The Impact of Postponing Political Elections in Somaliland

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July 16, 2023

Somaliland, a self-declared independent state located in the Horn of Africa, has been striving for stability and democratic governance since its separation from Somalia in 1991. With its own government, military, currency, and legal system, Somaliland has emerged as a unique entity in the region. One of its notable achievements has been the successful organization of free and fair elections, setting an example for other African nations. However, the recent decision to postpone political elections in Somaliland, due to a disagreement between major political parties regarding the sequence of elections, has raised concerns about the potential consequences for democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. This essay aims to analyze the impact of postponing political elections in Somaliland, exploring the reasons behind the decision, its potential consequences, and the importance of open and transparent communication in addressing public concerns.

Somaliland, situated in the northwest of Somalia, has a population of approximately 4.5 million people. Since its declaration of independence, Somaliland has made significant strides in establishing democratic institutions and holding regular elections. These elections have been widely regarded as free and fair by international observers, showcasing Somaliland’s commitment to democratic principles and transparent electoral processes. In a region often plagued by political instability and electoral irregularities, Somaliland stands as a beacon of democracy, setting an example for other African nations.

However, the recent disagreement between the major political parties in Somaliland regarding the sequence of elections has resulted in the postponement of political elections. The ruling party and the opposition have divergent views on whether the presidential election should take place first or be followed by the party elections that determine the three major political parties participating in formal politics for the next decade. This disagreement has created a contentious political environment, jeopardizing the stability that Somaliland has worked hard to achieve.

To fully understand the impact of postponing political elections, it is crucial to delve into the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The ruling party believes that holding the party elections first is essential for maintaining stability within the political landscape, while the opposition argues that the presidential election should take precedence to ensure a legitimate mandate for the elected government. This disagreement not only highlights differing visions for the future of Somaliland but also exposes potential power struggles and political maneuvering that can undermine the democratic process.

The consequences of postponing political elections in Somaliland extend beyond the immediate concerns of democracy. Political stability is closely linked to the timely organization of elections, as they provide a legitimate framework for governance and a peaceful transition of power. The disagreement between political parties has created uncertainty and a power vacuum, increasing the potential for political tensions and instability. This volatile situation can lead to protests, violence, and a loss of public trust in the democratic process.

The violent clashes in August, as well as the opposition’s threat to no longer recognize the government led by President Muse Bihi, highlight the potential consequences of the current political impasse. Increased political tensions can further escalate into social unrest, jeopardizing the hard-earned stability of Somaliland. It is essential to recognize that the consequences of postponing elections extend far beyond the political realm. The overall socio-economic development of Somaliland is at stake, as political instability hampers progress and discourages investment and international partnerships.

Moreover, the postponement of elections raises questions about the government’s commitment to upholding democratic principles and respecting the will of the people. Open and transparent communication becomes crucial in addressing public concerns and ensuring public trust. The government must take responsibility for effectively communicating the reasons behind the decision and engaging in dialogue with all stakeholders. Clear explanations should be provided to regain public confidence in the electoral process and demonstrate a commitment to democratic values.

In addition to the government’s responsibility, civil society organizations and the international community play crucial roles in supporting transparent communication efforts. Civil society organizations can act as intermediaries, fostering dialogue between the ruling party and the opposition, and amplifying the voices of the people. The international community, as a trusted partner of Somaliland, should encourage political elites to find a consensus path forward and offer to mediate if necessary. By volunteering to serve as guarantors for any resolution that emerges, the international community can reinforce public confidence in the electoral process and support the stability of Somaliland.

Somaliland’s hard-earned stability and international recognition are at risk. The postponement of elections and the ongoing political dispute threaten to undermine the region’s democratic trajectory. To mitigate these challenges, it is essential for Somaliland’s political elites to prioritize the interests of the nation above their individual party agendas. A consensus must be reached on the sequencing of elections, ensuring a fair and inclusive process that upholds democratic values.

In conclusion, the postponement of political elections in Somaliland due to a disagreement between major political parties presents significant challenges to democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. To fully understand the impact, it is necessary to explore the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The consequences extend beyond the immediate concerns and raise questions about the government’s commitment to democratic principles.

Open and transparent communication, along with mediation efforts by the international community, can help address public concerns and foster a path forward. By finding a consensus and rescheduling the elections, Somaliland can safeguard its hard-earned stability, preserve its democratic reputation, and continue its progress toward international recognition.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Sayidcali Ismail AhmedSayidcali Ahmed is a MasterCard Foundation’19 scholar currently studying at Westminster College (USA), double majoring in Political Science and Global and Transnational Studies. He works for the senate of the Student Government Association and as a treasurer of the Global Development and Progress Club. Ahmed also serves as a resident advisor and Math tutor. In addition, Ahmed is a fellow of The Public Policy & International Affairs Program at Princeton University. After graduating from Westminster College, Ahmed plans to pursue a career in public policy, especially in Education Policy and Analysis (EPA), to participate in policy development, research, analysis, and organizational leadership in developing countries and worldwide.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

The Late Journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed Buried in Hargeisa, Somaliland

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Editor II

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July 15, 2023

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May Allah Almighty rest in peace, the funeral was held today in Hargeisa for the late journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed, who passed away yesterday in a hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The burial service of the late journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed was held this evening at Baqiic graveyard on the edges of Hargeisa, and was attended by Somaliland government officials, the media community and a large number of the public.

Journalists and officials who attended the funeral described the deceased’s personality and the role he played in the growth of the Somaliland media, particularly radio and television, as a leader.

He has been described as a gifted person with good manners, tolerance, patience, determination, talented, and polite who stood by anyone who needed advice and assistance, according to journalists from various parts of the country’s media.

The deceased was described as a person who was blessed by Allah Almighty for reaching out to people who needed help and assistance by the Ambassador of Somaliland to Djibouti, the Chairman of the Somaliland Civic Services agency, and the Chairman of Sagaljet Company, all of whom knew the deceased during his time in the media and before.

His Days in the Arena of Somaliland Media

May Allah Almighty rest in peace on the late Madar Abdi Ahmed in the Hereafter, he was born sometime in 1979, grew up in, received his schooling from Middle School to University level in Hargeisa.

Before the establishment of Somaliland National Television (SLNTV), the late Madar, considered one of the veteran journalists who have been in the country’s media for quite a while, began his career at Hargeisa TV, which was the first television station in the country, as a correspondent reporting daily news and preparing historical programs that aired on that television which was later called Somaliland Space Channel. He also worked on Horn Cable TV for several years.

After that, he worked at the Somaliland Ministry of Information and, more precisely, at the Somaliland National Television. There, a number of seasoned journalists who had previously worked for private media outlets congregated with the intention of enhancing the production of government media.

The late Madar will be remembered and will go down the history for a remarkable series of programs that he prepared about the massacre of the Somaliland people by the government of late Siad Barre, one of which was the ethnic cleansing that took place on the Jazira Beach in the outskirts of Mogadishu in 1989. The deceased had an interview with the only person who survived from that massacre

Late in 2013, the late Madar established a media outlet in Hargeisa called Himilo Media Group, including its newspaper known as Himilo after taking over the ownership from Ahmed Sandoon, who owned the name of the newspaper that used to appear in 1998 – 2002.

Guest article first published on SII

Parliament Prepping Somaliland for Petroleum Production

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Editor II

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July 8, 2023

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Genel is looking for resources of more than two billion barrels of oil in Somaliland, an extremely promising onshore exploration province.

Genel received an exploration license for Somaliland’s onshore blocks SL-10-B and SL-13 in August 2012. In November 2012, Genel expanded its presence by purchasing a 50% participating interest in the Odewayne Production Sharing Agreement, which includes blocks SL-6, SL-7, and SL-10A. Onshore Somaliland is a relatively unexplored region with few drilled exploration wells. The blocks are roughly the same size as the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in total.

Genel announced in December 2021 that it had signed a farm-out agreement with OPIC Somaliland Corporation (‘OSC’) for the SL10B13 block. OSC would receive all of Genel’s future capital investment from Taiwan’s CPC Corporation, a state-owned company. OSC was granted a working interest in the block worth 49 percent under the terms of the agreement in exchange for a cash premium and a cash consideration equal to 49 percent of all Genel’s previous back costs. Genel recently held a 100 percent working revenue, and will go on as administrator.

On the highly prospective SL10B13 block, preparations for the drilling of a well are currently underway. The possibility to be penetrated has been recognized, concurred with our accomplice, and an ideal well area chose to best objective the stacked Mesozoic supply targets with individual planned asset gauges going from 100 to 200 MMbbls.

The geotechnical review has now finished as Genel progress towards development of the well cushion. Tendering for the rig and well services has begun, and assessments of the impact on society and the environment are currently underway.

The planned SL10B13 region is c.150 kilometers from the port at Berbera, offering a course to global business sectors.

Somaliland is a country rich in various natural resources such as oil. In recent times, the government has been making efforts to attract both national and international investors.

The Somaliland parliament’s endeavors to set up the country for oil creation are still in their beginning phases. However, the parliament has made significant progress and is well-positioned to attract investment and develop a sustainable oil and gas.

Among these efforts is the Petroleum Exploration and Production Act which was approved by Parliament last year. This rule applies to oil companies, contractors, subcontractors and their employees. The Act governs both offshore and onshore oil operations, but gives the ministry the authority to make regulations and guidelines specifically for oil operations.

The Somaliland parliament must also take into consideration the potential risks associated with petroleum production, such as corruption and environmental damage. To moderate these risks, the parliament ought lay out a number of safeguards, for example, a requirement for oil companies to publish their financial reports and restriction on oil drilling in sensitive environmental areas.

Given the fact that the parliament is a replica of Somaliland people in general, in addition to the steps listed above, it should also pursue building “public awareness” of the potential benefits and risks of petroleum production. Public workshops, consultations, and information about the petroleum law and the government’s plans for the oil and gas sector must be made public by the parliament.

Somaliland Petroleum Exploration and Production Act

The law mentions different licenses that can be applied for by the companies doing oil operations, such as;

1. Preliminary survey permit

Oil companies that take this license can conduct research and exploration of the country’s oil. After the company’s application, the Ministry of Energy and Minerals will issue a preliminary exploration permit for a period of 90 days. The license is not exclusive to anyone, the Ministry will issue it to anyone who meets the requirements for the license.

When the company receives this license, it does not mean that it has a special privilege that it can later enter into the contract for drilling and oil production. The exploration company must share oil data and information with the Ministry free of charge.

2. Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement.

At the time of the exploration and production sharing agreement, the ministry openly broadcasts the agreement to the national and international media. Stakeholders who applied for the contract will pay a fee or amount of money determined by the ministry. After a period of six months, the Council of Ministers decides the winner, if there is no request, the Minister of Energy and Mines can open negotiations with private companies.

This license or agreement between the Ministry and the oil company consists of two phases; In the first phase, oil exploration, the duration of this agreement cannot exceed 10 years, while the second phase of oil production cannot exceed 30 years. If the license holder wants to renew the first phase of this agreement, he must apply (3) three months before the expiration of his license, while the second phase must apply for his renewal (5) five years before the expiration of the license. The Act states that the Ministry shall issue regulations governing the payments to be made to the applicant.

The law gives the power to approve oil contracts to the Cabinet, while the Ministry of Energy and Minerals can revoke licenses from companies if they violate this law, or if the company goes bankrupt or goes into debt or opens a lawsuit that could lead to bankruptcy.

Rights and Obligations of the Licensee.

The licensee’s rights and obligations are detailed in the agreement between him and the government. However, the Act gives companies general rights and obligations.

Licensee’s Rights

- - Oil companies have entered into a partnership in the field of oil exploration or drilling, the agreement
- - The company can export the fuel according to the agreement
- The company can construct buildings at the fuel station with the permission of the Ministry.

Obligations of Licensee

1) The company must share with the Ministry within 48 hours the information it receives about the fuel during the execution of fuel operations.

2) The company must protect the data and information of the fuel, it is the duty to provide regular information to the Ministry.

3) The company must protect the safety of the environment and the health of the workers.

4) If the company finds other minerals or other natural resources at the oil field, it must notify the Ministry.

5) The company must pay all taxes.

6) If the company is going to end the oil operations, it must submit the closure plan to the Ministry one year before the expiry of its license.

7) The company, contractor and subcontractor must have insurance.

8) The company can transfer its operations after receiving permission from the Ministry.

9) The company should train its local employees.

10) Gas release permit is approved by the Ministry.

Role of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals.

Apart from the above-mentioned ministerial roles, the Ministry supervises the company’s oil operations by appointing an inspector who has the power to enter the oil field. The law obliges the licensee to facilitate inspection activities and to provide the inspector with the information he requests.

The ministry decides where to bury fuel waste and is responsible for the safety of workers and the fuel site in the event of an emergency.

The Act empowers the Ministry to suspend the license if the company does not carry out oil operations in the proper manner, and it also provides for the punishment of the company that does not have a license to carry out oil operations which is (3) three years of imprisonment or one million US dollars or both, if there is fuel sold or used the company will pay the eligible compensation.

The law punishes those who obstruct oil operations. If the company does not submit the information to the Ministry of Petroleum, it will pay a fine of 50,000 US dollars, while if it does not submit the closure plan, it will be fined 20,000 US dollars

Guest article first published on SII

BBC Africa Daily Caught up with Dr. Edna of Somaliland

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Editor II

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July 7, 2023

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Over the past six decades, Dr. Edna Adan Ismail has been a nurse and midwife. She has spent her life fighting for maternal health care rights in Somaliland and campaigning against Female Genital Mutilation- a practice which involves the partial or total removal of genitalia. It leaves many women and girls with infections, pain and complications in child birth. She’s been in the news recently because she was awarded The Templeton Prize and prize amounting to almost $1.4 million. The award honors those who “harness the power of the sciences to explore the deepest questions of the universe and humankind’s place and purpose within it”. So today Africa Daily’s Alan Kasujja caught up with Dr Ismail while she was on a trip in London to talk about her life, legacy, maternal healthcare and how it feels to win over a million dollars

Alan Kasujja – Host

Alan Kasujja is a Ugandan journalist who’s been lead presenter on the BBC World Service’s Newsday program since 2012. In January 2021, he launched Africa Daily, a podcast that provides context to major African stories. He has covered stories globally and across Africa and has presented documentaries on Africa’s transformation for the BBC.

BBC Africa Daily is a daily news podcast from the BBC World Service, hosted by Alan Kasujja. It is a 15-20 minute show that covers the most important stories from Africa for Africa. Each episode sets the scene for a deep dive into one story in particular. The podcast also features interviews with experts and journalists, and it is available on all major podcast platforms.

Guest article first published on SII

US State Dept. One Somalia Policy – Mirage Diplomacy With No Formulation

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Editor II

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July 6, 2023

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Ego and vanity can be corrosive to successful foreign policy. Against the backdrop of the Benghazi debacle, Secretary of State Hillary Clintonflailed for any success
to which she could stake her legacy. She found it in Somalia. Two decades after the Black Hawk Down debacle, the international community had created a framework for a new Somali government. The country was unprepared logistically and socially for one-man, one-person elections, so Clinton threw her support behind an appointed Transitional Federal Government.

A decade on, Clinton may be gone, but many of her top aides refuse to back down from blind support for a Mogadishu government that has repeatedly failed to govern responsibly.

While the unrecognized Somaliland state embraces one-man, one-vote elections, attracts international investment due to its anti-corruption efforts and business-friendly attitudes, and casts its lot unambiguously with Western democracies and Taiwan, Somalia does the opposite: It is among the world’s most corrupt states. Despite billions of dollars in U.S. support, it has failed to hold one-man, one-vote elections. Donald Yamamoto, the previous U.S. ambassador to Somalia, threatened to resign if the U.S. did not agree to waive Somalia’s $1.5 billion debt. Washington caved, but corruption, not development, resulted.

An amendment to the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act called on the United States to develop relations with Somaliland. Behind the scenes, both the White House and State Department lobbied against the measure. Overruled, the State Department went to Plan B: Focus on Mogadishu both financially and rhetorically, while largely cutting off and criticizing democratic Somaliland. Talk to American diplomats, and they will lecture that such a policy rests in Washington’s long-standing “One Somalia” policy. Ask them to find any written or legal formulation of such policy and they cannot.

It is a mirage transformed into a mountain by generations of diplomats who confused false received wisdom by transitory colleagues with fact.

The situation blew up in December 2022 as fighting erupted in Laascaanood (Las Anod), the capital of Somaliland’s Sool district. The violence was not spontaneous but rather encouraged, if not pre-planned, by irredentists in Mogadishu and their allies in Beijing. Rather than acknowledge the right of countries to counter terrorists, the State Department sided blindly with Somalia against Somaliland. The fighting became a useful wedge to stop what Secretary of State Antony Blinken saw as congressional interference. Essentially, the Biden administration sided with China against Taiwan, and with Somalia against the region’s only democracy.

The fire, however, has now spread. Not only did the al Qaeda-affiliated al Shabaab pour into Laascaanood, but so too did U.S.-trained Danab commandos who joined forces with them. Insurgent spokesmen demanded their own state. The State Department treated the demand credibly, if only to delegitimize Somaliland and argue that its independence would unleash anarchy.

It was a cynical strategy as every U.N. Security Council member recognized Somaliland’s borders decades ago. Wildfires spread. While State Department inaction encouraged proponents of the so-called Khatumo State as a lever against both Somaliland and, by extension, Congress, they created a precedent that has now set other Somali regions aflame. It was not long before the governor of the southern Hiran district decided he too wanted to be leader of his own state. Violence also erupted in the Gedo region as local authorities decided they no longer wanted to be part of the Jubbaland state. Clashes also took place in Barawa, in the South West State. Meanwhile, fighting engulfed the normally peaceful Puntland capital of Garowe as militias unleashed by regional president Said Deni abandoned any pretense of democracy in favor of 1990s-style warlordism.

It is not too late for either Somalia or Somaliland, but forcing union and cynically fanning the flames of conflict condemns both. Rather, it is time Blinken and the architects of Clinton’s cynical Somalia embrace cast ego aside and instead approach the region through the lens of U.S. interests, rebuffing China, and consolidating and strengthening democracy where it actually exists.

Author: Michael Rubin (@mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential. He is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

Source: Content first published on WE under the title: “Blinken’s legacy in Africa might be setting Somalia ablaze”

Caafisom Revolutionizing Healthcare Provision in Somaliland

By

Editor II

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July 4, 2023

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In significant news for the nearly 6m inhabitants of Somaliland, an unrecognized state located on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden, Caafisom,

a health tech startup based in the capital city of Hargeisa, has completed a $110,000 seed investment round led by the US-based venture capital fund Tofino Capital and the locally based Takeoff Fund.

The company, co-founded by local entrepreneurs in 2021, provides software and logistics services for hospitals to digitize patients’ health records. Users can book doctor appointments, access their medical records, and consult with health experts through their in-house app.

According to co-founder Mohamed Ismail Ahmed, the startup currently operates in multiple hospitals across the country, including Hargeisa Neurology Hospital and Needle Hospital in Hargeisa, and attracts an average of 400-500 new users daily.

With this new funding, completed in May, Caafisom has been able to increase its workforce and pursue its expansion plans. “The funding has enabled us to hire more people. This means we can be present at more locations and hospitals, which, in turn, allows us to register more people daily. Moving everything online takes a lot of time and manpower, so it was important that we could hire employees,” says Ismail.

But the health tech company, which becomes Somaliland’s first ever funded startup, has ambitions beyond the de facto borders of this small state. In the short term, it plans to expand its business first in neighboring Somalia, and then across the Horn of Africa .“The plan is to open new offices in Mogadishu and Garowe, both in Somalia, and Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, over the next couple of weeks, and be present in Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan, and Tanzania in the next six months,” says Ismail.

Caafisom’s arrival would mark a diversification of Somaliland’s agriculture-dominated economy. In 2021, more than 60% of Somaliland’s exports were live animals, mainly to Gulf Arab countries through the city port of Berbera.

Somaliland Diaspora Fosters Tech-focused Investment

Ismail is part of a large diaspora eager to return and invest in their country of origin. The entrepreneur graduated from Middlesex University in the United Kingdom in 2012, before returning home and launching Caafisom.

“Somaliland is a unique place due to the combination of local and diaspora ideas,” says Ismail. “The diaspora coming back to Somaliland brings solutions that exist in the West. These could be things that we take for granted but don’t exist here. There are plenty of things needed in the region that could improve people’s lives. Due to all this need and demand, I think Somaliland and Somalia are future markets with unbelievable potential.”

In an economy worth $3.5 billions, remittances to Somaliland from the diaspora amounted to over $1.3 billions in 2020, according to figures reported by the FT. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that 25-40% of the population receives regular remittances from abroad.

The regular transfers have led Somaliland entrepreneurs to play a key role in the flourishing money transfer industry. Ismail Ibrahim Ahmed, a Somaliland-born entrepreneur who was smuggled out of the country to the UK at the outbreak of the civil war, founded UK-based WorldRemit in 2010, which has since received $700m in funding and is now valued at over $5 billions.

Despite the lack of international recognition, Somaliland enjoys economic relations with several countries outside Africa, including the United Arab Emirates, Taiwan, and Turkey, as well as neighbouring countries Ethiopia and Kenya within the continent.

Jesse Clain, the CEO of the Take Off Fund, a VC fund based in Somaliland that originated the investment in Caafisom and invested an undisclosed amount, regrets that some investors focus too much on the international recognition aspect.

“Somaliland is functionally independent in every way; it’s just not recognised internationally,” he says. “Unfortunately, there are institutions that are unable or unwilling to invest in Somaliland for political reasons or are overly reluctant about making investments in low-income countries.”

Ismail is part of a large diaspora eager to return and invest in their country of origin. The entrepreneur graduated from Middlesex University in the United Kingdom in 2012, before returning home and launching Caafisom.

“Somaliland is a unique place due to the combination of local and diaspora ideas,” says Ismail. “The diaspora coming back to Somaliland brings solutions that exist in the West. These could be things that we take for granted but don’t exist here. There are plenty of things needed in the region that could improve people’s lives. Due to all this need and demand, I think Somaliland and Somalia are future markets with unbelievable potential.”

In an economy worth $3.5 billions, remittances to Somaliland from the diaspora amounted to over $1.3 billions in 2020, according to figures reported by the FT. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that 25-40% of the population receives regular remittances from abroad.

The regular transfers have led Somaliland entrepreneurs to play a key role in the flourishing money transfer industry. Ismail Ibrahim Ahmed, a Somaliland-born entrepreneur who was smuggled out of the country to the UK at the outbreak of the civil war, founded UK-based WorldRemit in 2010, which has since received $700m in funding and is now valued at over $5 billions.

Investing in an ‘UNRECOGNIZED’ state

Somaliland broke away from neighbouring Somalia in 1991, but no foreign power has ever recognised the state’s sovereignty. This status makes it difficult to get its voice heard and attract international investors.

“Somaliland’s status as a self-proclaimed territory will, of course, be an issue for many investors as they will worry about law and order,” says Ismail.

To reassure its investors, Caafisom enlisted the services of AQN, a law firm based in Hargeisa and led by Amal Ali, a lawyer who also studied in the UK at the University of Sheffield.

“The legal side was the biggest concern, but it wasn’t a significant issue once we started working with AQN Law Firm here in Hargeisa. Dr Amal is very competent, and she played a significant role in securing the investment,” says Ismail.

“Venture capitalists considering investments in the region can be confident that everything is in place,” he adds.

Despite the lack of international recognition, Somaliland enjoys economic relations with several countries outside Africa, including the United Arab Emirates, Taiwan, and Turkey, as well as neighbouring countries Ethiopia and Kenya within the continent.

Jesse Clain, the CEO of the Take Off Fund, a VC fund based in Somaliland that originated the investment in Caafisom and invested an undisclosed amount, regrets that some investors focus too much on the international recognition aspect.

“Somaliland is functionally independent in every way; it’s just not recognised internationally,” he says. “Unfortunately, there are institutions that are unable or unwilling to invest in Somaliland for political reasons or are overly reluctant about making investments in low-income countries.”

Last year, Clain moved from San Francisco, where he was working in tech, to Somaliland. He opened the Take Off Fund to boost what he believes is “a very promising startup ecosystem”.

“Somalilanders have seen how much progress has been made in the last 30 years, largely without the help of the international community, and they know that they can create a better future for themselves and their children,” he says.

Tech Funding Makes Case for International Recognition

Although Clain believes that Somaliland is ready for business without the need for international recognition, he still thinks his investment could play a role in that sense.

“Somaliland can’t control what other countries do, but I think there are certain kinds of economic activity that strengthen the case for international recognition,” he says.

“As we build more high-growth businesses in Somaliland, bring in more international investors, and expand business operations to other countries, it will become clearer to Somaliland’s neighbours and trading partners that the country is an important, independent player in the region and deserves recognition.”

Ismail is also confident that the funding of its startup by a US-based VC fund is a step towards international recognition.

“It will certainly help,” he says. “The more positive news that comes out of Somaliland, the better. I think people will start to realise that it’s an untapped market with huge potential and a young population.”

Ismail believes that Somalia’s security issues undermine its business potential – the country has yet to receive startup funding, according to the startup deal online database Africa The Big Deal.

“I think it’s easier in Somaliland at the moment due to security. The main concern in Somalia is the security situation, where it’s difficult for foreign VCs to consider investing in the region,” he says.

“Once the situation improves, Somalia will have one of the best potential markets in the whole of Africa.”

However, recent clashes between Somaliland forces and militia from the Dhulbahante clan, which inhabits the Sool region of Somaliland but has never recognised the government, show that security challenges lie ahead for both Somalia and Somaliland.

To date, the conflict in the Sool region has caused 308 civilian casualties, with 36 people killed and 272 injured, according to a recent statement by Catriona Laing, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Somalia.

Leo Komminoth
Leo is tech reporter for African Business, based in Dakar, and also works on data visualizations.

From Hope to Conflict: Assessing Biden’s Policy Towards Somaliland

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Staff

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July 2, 2023

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Background: Shifting Policies Exacerbating Ongoing Conflict

In February 2008, the U.S. and Somaliland achieved a significant milestone with the visit of Jendayi Frazer, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, to Hargeysa. During a panel discussion in 2020, Jendayi Frazer expressed regret for not advocating more strongly for Somaliland’s recognition during her tenure as assistant secretary. Unfortunately, the lack of attention to Jendayi’s insights has led to an ongoing conflict in Las Anod between the Somaliland army and the Somalian Darood militia. Local clan elders, who have become warlords overnight, invited the invading military due to clan irredentism on the border between Somaliland and Somalia. Regrettably, the militia’s refusal to engage in peace talks with Somaliland resulted in the losing 36 civilian lives. If the international community led by the U.S. had resolved this conflict in 2008, it could have laid the groundwork for peace between Las Anod and Hargeysa today. The people of Somaliland, including Las Anod, have waited for 15 years to have their country’s status recognized under the Somaliland flag. However, the current U.S. administration has significantly deviated from the policies of its predecessors. The current U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Molly Phee, has introduced the “Single Somalia” policy, which treats Somaliland as a federal state within Somalia. This policy has rapidly damaged the close relations established by former Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Tibor P. Nagy and national security advisor Robert O’Brien. This article analyses the implications of this policy shift thus far and recommends that the Biden administration reverts to the original U.S. policy, which was driven by the African Union (A.U.) and based on shared values.

The Impact of “Single Somalia” Policy on a Previously Stable Region

The recent statement by the United Nations Security Council regarding the situation in Las Anod, Somaliland, raises concerns about the approach taken towards this African nation. The administration’s endorsement of violent expressions of political opinion and disregard for Somaliland’s sovereignty and independence risk further destabilizing the entire region. It is crucial to address the missteps in their policy and recognize the legitimate claims of Somaliland for long-term stability, as emphasized by E.U. Special Representative Annette Weber.

For example, we can directly link the administration’s conciliatory approach towards Las Anod clan warlords to the recent war in Garowe. In Garowe, another clan formed a militia that violently rejected constitutional amendments in Puntland. Acknowledging the unintended consequences of the “Single Somalia” policy is essential, as Somaliland and Puntland were more stable before its introduction. Furthermore, the absence of a diplomatic office in Hargeysa may have contributed to a lack of understanding by the administration regarding the response of the government and people of Somaliland to the situation in Las Anod. This response demonstrates their maturity and unity. Somaliland is more than just military or legal borders; it encompasses the police, schools, institutions, and human capital. People from all clans in Somaliland have contributed to the development of Las Anod and vice versa.

To better understand Somalilanders’ resilience and achievements as the longest Somali-speaking country in history (32 years), Washington, DC, could follow the examples of the U.K. and Taiwan by establishing offices that directly observe and support Somaliland’s progress. Somaliland has shown remarkable stability and improvement since declaring independence. It has effectively prevented piracy and terrorism within its borders, contributing valuably to regional peace in the Horn of Africa. Claims that Somaliland’s pursuit of territorial integrity threatens regional stability are unfounded and ignore the reality of Somaliland’s well-functioning governance and democratic institutions within Africa’s internationally recognized colonial borders. It is the denial of the legal foundation of these borders that incites and fuels violence.

Towards a Coherent Policy with the World, Africa and the U.S. itself

Somaliland has faced immense suffering in the past due to ethnic divisions. However, it remains committed to preserving peace and stability in the region. Protecting Somaliland from the imposition of ethnic boundaries is not only in its interest but also crucial for Somalia, Ethiopia, and the entire African continent. It is concerning that the administration still needs to follow up on the African Union fact-finding mission on Somaliland and its wisdom in maintaining colonial borders as reference points for resolving disputes.

Equally concerning is the reluctance to adhere to internationally established customary practices, which call for direct engagement with Somaliland as a recognized country without formal recognition. Over the past 32 years, numerous governments worldwide have engaged directly with Somaliland, treating it as a recognized entity. By disregarding this established norm as international customary law, Biden’s administration undermines the rule-based international order it claims to uphold.

This disregard for international law raises concerns and contradicts President Biden’s democracy-based policy that denounces leaders like Xi Jinping as dictators. The US-funded Freedom House report of 2023 regarded Somaliland as the most democratic country in the Horn of Africa. The inconsistency between the State Department’s approach to democracies globally and its treatment of Somaliland is glaring. It is worth noting that the United States was the only Western embassy that did not extend congratulations to Somaliland on the dual elections of parliament and local offices held in 2021. The embassy has only mentioned Somaliland Elections in the context of its policy of sticks with no carrots. Somaliland, which derives 71% of its budget from internal resources, did not feel compelled to respond to what it perceived as misplaced arrogance.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Before the Las Anod conflict, alarmists associated Somaliland’s recognition with wars and a less stable horn of Africa. As you can see, the worst scenario has already happened by following their Single Somalia policy. It is time for the Biden administration to return to its original AU-Driven and shared values policy towards Somaliland.

As highlighted in the NDAA 2023 bill, Somaliland can be a strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific region; a transparent recognition roadmap will ensure a stable Horn of Africa but also foster cooperation with democracies, both developed and resourceful.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Daud is an Australian Somalilander and Software Engineer. Works as a principal developer for a financial technology company. Melbourne, Australia. Mr. Daud is also a Non-Resident Scholar at Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, Hargeysa Somaliland

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Any Change Prematurely in the Arms Embargo Policy on Somalia Poses Great Risk

By

Editor II

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June 23, 2023

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This report of Hiraal Institute presents an in-depth examination of the potential consequences of lifting the arms embargo in Somalia.

With a focus on both the national and international implications, Institute’s findings suggest caution and a nuanced approach towards this crucial policy decision

Somalia’s complex societal structure, characterized by deep-seated clan loyalties, presents a significant challenge.

The Somali National Army (SNA), essentially comprised of clan militias, raises concerns that lifting the embargo could fuel inter-clan conflicts, especially as the government has promoted clan militias since August 2023.

Such an action could potentially ignite a volatile arms race among the clans, escalating violence, and instability.

The fact that the Somali government does not fully control all its ports of entry further complicates the situation.

Without comprehensive oversight of these crucial trade nodes, the risk of arms being diverted to non-state actors, criminal syndicates, or potential adversaries is heightened.

This underlines the need for effective management of borders before any changes in the arms embargo policy.

Open arms markets in Somalia pose another significant risk. The existence of these markets and their ease of access could potentially be exacerbated by the lifting of the arms embargo, leading to a rise in violence and instability.

Furthermore, it raises concerns about the effective control and tracing of arms flow within the country.
A worrying trend of weapons meant for the SNA appearing in open markets underscores the challenges of control and accountability.

Without robust mechanisms to secure and monitor weapons, the premature lifting of the arms embargo could lead to increased arms proliferation.

Furthermore, the potential implications of unchecked arms flows are not confined to Somalia. Lessons from history show how they can fuel conflicts, destabilize regions, and pose significant threats to international security. This global perspective must be factored into any decision regarding the future of the arms embargo.

Hiraal Institute analysis emphasizes the need for a nuanced and cautious approach towards the arms embargo issue.

Strengthening Somalia’s capacity in arms control, securing ports of entry, and promoting effective governance must be prioritized before any significant changes to the current policy.

Read Full Report

The Display in Garoowe Shows the Beauty of Puntland’s Mock Democracy

By

Editor II

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June 23, 2023

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In contrast to Somaliland, which is currently preoccupied with voter registration in the midst of unpopular conflict in the Sool region for the selection of political parties and presidential elections, Puntland has not fully grasped the application of democratic principles like transparency, accountability, and citizen participation, despite the fact that democracy is generally regarded as a system that does so.

In Puntland, opposition groups say that the leader, Said Abdullahi Deni, wants to extend his term beyond January of next year or help tip the election in his favor. Deni has not discussed the allegations in public.

On June 20, 2023, Puntland forces and opposition fighters engaged in ferocious street battles in Garowe, the capital of Puntland, as the local parliament discussed constitutional changes including the introduction of one-man, one-vote elections.

The tension over proposed changes to the Puntland’s voting system resulted in the deaths of 26 and injuries to 30.

Puntland, the oldest member state of Somali Federal Government, has been known for its political system, which is often characterized as a “mock or delusional democracy” due to various shortcomings

Recently, UNSOM released a glowing report on local elections that were held in several Puntland villages and were widely regarded as a significant step toward democratization in Somalia.

Here are some of the issues associated with the mock democracy in Puntland and the negative consequences they have brought about:

Puntland’s political landscape has been dominated by a few powerful clans and individuals, leading to a limited pool of candidates and little opportunity for meaningful political competition. This has resulted in a lack of diverse perspectives and alternatives.

The absence of robust democratic institutions and mechanisms to ensure accountability has allowed corruption and nepotism to flourish. Public resources are often misused or embezzled by those in power.

In the mock democracy of Puntland, the rule of law is often compromised, with the influence of political elites undermining the independence of various the agencies. This leads to a culture of impunity, where individuals with political connections can evade justice.

While Puntland frequently restricts citizens’ ability to participate in political processes and voice their concerns, genuine democracy promotes active citizen participation. Dissenting voices may be silenced, freedom of speech and assembly may be restricted, and civil society organizations’ efforts to promote transparency and accountability may be hampered.

Puntland’s political instability and involvement in conflicts outside its borders, such as the ongoing insurgency in Las Anod, have been fueled by the flaws of its mock democracy system.

It is essential to keep in mind that these criticisms are not restricted to Puntland only; they can also be found in a variety of situations in which the democratic system has been compromised. A commitment to genuine democratic reforms, such as strengthening institutions, promoting transparency, enhancing citizen participation, and upholding the rule of law, is required for efforts to address these issues.

Guest article first published on SII

Witness History: The Somali Pilot Ordered to Bomb his own People in Hargeisa

By

Editor II

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June 21, 2023

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At the end of May 1988, rebels from the Somali National Movement launched a series of lightening attacks on cities in northern Somalia – the area that today is the self-declared republic of Somaliland.

The rebels were fighting against the military dictatorship of President Siad Barre.

By the start of June, they had taken control of most of Hargeisa, the biggest city in the north.

Government forces fell back to Hargeisa airport and other areas on the outskirts and were ordered to begin the indiscriminate bombardment of the city.

At the time Ahmed Mohamed Hassan was a fighter pilot in the Somali air force.

Ahmed Mohamed Hassan now faced a choice: join other pilots in bombing the city or refuse and face the prospect of being shot. He’s been talking to Rob Walker.

Investigative Reports

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Background: Shifting Policies Exacerbating Ongoing Conflict

The Impact of “Single Somalia” Policy on a Previously Stable Region

Towards a Coherent Policy with the World, Africa and the U.S. itself

Conclusion and Recommendations

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

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