s due to the absence of a specific anti-counterfeit policy for medicines.

This situation must be urgently addressed. People need a constant supply of affordable, safe and efficacious medicine.

Gaps and concerns

South Africa’s pharmaceutical regulatory framework is known to be stringent. It is compatible with international standards and far stronger than those of other countries in sub-Saharan Africa. But this framework is not backed by a strong implementation strategy.

For instance, we identified the lack of specific pharmaceutical crime and anti-counterfeit policies and regulations as a major hindrance to effectively enforcing the law. This kind of legislation would do two things. First, it would deal with intellectual property issues to ensure people can’t copy medicines that are patented. Second, it would provide a clear guide on what areas need policing, which stakeholders are responsible and what action plan is required. This implementation strategy would ensure accountability, enhance collaboration and information sharing, and bolster monitoring and evaluation.

The Medicines and Related Substances Act 101 of 1965 and the Counterfeit Goods Act 37 of 1997 outline punishments for counterfeiting. These are a fine of between R5,000 (about US$326) and R10,000 or a prison sentence ranging from three to 10 years. These do not seem to be sufficient deterrents.

Political will lacking

There’s also a lack of resources and capacity to implement existing laws.

For instance, South Africa needs a pharmaceutical testing laboratory designated or owned by the national medicines regulator to test for ingredients in suspected substandard and falsified medicines. Such a lab could also randomly test medicinal products on the market.

An overburdened criminal justice system, weak penalties and short prison sentences make for poor prosecution rates.

Respondents in our study suggested that political will to use state resources for such cases is lacking because pharmaceutical crime is perceived as an intellectual property issue rather than one that focuses on public safety.

Another hurdle to effective prosecutions that respondents identified was a lack of regional coordination in the Southern African Development Community. Prosecutors we interviewed told us that most African criminal justice systems struggled with a lack of resources, transparency and regional collaboration. This, in turn, contributed to lack of regional cooperation in combating transnational crimes, including medicine counterfeiting.

There are various relevant government agencies and law enforcement bodies. But they don’t collaborate very well on the issue of counterfeit medicines. This has created gaps in the value chain. It makes it easier for counterfeit and substandard medicines to proliferate.

We identified a number of websites selling medicines without prescriptions. Most were remotely operated; for example, the domain was registered as coming from South Africa but the contact details showed other countries like Denmark and Switzerland. None of these websites had contact details for a responsible pharmacist.

This exposes another gap in legislation: the Medicines and Related Substances Act 101 of 1965 is the main piece of legislation that regulates the sale of medicines. But it needs to be amended and updated to address the sale of medicines online.

Going forward

The implications of not having a specific pharmaceutical crime and anti-counterfeit legal framework are far-reaching. It impedes the government’s ability to prevent substandard and falsified medicines proliferation and ensure effective law enforcement once counterfeit products have been seized. The implementation of a national anti-counterfeit policy will enforce a legal mandate with objectives and responsibilities so that all relevant authorities can participate effectively.

Another important strategy is for regulators to engage the public through awareness campaigns and education, as seen elsewhere on the continent and internationally.

In other countries such as Ghana, Nigeria, and the United Kingdom, social media platforms have been used to empower consumers to identify counterfeit products online. This, as well as the use of mobile authentication systems to check product traceability, has greatly reduced counterfeiting.

There’s also room for collaboration between private companies and governments. One example is the partnership between the Center for Safe Internet Pharmacies, internet service providers such as Google, Yahoo, and Microsoft, and the United States government to shut down illegal sites and support awareness efforts.

David R. Katerere, Research Platform Chair for Pharmaceutical and Biotech Advancement in Africa (PBA2), Tshwane University of Technology

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.