Investigative Reports

Somaliland Office in Taiwan Rejects Sexual Misconduct Allegations

The Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan has...

Ministry of Information Spends 600,000 US Dollars to Fix a Decade Old Radio Station

According to a contract signed by the Minister of Information, Culture...

How Somalia is trying to Stifle Somaliland – US ties with an Online Troll and a pseudo-Charitable Organization

In February, June, and  August 2022, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten filed Lobby Disclosure Act...
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Is Khatumo State of Somalia in Somaliland a Viable Option?

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While Somalia’s fight against Al-Shabaab has received a lot of international attention, a serious conflict has broken out in the Horn of Africa between Somaliland and several clans that want to stay in Somalia. As a result, fighting has broken out around Las Anod, the administrative city of the eastern province of Sool that wants to set up its own breakaway administration: Khatumo State of Somalia.

Although the severe fighting around Las Anod has received almost no international attention, this conflict is becoming a major crisis in the Horn of Africa. Already, it has seen hundreds killed and over 200,000 people flee their homes. But it raises lots of tough questions.

Should the contested area remain a part of Somaliland? Or should it be part of Somalia? And, if it is allowed to break away from Somaliland, should it do so as Khatumo State, or should it be incorporated into Puntland?

Solely Entrusting Quest for Recognition to Government Party Failed the Somaliland Case

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Somaliland, which was previously known as British Somaliland Protectorate, gained its independence from Britain on June 26, 1960, and immediately joined with Italian Somaliland to form the Somali Republic. However, the union between the two territories was short-lived and failed to effectively unite the Somali people.


Following years of oppression , marginalization, and policies annihilating solely Somaliland people by the Somali successive regimes after unification, the necessity of resuming its lost sovereignty became apparent and eventually Somaliland declared unilaterally ending its voluntary union with Somalia in 1991, and has since been functioning as a state with its own constitution, judiciary, and police force.

The inception of present day Somaliland Republic and its quest for recognition as an independent state were born on the same day in 1991 out of the Grand Conference in Burao.

State building without any major outside help has been successful in Somaliland to the amazement of the world, however Somaliland has miserably neglected to earn recognition at the international front and in the home turf.

Apparently, one can argue downplaying the home front recognition in the Eastern regions of Somaliland can be partly attributed to the ongoing crisis in the Las Anod

After Burao convention, Somaliland came up with a unique state building model for raising the nation from its ruin state caused by the brutal Siyad Barre regime, but never devised a roadmap for the recognition quest nor enacted laws for the oversight and administration of such endeavors.

Because of its bottom-up approach to governance and reconciliation, a brief description of Somaliland’s distinctive state building makes sense to mention here in order to grasp the crucial aspects of having a blueprint and governing laws for the recognition quest.

When it came to state building, Somaliland relied on traditional Somali systems of governance, including clan-based structures and customary law, to develop a sustainable and inclusive political system that is distinct from the centralized government model of Somalia.

The Somaliland model of governance includes several elements that differentiate it from other African states, such as:

  • Constitutionalism: Somaliland has a constitution that outlines the division of powers between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government.
  • Democratic Elections: The country holds regular elections where every citizen above the age of 18 has the right to vote.
  • Pluralistic society: Political parties are multiple and pluralistic in Somaliland, emphasizing a system of checks and balances.
  • Traditional Authorities: Somaliland recognizes and incorporates traditional clan-based authorities into its governance model. Elders, called Guurti, are responsible for decision-making on issues related to conflict resolution, social control, and governance.
  • Development Prioritization: The government’s priorities are development, infrastructure, education, and health, as these are critical to poverty reduction and economic growth.

Overall, Somaliland’s unique state-building model enables the country to function as a modern state.

However, despite its stability, democratic governance, and economic progress, Somaliland has yet to gain international recognition as an independent state.

Despite the lack of a template for recognition endeavor, Somaliland did not give this ambition any priority in the initial ten years due to the clan-based system being in place and the first task being on creating a functioning country that would receive this recognition.

Transitioning from clan system, in 2001, Somaliland held a referendum on its future status. The referendum reinforced the decisions reached at the Burao Convention and resulted in a landslide vote in favor of reinstating Somaliland sovereignty. The following year, in 2002, Somaliland held its first multiparty elections. Since 2002, Somaliland has held regular elections at all levels of government.

32 years have passed since Somaliland first sought to gain international recognition. During that span of time, the administration of Somaliland was alternately under the governments of the now-defunct UDUB and the current ruling Kulmiye.

There were no direct communications or negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia during the period when the now-defunct UDUB was in charge of the Somaliland administration. In contrast to today’s low bottom rock after 32 years in search of recognition, Somaliland’s chances of recognition at that time were actually very good and favorable in Africa and internationally. It was in 2005 when the African Union’s fact-finding mission visited Somaliland and subsequently delivered the report, reaffirming that Somaliland’s claim to independence is supported by verifiable historical facts and would not give rise to a wave of continent-wide secessionist movement.

The invitation Somaliland received to attend in the 2012 London Conference on Somalia was a tragic trap that Somaliland leaders of that time imagined as an ideal chance for their own and their party politics while selling it to the public as a great opportunity for the country. Equally, the joint session of the Somaliland parliament that voted in a hasty manner in favor of lifting the legal ban on interacting with Somalia committed a colossal mistake.

A clause in the Communique from the London Conference on Somalia at Lancaster House in London on 23 February, 2012, said that the international community should recognize and support the significance of dialogue between Somaliland and the federal government of Somalia.

  1. The Conference recognized the need for the international community to support any dialogue that Somaliland and the Transitional Federal Government or its replacement may agree to establish in order to clarify their future relations.

Thus, Somaliland was lured into talking to Somalia by the international community. It was not a choice that was made after careful deliberation among all relevant parties in the nation and with our own planning and terms. As a result, the struggle for Somaliland’s recognition has evolved into an ambition with no clear path to follow other than to comply with politicians wishes.

The first face-to-face meeting between representatives from Somaliland and Somalia took place in London on June 20, 2012, a few months after the London Conference on Somalia. This was followed by talks held in Dubai, Ankara, Istanbul (twice) and Djibouti.  The dialogue process collapsed in early 2015 in Istanbul and the process came to stalemate.

For Somaliland’s quest for recognition, the Kulmiye administration, which was in charge of Somaliland at the time, pioneered a flawed strategy that was never reviewed. This strategy is still being followed.

There is a possibility of excluding diverse points of view and alternative concepts when a single political party exercises sole authority over the implementation of a national priority. Because of this, only a small number of potential solutions may be taken into consideration and implemented, which could result in the absence of novel and efficient strategies. Likewise, it can be more likely to pursue policies that are not in the best interests of the country as a whole. This methodology establishes an environment that makes challenging to openly communicate various voices and perspectives.

The first step in addressing this problem has to be for the House of Representatives to draft and then approve the Somaliland Recognition Quest, Oversight, and Administration Law, of which establishment of an Independent Commission for Recognition is mandated.

Independent Commission for Recognition Journey

Demanding and establishing a broad-based independent commission for national priorities like Somaliland’s quest for “international recognition” is a duty incumbent upon the people of Somaliland and can result in significant advantages over leaving that task up to the whim of the ruling party alone.

Once this route is taken, here are a few of the main advantages:

Inclusive representation: The inclusion of varied viewpoints and views in the decision-making process is ensured by a commission that is largely composed of members from different sectors, backgrounds, and areas of expertise. This inclusivity enhances the legitimacy and credibility of the commission’s recommendations

Comprehensive analysis: With a wide range of stakeholders involved, a commission made up from all segments in the society can thoroughly analyze and evaluate national priority from multiple angles. Different perspectives can contribute unique insights and expertise, leading to a more holistic understanding of complex issues involved.

Consensus building: This kind of commission makes it easier to talk, work together, and reach a consensus by bringing together people from different parts of society. It gives a platform to partners to examine their interests, share thoughts, and figure out something worth agreeing on. The likelihood of adhering to the recommendations made by the commission is increased by this collaborative approach.

Long-term perspective: A commission focused on national priority can take a long-term view of the challenges and obstacles lying ahead because it has no political agenda that’s tied to a political tenure. The commission can come up with plans that take into account what will be needed in the future by involving experts and stakeholders with a lot of experience and knowledge.

Transparent and accountable process: A commission that operates without the influence of any political party in a transparent manner, with clear procedures and accountability mechanisms, enhances public trust and confidence. By involving stakeholders and soliciting public input, the commission can demonstrate its commitment to inclusivity, fairness, and transparency. This transparency also helps to address concerns about potential biases or conflicts of interest.

As long as the quest for Somaliland recognition continues on the current course and the ruling party in the presidential palace continues to make all calls, Somaliland people have no one else to blame but themselves

Ahmed J Yassin, Jacksonville, Florida USA

Guest article first published here

Disclaimer: View and opinion expressed herein are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect the view of Somaliland Chronicle. Somaliland Chronicle is
an online news outlet that seeks to publish well-argued and policy-oriented
articles on Somaliland nation's priorities in foreign affairs, education,
healthcare, economy, energy, and infrastructure

Strengthening Climate Justice in Somaliland

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Climate change contributes to mounting competition over scarce land and natural resources in Somaliland.

Conflicts between farmers and pastoralists over land tenure and access to water are intensifying and threaten peace and stability, particularly in rural areas. Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) Centres in Somaliland offer redress for basic criminal and civil law disputes, including many disputes generated or exacerbated by climate change, while strengthening safeguards for the rights of excluded and marginalized groups like women and children.

The issue brief Strengthening Climate Justice in Somaliland: The Role of ADR Centres provides an overview of key justice challenges caused or aggravated by the effects of climate change in Somaliland, and outlines opportunities for addressing these challenges through the ADR Centres. In doing so, it aims to showcase how working at the intersection of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 13 (climate action) and SDG 16 (peaceful, just, and inclusive societies) is key to achieving climate justice, by enabling more inclusive, equitable, and effective climate action while ensuring that the most climate-vulnerable people are not left behind.

Read the Full Report here

Misconception on Las Anod Conflict in Somaliland at the UN Security Council

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Press Release of Somaliland Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation Ministry on UN Security Council’s June 7th Statement.

The Government of the Republic of Somaliland welcomes the statement from the UN Security Council on the cessation of hostilities, on creating conditions for peace, unhindered provisions of humanitarian assistance and stabilization of the situation in Las Anod.  However, we also wish to express our concern that UNSC appears to be misinformed about the facts on the ground. On the 26th of February 2023,  Somaliland forces withdrew from Las Anod and since then have maintained a static defensive position outside the city of Las Anod. The Somaliland Security forces have rigorously avoided civilian casualties, only firing to maintain their defensive positions against the militia forces.

The government of Somaliland is concerned by the Security Council’s failure to acknowledge the rapidly expanding presence of Al Shabab in Las Anod and Sool region of Somaliland. This poses a threat not only to Somaliland but also to our neighbors, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti as well as the entire region. In our letter to the UN Secretary General, dated 12th of April 2023 we informed him of the growing threat of Al Shabab in Las Anod and Sool region. No single state can contain this threat and the Government of Somaliland therefore appeals to the members of the UN Security Council to provide their attention and support in addressing this growing threat.

Our government has called for dialogue throughout this conflict, unfortunately, these calls have not been accepted by Las’anod clan leaders. Throughout this conflict, Somaliland has provided access to international organizations to deliver humanitarian aid to our people in Las Anod and has facilitated the delivery of medical supplies. The government has continuously provided food, water, and medical supplies to the displaced in areas outside of Las’anod.

The Somaliland forces in Sool region are protecting the people, sovereignty, and territory of the Republic of Somaliland within our recognized borders at the time of independence. Our international borders are in conformity with article 4 of African Union Constitutive Act which the United Nation recognizes.

The principal obstacle to peace and stability in Las Anod are militia forces from neighboring Puntland State of Somalia that are actively fueling the conflict. It is apparent that Al-Shabab terrorist fighters are also using clan allegiance as a cover for their activities in Las Anod. The only way that the conflict in Las Anod can be resolved is the withdrawal of Puntland forces from Las Anod.  We also urge the UN Security Council to support the commencement of peace efforts.

In the Light of Upcoming Elections, Looking Back the Transition to Direct Elections in Somaliland

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Somaliland transitioned from indirect to direct elections in 2002. Since then, it has successfully conducted two House of Representatives (HoR) elections in 2005 and 2021, three Local Government elections in 2002, 2012, and 2021, and three Presidential elections in 2003, 2010, and 2017.

Before transitioning to direct elections, Somaliland encountered similar obstacles to those currently faced by Somalia. Given the similarities between the two Somali territories, the case of Somaliland provides valuable lessons for Somalia and its Federal Member States on how to design the transition from indirect to direct elections.

Somaliland’s democracy is not flawless. Arguably, it remains in ‘the first stage of multiparty democratization while others believe it has regressed to clan democracy. Some of the noticeable weaknesses include the fact that only three political parties are licensed in Somaliland; the internal procedures of these parties are undemocratic; separate elections are held for the various levels of governance; the independence of key institutions is increasingly compromised; and there is only low representation of women and minority groups.

Somaliland’s transition to direct elections has not been free from challenges. For example, between 2008 and 2009, Somaliland conducted its first biometric (fingerprint) voter registration exercise for parliamentary elections, which was disregarded in 2011 due to data errors.

Factors contributing to Somaliland’s transition to direct elections

Democratic leadership

One reason why Somaliland was able to transition to direct elections is that its political elites had a democratic culture. The findings from our research suggest that the Somaliland elite demonstrated democratic values during the armed struggle and after the ‘liberation of Somaliland’.

This democratic culture is often considered inherent in a pastoral society. The Somaliland National Movement (SNM), which led the ‘liberation’ struggle in Somaliland against the military government, not only fought for democracy but also practiced it. As one of our interviewees stated, ‘Democracy was a principle for the Somaliland National Movement leaders. The SNM held six congress meetings during its ten-year struggle, where a new chairman was elected’. In the decade-long armed struggle, five SNM leaders transferred chairmanship. According to the SNM charter, the movement pledged to return power to civilians as soon as they liberated Somaliland.

In 1993, two years after the liberation of Somaliland, the movement’s leaders returned power to the people as they had promised. President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, who had previously served as the Prime Minister of Somalia’s last civilian government in 1969, was elected at the Borama grand conference. He replaced Abdirahman Tuur, the last chairman of the SNM and the first President of Somaliland. Many of Somaliland’s political elite, including the leaders of SNM and the founders of the first political parties, attended Sheikh and Amoud schools and knew each other as students. Their educational socialization was a further contributing factor in Somaliland’s post-1991 state building and transitioning to direct elections.

Statehood aspirations

Since the 1990s, Somaliland has presented itself as an independent state aspiring to gain recognition from the international community. These political aspirations have played a role in its exercise of a democratic governance system to showcase its democratic values to the Western world and demonstrate that it deserves recognition as an independent state. Commenting on this, an informant in Garowe said, ‘Somaliland was formed on the logic of statehood, independent from Somalia; they always wanted to show the world that they are different from the rest of Somalia’.

Somaliland sought to use multiparty elections to advance its quest for recognition. ‘Somaliland’s people, especially the dominant Isaq clan, believed that exercising democracy was a precondition for gaining international recognition. Somaliland’s political elite continuously emphasizes stability and democracy to demonstrate that Somaliland is more deserving of recognition than the internationally recognized, but unstable and undemocratic.

The research participants in Hargeisa stressed the role of statehood aspirations in Somaliland’s democratization. The desire for statehood gave Somaliland a clear objective, and both its political elites and the majority of its citizens were in agreement that Somaliland must behave like a state to be recognized by the global community of sovereign states. Consequently, its leaders concentrated their efforts on achieving this goal. As a result, Somaliland’s transition to direct elections is recognized as an ‘organic’ and bottom-up process, initiated and designed by its political class

Reconciliation and security

Somaliland’s reconciliation and peace-building process has been well-documented (Kaplan,

2008; Eubank, 2010; Bradbury, 2014). Over a dozen clan conferences were held in the 1990s to reconcile and build trust between competing clans and sub-clans. Somaliland’s successful transition to direct elections can be attributed to its bottom-up reconciliation. This included resolving election-related disputes using domestic conflict resolution mechanisms, particularly in the early stages of the transition process. During electoral conflicts, various election stakeholders – such as politicians, the election body, and political parties – respected local conflict resolution mechanisms, which were usually initiated by non-state actors such as businesspeople, elders, and religious leaders. For example, there was an election dispute during Somaliland’s first presidential election in 2003, when the opposition candidates challenged the results after losing to the acting President by only 83 votes. Yet, this dispute was resolved internally without the involvement of international actors

The ‘Egal Factor’

During Somaliland’s transition to direct elections, many of the political elite initially opposed the transition and instead advocated for clan-based indirect elections. While these politicians did not necessarily oppose democratization, they suspected that the incumbent President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, from the dominant clan, was attempting to manipulate the electoral process to maintain his grip on power. Consequently, a stalemate ensued, and President Egal even went so far as to arrest key traditional elders who supported opposition leaders. However, the situation changed in May 2002 when President Egal passed away. His Vice President, Dahir Rayale Kahin, from Awdal region, became the acting President. This change in leadership gave momentum to the transition process, and Somaliland held its first local council elections in December 2002, followed by its first Presidential election in April 2003.

A key informant commented on the role of President Egal’s death in the transition process, saying:

President Egal was a political heavyweight who championed Somaliland’s transition to direct elections. He recognized that he had little chance of being re-elected under the clan-based election system and saw an opportunity in the direct elections. Having participated in the 1969 elections, he knew how to appeal to the voters. The opposition leaders were aware of this and lobbied for the clan-based election system, resulting in a stalemate that persisted until his death in 2002.

A second informant said:

Egal was succeeded by his deputy, who was perceived as less manipulative, new to the office, and from the periphery clans. He faced pressure to transition the country into democracy since the President’s term was ending and there was no possibility of winning elections through a clan conference. Other political actors also recognized that they could easily defeat him. As a result, key political actors became interested in transitioning to direct elections.

President Egal played a pivotal role in facilitating Somaliland’s transition in a number of ways.

Firstly, his experience as a former Prime Minister in Somalia’s civilian government before the military coup in 1969, as well as his participation in previous elections, proved instrumental in designing the transition process. Secondly, he staunchly opposed the clan-based election system and advocated for the implementation of direct elections. Despite tough opposition from other political actors, he was able to persuade the public about the benefits of direct elections. This highlights that political factors can impede the transition process and that, to avoid this, political space must be managed, and concerns held by different stakeholders need to be addressed

Technical aspects

One key lesson that can be learned from the Somaliland case is that conducting direct elections requires addressing both political and technical aspects of the electoral process. From a technical perspective, the democratization process in Somaliland has made gradual progress since 2001, successfully overcoming various practical obstacles. Initially, in 2000, Somaliland established the legal framework for elections, which included a constitution that partly stipulated the electoral processes. The establishment and approval of the constitution through a referendum were necessary prerequisites for conducting direct elections, as the constitution provided the necessary legal framework. Subsequently, the parliament passed several electoral laws, including Law No.14 of Regulation of Political Parties and Associations. Another crucial legal framework that was introduced was the Somaliland Election Management Body (EMB). These legal frameworks were established prior to the first direct elections held in December 2002, which involved the participation of six political associations.

To address the challenge of allocating seats in parliament, Somaliland’s political elites have resorted to using a seat allocation formula that was in place before independence in 1960. However, this approach is not without its flaws, particularly as non-dominant clans feel underrepresented in parliament. Additionally, many of the technical issues that existed in the early years, such as multiple voter registrations, were resolved with the introduction of advanced technologies, such as iris-based biometric voter registration, which was instituted in 2016 (Interpeace, 2016). This has improved the reliability of voter registration by addressing duplicate registrations through fingerprint and facial registration, thereby reducing election irregularities.17 To account for the high levels of illiteracy among citizens, Somaliland introduced an innovative approach in which the names of candidates were presented alongside designated symbols associated with them, such as an icon of a lightbulb, camel or a tortoise, which voters could recognize.

Challenges in Somaliland’s democratization

Somaliland’s democracy has made significant progress, but it is not without flaws. One significant issue is Somaliland’s inability to hold timely elections. Despite the constitution stipulating that election schedules can only be altered in the event of special circumstances, such as widespread conflict or disaster, the elections have repeatedly been postponed without the presence of such circumstances. These delays have had negative consequences, including political disputes and a loss of trust in the democratic system and key institutions such as the high court and Somaliland’s election body, the National Electoral Commission (NEC).

The Somaliland elections have stalled since 2022, partly due to missed election schedules. In October 2022, Somaliland’s upper house, known as the House of Elders or the Guurti, extended the President’s office term by two years and its own office term by five years. With these extensions, the Guurti has turned the President’s five-year office term into a seven-year term and its own six-year term into a twenty year term, beginning in 1997. Local critics have thus labelled it as the ‘house of extensions’.

Two decades ago, Somaliland adopted the three-party system in order to address the issues associated with the fragmented and proliferated clan party system in the 1960s. In this system, the three political associations that receive the highest number of votes in the Local Council elections are promoted to national parties, and they are allowed to contest parliamentary and presidential elections for ten years before new parties can be registered. However, the three-party system has resulted in limited political space and participation, failing to produce parties with a broad national base. Additionally, the parties lack internal democracy, which hinders them from separating their identity and politics from the clan identity and politics of their founders and chairpersons.

Somaliland conducts each election separately. The May 2021 elections were an exception to this, in that the House of Representatives and Local Council elections were combined for the first time. In principle, three elections (Presidential, House of Representatives, and Local Council) – or four if the upper house of Guurti is elected – should take place every five years.

However, due to the high cost of elections and Somaliland’s limited budget, holding these elections separately is not sustainable, and it limits the prospects of democratization. One of the factors considered when scheduling elections is the inability to finance multiple elections in close proximity, which is sometimes used as a justification to postpone elections.

The inclusion of various social groups is a crucial factor in measuring democratization. In Somaliland, the low representation of women and minorities has raised concerns among many

Stakeholders. Partners in democratization have pushed for women and minorities quota systems, but the parliament has rejected the proposal. In the 2021 elections, 28 women ran for elected positions. However, none of the candidates were elected to the parliament.

PRIO Paper

Newest Anti-Somaliland Front: Las Anod War

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There are times when people lose touch with reality and thus analyse, assess and interpret matters not as they are in real truth, but as they are imagined. Such times come up when people lose their sense of direction.

Sahamiye Foundation: Charity Founded by Somaliland Couple Enhancing Education

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Sahamiye Foundation is the dream of Hargeisa entrepreneurs Ismail Ahmed and Hayat Arteh. In Somaliland tradition, their passion is to share their resources and expertise to help their community.
Over 350,000 children and adults across the Horn of Africa (Somaliland, Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya) are learning to read and write in Somali with a free language app, Daariz.

Launched in 2021, Daariz aims to address the region’s low literacy rates by making language skills more accessible and inclusive for learners of all ages.

Daariz was developed by the Sahamiye Foundation, a charity working to improve education in the Horn of Africa and empower all people with lifelong literacy skills.

The Horn of Africa currently faces a multitude of challenges, from an absence of rural schools to recurring droughts and ongoing conflict, coupled with a highly mobile population which all contribute to low school enrolment and limited access to quality education.  As a result, over 70% of late primary school students in the region cannot read and understand a simple story in Somali. The region’s average school enrolment, at around 30%, also continues to be one of the lowest in the world.

Developed in response to these challenges, Daariz offers virtual reading, writing, comprehension lessons and a digital library, ensuring everyone can access a consistent and high-quality education.

Daariz is designed to help in-school and out-of-school children and adults achieve functional literacy in Somali language within a short period of time. It combines fun, interactive games, and personalised feedback with a reward system, making learning enjoyable and engaging.

The app’s offline access has critically enabled more women and girls, who face significant educational barriers, to acquire literacy skills remotely. About 48% of Daariz learners are women and girls which is significantly higher than female school enrolment in the region.

“In the beginning, reading was difficult for me and I struggled to understand names or other texts. I spend most of my time at my stall in the market of Hargeysa. I downloaded the Daariz programme and began using it regularly, dedicating two hours each morning.  I would spend 30 minutes reading each page. I continued this way for six months. Now, my reading has improved significantly and I have started to read and write on my own,” Safiya, a market stall owner in the city of Hargeisa, said.

With speed and automaticity being essential for effective literacy development, Daariz helps people to develop their pace with reading and retention of information.

This focus has significantly reduced the time it takes to achieve functional literacy, from 450 hours to just 50.

Daariz also incorporates culturally relevant elements like virtual camels and badges to engage learners. Earning a herd of a hundred ‘virtual camels’ – cherished symbols of wealth in Somali culture – indicates achievement of functional literacy, a critical milestone.

To date, learners have earned an impressive five million ‘camels’ for their literacy achievements. Soon, learners’ virtual camel stock will outnumber the actual seven million-strong real Somali camel grazing in the Horn of Africa region.

“Daariz fills a critical gap in the Horn of Africa, providing accessible and engaging literacy education where it’s most needed. The 350,000 learners is not just a number, but a testament to our shared belief in the transformative power of literacy. Each person represents a story of resilience, potential, and a brighter future,” Ismail Ahmed, founder of The Sahamiye Foundation, said.

“Our vision is to unlock the potential of every learner, regardless of their location or situation. Daariz equips people of all ages with the confidence to learn at their own pace, to challenge themselves and have fun in the process. This is particularly important for girls, students who are out-of-school and adults who may have missed out on schooling.”

Daariz further supports learners to progress and improve their skills by monitoring test results, app usage, engagement levels, speed reading performance

Garad Abdiqani’s Son Arrived in Hargeisa & Appealed to Sool insurgents to End Conflict

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The intellectuals of the Sool community in Hargeisa gathered at a reception made for welcoming Raage Garaad Abdiqani Garaad Jama into the city, and emphasized one key message: return to the negotiating table with the Somaliland government and voice any concerns or issues of the region at the table for reasonable solution.


The governor of Sool region, who spoke at the reception, called on Raage to work with the pacification of Sool and the end of the crisis there.

It is about time that intellectuals from Sool who support Somaliland’s cause and are faithfull to her stand up and in a loud and clear voice reject what is taking place in their soil.

The message from Sool’s elites, combined with one from the late Garad Abdiqani Garad Jama’s son, counters the accusations made against the Somaliland Republic that are causing the Las Anod war to go on. Such public statements cast doubt on the notion that the entire populace of that region supports continuing the war.

Speaking there as well, MP Yasin Hagi Mohamud (Faratoon), who has held numerous positions in the various administrations of Somaliland, stated that there is absolutely no hostility planned against the people of Sool and that the feelings and mistrust there are being driven by outsiders who do not care about the peace and stability of the region.

In his speech, MP Faratoon went further and said that although some segments of the Sool region’s tribe reside in neighboring nations like Kenya and Ethiopia, no one question their merger with these countries. So it is important for Sool region natives to ask why Somaliland’s Sool region is the only one being targeted.

The inception of the present-day Somaliland Republic in Burao took place in 1991, following the outbreak of the Somali Civil War. On May 18, 1991, a grand conference was held in Burao. The conference was attended by over 2,000 delegates from all over Somaliland, and it resulted in the resumption of independence of the Republic of Somaliland.

The elders and politicians who met in Burao argued that Somaliland had never been fully integrated with Somalia as an equal sovereign state, and that it had the right to self-determination

Garaad Abdiqani Garaad Jama – the father of Raage – played a significant role in the Burao Grand Conference. The conference was a crucial event in the history of Somaliland as it marked the beginning of the present day Somaliland’s quest for unilaterally dismantling its unification with the now defunct Somali Republic.

Garaad Abdiqani was one of the key organizers of the conference, which brought together various clans and political groups from Somaliland. He was a prominent traditional leader and a respected figure in the region, and hailing from the Sool constituency. His involvement in the conference helped to legitimize its proceedings.

During the conference, Garaad Abdiqani played a crucial role in mediating between the different clans and political groups to broker agreements and resolve disputes, which were essential for the success of the conference.

The declaration of independence was met with mixed reactions. Some Somalis welcomed it, while others saw it as a betrayal of the Somali nationalist movement.

However, the government of Somaliland has been able to maintain its independence for over 32 years, and it is now considered to be a de facto state.

The government of Somaliland has made significant progress in building a stable and prosperous society. It has established a functioning government, a strong economy, and a well-trained security force.

The Sool region is one of the six regions of Somaliland. It is located in the northwest of the country, and borders Ethiopia to the south, Puntland to the east, and the Togdheer and Sanaag regions of Somaliland to the west and north. The region has a quite large population, and its capital is Las Anod

Sool district politicians have played a significant role in the administration of Somaliland since its declaration of resuming its sovereignty from the failed union with Somalia in 1991.They have been at the forefront of Somaliland’s development, and they continue to play a vital role in its future. The Sool region is an integral and indispensable part of Somaliland’s internationally recognized borders. Without it, the Somaliland Republic as we know it today would not exist.

The Somaliland Republic turned 32 years old this May, and the young generation undoubtedly makes up the bulk of the country’s population. This youthful generation, who reached adulthood in modern-day Somaliland, is frequently bombarded with completely false information and either has no strong recollections of the carnage and devastation that led to the restoration of Somaliland sovereignty or has none at all.

The propaganda of the federal government of Somalia, which is unable to fathom that Somaliland had left and that a second unification between the two is next to impossible, is the main source disseminating of such false narratives.

A small percentage of Somalilaners mainly concentrated living in the eastern regions of Somaliland are the majority of people who fall for this. A perfect example is the conflict in Las Anod.

It is an ongoing armed conflict between the Somaliland National Army and a Somali militia – disguising as disgruntled Sool region locals – supported covertly by Majertenia administration and Al Shabab terrorist group fighters. The conflict began on February 6, 2023, after Somaliland security forces held a violent crackdown on civil protests. On February 8, the supreme Garad of Dhulbahante, Gaarad Jama Garaad Ali, declared an intent to secede and reunite with the Federal Government of Somalia.

The conflict has killed quite sizable number from the aggression side and made close to 150,000, as some unverifiable sources claim, as refugees who externally crossed to Ethiopian border and internally displaced persons (IDPs) who fled to other areas within Somaliland such as Taleeh, Hudun, and Buuhodle towns.

There is a significant amount of distrust of the Somaliland administration in the Sool region. This distrust is due to a number of factors, including:

The long-running conflict between Somaliland and Puntland over the control of Sool. This conflict has led to a great deal of instability and violence in the region, and has damaged the trust that many people in Sool have in both Somaliland and Puntland.

The perception that the Somaliland administration is not doing enough to improve the lives of people in Sool. Many people in Sool feel that they are being neglected by the Somaliland government, and that the government is not doing enough to provide them with basic services such as education, healthcare, and security.

The belief that the Somaliland administration is corrupt. Many people in Sool believe that the Somaliland government is corrupt, and that the officials in the government are more interested in enriching themselves than in serving the people.

This distrust of the Somaliland administration has made it difficult for the government to effectively govern the Sool region. It has also made it difficult for the government to attract investment and development to the region

Guest piece first appeared on sii199.org

What Do You Know about Somaliland?

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Explore the Beauty of Somaliland!

Immerse yourself in the breathtaking landscapes and vibrant culture that make Somaliland a true gem. From captivating cities to ancient wonders, let’s celebrate the beauty of this extraordinary country!

1️⃣ Hargeisa: 🏙️🌆 The vibrant capital city of Somaliland, Hargeisa, pulsates with energy and charm. Discover bustling markets, stunning architecture, and a rich cultural heritage that will leave you in awe. 🌟🏰

2️⃣ Berbera: 🌊🏖️ The coastal paradise of Berbera invites you to bask in its sun-kissed beaches, turquoise waters, and picturesque landscapes. Unwind, explore vibrant marine life, and create unforgettable memories. 🌴🌊

3️⃣ Las Geel: 🎨🏞️ Step back in time at the ancient rock art marvel of Las Geel. Marvel at the vivid colors and intricate depictions that provide a glimpse into Somaliland’s rich cultural heritage spanning thousands of years. #AncientWonders 🎨🗿

4️⃣ Sheikh Mountains: ⛰️🌄 Embark on an adventure through the majestic Sheikh Mountains, where breathtaking vistas await at every turn. Explore nature’s beauty, hike scenic trails, and witness unforgettable sunsets. 🌅🏞️

5️⃣ Ainabo: 🌳🌺 Nestled amidst lush greenery, Ainabo offers a tranquil escape for nature enthusiasts. Explore its hidden trails, discover unique flora and fauna, and immerse yourself in the serenity of this natural paradise. 🍃🌸

Harvesting Prosperity!

Let’s explore the abundant agricultural benefits that Somaliland brings to the table, nourishing communities, empowering livelihoods, and cultivating a brighter future. Join us in celebrating their agricultural prowess! 🌱

1️⃣ Food Security: 🍲 Somaliland’s thriving agriculture sector plays a crucial role in ensuring food security for its people, reducing dependency on imports, and promoting self-sufficiency. #FeedingCommunities 🌾

2️⃣ Employment & Livelihoods: 💪👨‍🌾 Agriculture provides numerous employment opportunities, empowering individuals, fostering rural development, and improving livelihoods, paving the way for sustainable growth. 🌻🚜

3️⃣ Export Potential: 📈 Somaliland’s fertile lands and diverse agricultural products open doors to exciting export opportunities, boosting the economy, enhancing trade relations, and
showcasing the nation’s agricultural excellence to the world.🌾

4️⃣ Rural Development: 🏡🌿 Agriculture acts as a catalyst for rural development, driving infrastructure improvements, access to services, and enhancing the overall quality of life in rural communities. 🌳🏘️

5️⃣ Diversification of Income: 💼💰 Agriculture offers a pathway to diversify income streams, reducing reliance on single sectors, empowering farmers to explore new avenues, and fostering economic resilience.

Thriving Against All Odds!

Discover the incredible journey of Somaliland’s successful independence, driven by resilience, unity, and unwavering determination. Let’s celebrate their remarkable achievements together! 💪

1️⃣ Peaceful Transition: 🕊️✌️ Somaliland’s path to independence was marked by a peaceful transition, showcasing the power of diplomacy, dialogue, and a shared vision for a better future. 🌟🤝

2️⃣ Grassroots Reconciliation: 🤝❤️ Through grassroots reconciliation efforts, communities came together, healing wounds, fostering unity, and paving the way for a harmonious society that cherishes diversity. 💚

3️⃣ Strong Institutions: 🏛️🌟 Somaliland built robust institutions that uphold the rule of law, ensure good governance, and promote accountability, providing a solid foundation for stability and progress. 💼✨

4️⃣ Economic Development: 💼💰 Somaliland’s commitment to economic development has borne fruit, attracting investments, driving entrepreneurship, and unlocking vast potential in sectors such as trade, agriculture, and infrastructure.

5️⃣ International Engagement: 🤝 Somaliland’s engagement on the global stage has garnered recognition and support, forging partnerships, expanding diplomatic ties, and amplifying their voice for self-determination.

Igniting Prosperity!

Immerse yourself in the boundless benefits of Somaliland’s oil industry and witness a dynamic transformation that fuels progress. Let’s explore the oil advantages together! 💪💰

1️⃣ Economic Growth: 💸💼 With the oil sector as a catalyst, Somaliland experiences accelerated economic growth, creating job opportunities, boosting industries, and fostering prosperity for all. 🚀

2️⃣ Government Revenue: 💼💰 The oil industry generates substantial government revenue, empowering the government to invest in crucial sectors such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, creating a thriving society for everyone. 🌟💡

3️⃣ Foreign Investment: 💼💼 Somaliland’s oil potential attracts foreign investors seeking lucrative opportunities, driving additional investments in infrastructure, technology, and expertise, further propelling economic growth.

4️⃣ Energy Security: ⚡💪 Unlocking domestic oil resources enhances energy security, reducing dependency on external sources. It fuels progress, drives industrial growth, and powers the nation toward self-sufficiency. 🌟⛽

5️⃣ Infrastructure Development: 🏗️🌇 The oil industry stimulates extensive infrastructure development, including roads, ports, and energy facilities, creating a robust foundation for overall progress and connectivity.

Venture into Success! 

Explore the untapped brilliance of doing business in Somaliland and embrace a world of opportunities! Let’s unlock the potential together! 💪✨

1️⃣ Stability & Security: 🛡️✅ Somaliland’s peaceful environment fosters a stable and secure atmosphere for businesses to thrive and flourish. 💼💼

2️⃣ Favorable Business Environment: 🌟💼 With business-friendly policies, low bureaucracy, and supportive regulations, Somaliland offers a favorable landscape for entrepreneurial growth and success.

3️⃣ Strategic Location: 🗺️⚡ Positioned in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland provides a strategic gateway to regional and international markets, offering excellent trade and connectivity opportunities.💼

4️⃣ Abundant Natural Resources: 🌿💎 Somaliland is rich in natural resources, including minerals, livestock, fisheries, and more. Harness these resources to fuel your business growth and expansion. 💰

5️⃣ Untapped Market Potential: 🌟💼 Step into an exciting realm of untapped market potential with over 4 million eager consumers, ready to embrace innovative products and services.

Empower Minds, Shape Futures

Witness the remarkable growth of education in Somaliland as we pave the way for a brighter tomorrow. Let’s delve into the transformative journey together! 💪

1️⃣ Teacher Training & Recruitment: 🎓👩‍🏫 Equipping educators with the tools they need to excel, we invest in comprehensive training programs to nurture passionate teachers who inspire generations. 💼

2️⃣ Curriculum Development: 📚✏️ Embracing innovation, we continuously refine and enhance curricula to ensure relevant, inclusive, and high-quality education for all learners. #EducationEvolution 🌟

3️⃣ Girls Education: 👧🎓 Empowering young girls through education is our mission! We break barriers, promote gender equality, and provide safe spaces for girls to learn, grow, and become leaders of tomorrow.

4️⃣ Higher Education & Technical Training: 🎓💡 Fueling aspirations, we foster access to higher education and technical training, unlocking limitless opportunities for students to excel and contribute to a thriving society.💼

5️⃣ Community Engagement: 🤝 Education is a collective effort! We engage families, local leaders, and communities, fostering a supportive environment that values education as a catalyst for progress.

Guest article from SII1991.org

Start of Voter Registration Signals End of Political Stalemate to Elections in Somaliland

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Under the Somaliland constitution, the political parties are allowed to serve a maximum of 10 years in office, and the tenure of the current three national political parties in Somaliland – the ruling Kulmiye, UCID, and Wadani – expired in December of 2022. The scheduled date for the Somaliland presidential election was in November 2022

Due to the unusual coincidence of these two major undertakings, which were supposed to be carried out separately just in little over a month, Somaliland experienced a political crisis that lasted for some time and resulted in demonstrations that led to losses of life and property damages.

The political atmosphere in the nation has calmed and changed for the better.

The leadership of the opposition parties in Somaliland appears to have agreed with the government and political associations in respect to party elections being conducted first, and presidential election only to take place after the three parties with the most votes advance and emerge as the official national political parties of the country for the next ten years.

Wadani party presidential candidate – Abdirahman with the party chairman – Hirsi in Ceerigabo for the launch of voter card registration

Opposition leaders’ participation in the nation’s voter registration drives demonstrates this political shift, and seals off the political feud that brought country to standstill over elections disputes.

On May 31, in the electorate districts of Awdal, Sahil, and Sanaag, the process of distributing voter registration cards by the Somaliland National Electoral Commission begun. The cards will be distributed, according to NEC officials, in 52 places in the Sanaag region and 22 locations in the Sahil region. The electoral commission’s personnel, their means of transportation, and the police units responsible for securing the registration precincts have all left Hargeisa. In the next phase, the voter registration drives will be announced for the remaining three electorate regions of Marodijeh, Togdheer, and Sool after the first phase is over.

The six electoral districts in Somaliland

Voter registration is a crucial step in the democratic process as it allows eligible citizens to enroll and participate in elections. By registering to vote, individuals can exercise their right to choose their representatives and have a say in the governance of their country.

This is an important step towards the democratization process of Somaliland Republic and contributing to the political landscape of the region.

To ensure a smooth and inclusive registration process, it is important for the authorities to provide clear information and guidelines to the public. This includes announcing the locations, and required documentation for eligibility. Additionally, efforts should be made to reach out to marginalized communities, remote areas, and individuals with disabilities to ensure their inclusion in the registration process

On the part of electorate during the registration period, citizens should make sure to gather the necessary documents, such as identification cards or any other forms of identification that may be required. It’s also essential to familiarize yourself with the registration procedures and deadlines to avoid any last-minute complications.

The first phase of the registration process for the upcoming Somaliland presidential as well as party elections will continue until June 9, 2023. Voters must be at least 18 years old and must have a valid Somaliland passport or national ID card in order to register.

The voter registration process is being overseen by the Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC). The NEC has set up registration centers in all of Somaliland’s six regions. Voters can register at their designated centers during the registration period. You can find a list of registration centers on the website of the Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC).

The NEC has urged all eligible voters to register to vote. They have said that voter registration is essential to ensure that the election is free and fair.

The procedure to be followed at the precinct for voter registration.

The upcoming Somaliland presidential election is scheduled to be held within the president’s term extension period. The incumbent president, Muse Bihi Abdi, is eligible to seek a second term in office. However, he has not yet announced whether he will do so.

The elections are also expected to be a test of the Somaliland government’s commitment to democracy. The government has been accused of delaying the elections and of trying to rig the results in its favor. However, the government has denied these allegations.

The outcome of the election will have a significant impact on Somaliland’s future. If Bihi is re-elected, he will likely continue the government’s current policies. However, if an opposition candidate is elected, it could lead to a change in direction for Somaliland.

Somaliland elections are significant events, and they will be closely watched by the international community.

Somaliland NEC members with UK delegation led by the new Ambassador to Somalia & head of FCDO office in Somalia

The election is also expected to have an impact on Somaliland’s relationship with Somalia. The Somali government does not recognize Somaliland as an independent state and always impedes its quest for international recognition. However, the outcome of the election could lead to a change in Somalia’s attitude towards Somaliland.

Somalia announced on May 28, 2023, that it would introduce direct universal suffrage in 2024. This marks a significant change from the country’s current system of indirect elections, which are based on clan representation. The decision to introduce direct universal suffrage was made after a four-day meeting in Mogadishu between the Somali government and federal member states.

Unlike Somaliland, implementing a one-person, one-vote (1P1V) election system in Somalia is a complex challenge due to the country’s unique failed state:

  • Security and Stability: Somalia has faced significant security challenges, including the presence of armed groups and regional conflicts. Establishing a secure environment where citizens can freely exercise their voting rights across the entire country is crucial for a successful 1P1V election.
  • Logistics and Electoral Staff: Somalia’s logistics including transportation needs significant improvement to support a nationwide election. Adequate infrastructure is necessary for voter registration, ballot distribution, and the counting and reporting of results.
  • Political Consensus: Somalia is a federal republic and achieving a broad political consensus among the federal government, regional administrations, and other key stakeholders is essential for implementing electoral reforms.

Given these sets of obstacles that Somaliland has overcome more than three decades ago, Somalia has a difficult and lengthy road ahead of it before completely implementing a 1P1V system., and barely recent narratives out of Mogadishu amounts to wishful thinking.

Guest Piece first published on here