Investigative Reports

Somaliland Office in Taiwan Rejects Sexual Misconduct Allegations

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The Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan has...

Ministry of Information Spends 600,000 US Dollars to Fix a Decade Old Radio Station

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According to a contract signed by the Minister of Information, Culture...

How Somalia is trying to Stifle Somaliland – US ties with an Online Troll and a pseudo-Charitable Organization

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In February, June, and  August 2022, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten filed Lobby Disclosure Act...
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Dire Warning Ignored by President Bihi on Weapons Embargo on Somalia

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On September 2019, Mr. Mahmoud Adam Jama “Galaal’, current Spokesperson for Waddani opposition party and former Deputy Minister of Health who also served as Somaliland’s Ambassador to the UK and Ethiopia, sent below message to the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi on the Somalia’s weapon’s embargo and its annual review by the United Nation’s Security Council and its implication for Somaliland and the whole region. The United Nations Security Council has lifted the weapons embargo on Somalia and Somaliland has since condemned and protested the action. Below is the message from Ambassador Galaal in verbatim.

To: H.E Muse Bihi Abdi - President of the RSL

From: Mahmoud Adam Jama “Galaal’

Subject: Arms Embargo on Somalia

Date: 28 September 2019
Summary of background – Arms Embargo on Somalia

Security Council Resolution 733 first established the arms embargo on Somalia in 1992. Since the partial lifting of the embargo in 2013 there has been more than 20,000 weapons and 75 million rounds of ammunition delivered to Somalia and donated by a number of states including China, Saudi Arabia and Djibouti amongst others. A sizeable number of these weapons have found their way to Al Shabab and arms dealers in Puntland, Yemen, and Mogadishu as a result of non-compliance with the United Nations sanctions on arms to Somalia. There is a United Nations Somalia Sanctions Committee which is supported by the Monitoring Group on Somalia and a Panel of Experts (PoE) mandated under various resolutions including 2036 (2012), 2060 (2012), 2093 (2013) and 2182 (2014) and 2444 (2018). The mandate is to monitor and ensure compliance. 

Concerns on current situation Corruption and a lack of accountability continue to undermine the arms embargo and consequently security and stability of the region. It is important to highlight that whilst international financial institutions have praised the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) for implementing financial reforms, between 2017 and 2018, the United Nations Monitoring Group on Somalia expressed serious concerns with regard to corruption and misappropriation. This included specific allegations against some ministries as well of misuse of funds in the Benadir regional administration. In addition, the UN Monitoring Group of Somalia found a lack of transparency regarding Federal Government contracts and there have been reports of significant off-budget income and expenditure. A review found misappropriation and a lack of accountability of the Somali National Army and the security sector. 

Mr. President, the disparity between international financial institutions and the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia on issue of misappropriation and corruption should be of serious concern to the international community both in the context of the arms embargo and a wider unholy collusion between FGS and international financial institutions. Non-compliance to the arms embargo and institutional corruption create unfavourable conditions for regional security and must therefore be of grave concern to the government of the Republic of Somaliland. 

It is also very important we are able to contest allegations made by the Monitoring Group. For example, the Monitoring Group claims it had not received a response to correspondence sent to Somaliland on 6 September 2018, requesting confirmation of the circumstances of the alleged torture and execution of the four detainees from Puntland (Tukaraq conflict) and details of the steps taken, if any, to investigate these allegations. 

The Monitoring Group further claims to have sent the government of the Republic of Somaliland correspondence on 2 February 2018, stating the establishment of a foreign military base in Berbera would constitute a violation of the arms embargo on Somalia, and that any support to Somaliland’s security sector would require the notification of and approval by the Committee, in accordance to the UN Security Council resolutions, specifically paragraph 11 (a) of Security Council resolution 2111 (2013). The Monitoring Group further claims Somaliland has not responded to the correspondence.

Conclusion and recommendation 

Mr. President, | hope you will agree that it’s essential we formulate a clear policy on the United Nations Arms Embargo and a strategy to influence and engage with the UN Sanctions Committee. Whilst the arms embargo is the principal aim of the Monitoring Group’s reporting, there are often detailed regional political, economic and security related information and analysis, which includes the Republic of Somaliland, contained in their reports. 

The arms embargo does not differentiate the Republic of Somaliland from the Federal Government of Somalia. It is therefore imperative we observe and scrutinise the work of the Monitoring Group so we may be in a position to provide robust written challenges to incorrect, inaccurate and unfavourable findings of its interim reports in order to ensure our position and views are represented in the final reports to the UN Security Council. We should also use political, diplomatic, and public relations opportunities to augment our written submissions for maximum impact. 

Mr. President, | would like to discuss the above matters with you in detail, however the most urgent and pressing at this time is we formulate a comprehensive submission document which clearly articulates our staunch opposition to the easing of the arms embargo when the matter is reviewed on 15 November 2019.  

Breaking – Somaliland Government and High-Level Chinese Delegation Held Talks in Hargeisa

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A Chinese government delegation visited Hargeisa last week and engaged in confidential discussions with Somaliland government officials. The composition of the Chinese delegation and the content of the discussion with the government of Somaliland has not been disclosed.

The Republic of Somaliland and the People’s Republic of China clashed from the outset when, on September 9, 2020, Taiwan and Somaliland formed bilateral ties, staunchly rejecting Chinese attempts to alter their decision concerning Taiwan.

The circumstances surrounding the latest contact between China and Somaliland, the nature of their talks, and whether Somaliland has reconsidered its alliance with Taiwan remain unclear. Interestingly, this meeting followed the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Dr. Essa Kayd’s recent visit to the United States, where he engaged with various U.S. government officials from State, Defense, and other departments. It is uncertain if the Chinese delegation’s visit and Minister Kayd’s U.S. trip are related.

Although Somaliland’s decision to form bilateral ties with Taiwan was lauded by US government including the White House Security Council and members at the time, Department of State’s and particularly the Bureau of African Affairs’ attitude towards Somaliland remained lukewarm at best. Multiple visit by the United States Africa Command to Somaliland and particularly Berbera have raised the specter of US base and military presence in Somaliland.

It is unknown if the President of the Republic of Somaliland, Muse Bihi Abdi met with the Chinese delegation in Hargeisa, and the potential rapprochement between China and Somaliland raises questions about the future of Somaliland’s ties with Taiwan. What is evident, however, is that if China succeeds in swaying Somaliland away from its West-ward alignment, it will mark a significant diplomatic victory, strengthening China’s position in the Red Sea and ensures success of its Belt and Road Initiative and potentially impacting the U.S.’s aspirations for a military base in Berbera.

In a significant foreign policy address in November 2021, Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro,” the Chairman of Waddani, Somaliland’s main opposition party and Presidential candidate, voiced strong criticism of President Bihi’s government. The focal point of Cirro’s critique was the government’s decision to align with Taiwan instead of China. He advocated for a reassessment of diplomatic ties, emphasizing the need for a more positive relationship with the People’s Republic of China.

Despite inquiries, officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, the President’s office, Taiwan’s Representative Office in Somaliland, and China’s Embassy in Somalia have not responded to questions about the Chinese delegation’s visit to Hargeisa, the nature of the talks, and whether Somaliland intends to maintain bilateral ties with both China and Taiwan. The lack of clarity surrounding these developments underscores their sensitivity and strategic importance.

Somaliland: Berbera city’s growth is being held back by a power supply monopoly

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Nasir M. Ali, University of Hargeisa; Ayan Yusuf Ali, University of Hargeisa, and Jutta Bakonyi, Durham University

Somaliland’s main port, at the city of Berbera, accounted for two-thirds of the country’s revenues in 2020. Over the years, these revenues have mostly gone into the central state coffers, while the development of Berbera has been neglected.

When we visited the city for our research project on port infrastructure, international politics, and everyday life, this neglect was immediately visible. Buildings in the city centre were abandoned and dilapidated. Physical and social infrastructure – ranging from roads, water and electricity to health and schooling – were lacking.

Berbera port consumes a lot of energy while most city dwellers lack affordable electricity. ED RAM/AFP via Getty Images

Infrastructure development carries modernity’s promise of progress and development. But it relies on affordable and reliable energy. That is what is lacking for most of Somaliland’s residents. The electricity access rate is estimated at 15%. Eighty percent of the population use biomass fuel, mostly charcoal and firewood, to fulfil their daily energy needs.

The Somaliland government has mainly left the energy market to its own devices. Lack of regulation, and collaboration between the government and private businesses have spawned a monopoly of energy provision in Berbera. This in turn makes electricity unaffordable for most residents.

The uneven development of Berbera city manifests in the contrast between the large amounts of energy consumed by the port and the lack of affordable electricity for most urban dwellers. These inequalities challenge the expectation that Somaliland’s further integration into the globalised chains of production and consumption – through its modern port – will greatly benefit its citizens.

Berbera and other cities in Somaliland need policies that ensure energy becomes affordable for the urban poor. Without such policies, the gap between the rich and the poor is likely to widen further, with access to energy being but one of the indicators of this inequality.

Berbera port and development

The neglect of Berbera city stands in stark contrast to the modern technologies and equipment at its port. Since 2017 the port has been managed by the Dubai-based logistics giant DP World. The company brought in new transport technologies and modernised the port’s infrastructure to handle containerised trade.

A special economic zone has been established to attract investors. And a transport corridor that links the port with Ethiopia is nearly complete.

A DP World representative explained to us that the port had established its own energy source to meet the huge power demands of the new container terminal. Sudden energy cuts and blackouts would risk damaging the new technologies and undermine the port’s ability to become a global trade hub.

Somaliland’s government acknowledges the lack of reliable energy provision as a major constraint to development. The government plans to ensure that all citizens have access to affordable energy from local and renewable sources by 2030.

This goal is ambitious. Electricity across Somaliland is privatised and relies on fossil fuel, mainly diesel, which is imported from the Arabian peninsula. Energy is, therefore, costly and unsustainable. Somaliland has one of the world’s highest energy prices punctuated with frequent and often long-lasting power cuts.

So far, only limited investments have been made into the generation of clean energy, among them a solar mini grid in Berbera, funded by the Abu Dhabi Fund for Development.

The privatisation of energy

Somaliland withdrew from Somalia in May 1991, after more than two years of civil war. When the country started to build its state apparatus, the private sector was already flourishing. The state relied, to a large extent, on financial support from private businesses. It therefore adopted a policy of minimal government involvement in the economy.

The energy sector, for example, started with private business people who initially used generators for their own consumption. The businesses eventually provided their neighbourhoods with excess energy. Some of these small scale, informal businesses grew into large enterprises which are providing thousands of customers with electricity today.

At least four major energy suppliers are competing for customers in Somaliland’s capital city, Hargeisa.

But in contrast, the market in Berbera is dominated by the Berbera Power House, a private company that has established a monopoly position in the city. With no competition, prices are up, and only the wealthy people can afford electricity in Berbera city.

Mini grid solar power plant

The concession for DP World was accompanied by expectations of closer cooperation between Somaliland and the United Arab Emirates. The Abu Dhabi Fund for Development, for example, provides financial and technical support for the transport corridor from Berbera to Ethiopia. It has also initiated social projects for the urban poor in Berbera, like building schools and providing green and affordable energy. It financed a 7MW solar power plant which was inaugurated in January 2021.

This was considered a significant step towards providing energy to poorer households and reducing Somaliland’s dependence on fossil fuels.

But immediately after the launch of the project, the Somaliland Ministry of Mines and Energy handed over the solar facility to Berbera Power House. The move further entrenched the company’s electricity monopoly in the city.

During the inauguration of the mini grid solar power plant, the finance minister proposed that electricity prices in Berbera would be reduced to US$0.1 per unit compared to US$0.6 per unit before the investment.

The interviews that we conducted with Berbera city residents in February and March 2023 revealed that electricity prices had not come down. We also found that the reliability of energy services had not improved.

It seems that the company lacks incentives and pressure from the government to improve its services and cut down energy prices. The company refused our requests for interviews.

Currently, a number of international organisations are exploring the potential for green energy in Somaliland and the wider Horn of Africa. These initiatives primarily aim to overcome environmental limits of the globally rising energy demand. Whether they will eventually benefit the population depend, among others, on how they are regulated and governed.

Abdiqadir A. Ismail, a researcher at the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies at the University of Hargeisa, contributed to this article.

Nasir M. Ali, Lecturer of Political Science and International Relations, University of Hargeisa; Ayan Yusuf Ali, Research Manager at the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Hargeisa, and Jutta Bakonyi, Professor in Development and Conflict, Durham University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Taiwan’s Cooperation in Africa for A Net-Zero Future

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By Ambassador Allen Chenhwa Lou
Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland

Include Taiwan for Collective Climate Actions

As the concentration level of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere rises and temperatures across nations reach record highs, it is clear that climate change is an issue that involves the whole world, an issue of no boundary. Therefore, Taiwan has been proactively tackling climate challenges in their wakes, alongside other international partners toward the common goal of net-zero emissions. Turning slogans into actions, Taiwan is planning to roll out ambitious climate reforms in 2024, with the introduction of carbon fees and other net-zero-oriented policies for private sectors. However, despite Taiwan’s continuous efforts of setting ambitious 2050 net-zero target and complying with international norms under the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change, Taiwan is unable to fully engage the formal dialogue of climate actions. Such injustice is inconsistent with the global efforts of combating climate change, leaving a widening gap in the climate campaign.

Taiwan’s Contribution and Attempts to Join COP

Taiwan’s potential and tangible contributions in fields such as capacity building, technology research, education, public health, and healthcare are note-worthy. Recently from spearheading the green transition in the Caribbean, assisting high-quality rice seed production in Indonesia, to ensuring adequate crop production in Thailand against climate change, the International Cooperation and Development Fund (TaiwanICDF) has been actively involved with the climate actions. Taiwan has always tried to contribute where we can and share our best practices.

Taiwan’s Climate Actions in East Africa

Taiwan’s climate effort had also made its landfall in East Africa. In Kenya, TaiwanICDF partners with Terre des hommes Foundation (Tdh) to improve the access to basic water, sanitation and hygiene in ten health care facilities in Garissa County Kenya; In Uganda, Taiwanese NGO Love Binti International has received the carbon credit for more than a thousand acre of land donated by a Taiwanese benefactor, gearing toward promoting the environmental cause and establishing scholarship.

In Somaliland, Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland coordinated with Taiwan’s Forest Bureau of Council of Agriculture to fund Cheetah Conservation Fund (CCF) to ensure the biodiversity and to help the wild survive. TaiwanICDF also helps facilitate the volunteer program for CCF; In terms of food security for climate resilience, Taiwan Technical Mission in the Republic of Somaliland has assigned agricultural experts to improve the quality and quantity of fruit and vegetable, introduce high-quality seeds from Taiwan, and educate the store on extending the shelf life of produce; Taiwan also integrate NGOs’ resources for joint climate actions. Taiwanese NGO Step30 International Ministries, known for donating used shoes to African children struggling for sand jiggers on their bare foot, had joined force with Taiwan Representative Office to fund Drilling & Equipping of K15(2) groundwater project in in Ged-deeble Somaliland. Moreover, Step30 is also involved in other borehole-drilling projects in East Africa countries such as Kenya and Uganda. From government agencies to non-government entities, Taiwan’s support for climate actions in Africa is tangible.

Taiwan, a Key Component to Global Climate Reforms

In this year’s COP28, Taiwan is again barred from fully participating in the global climate change conference. As a responsible member of the global community and a force for good in the world, Taiwan is ready to share our experiences and engage with friendly countries in East Africa, to identify risks and opportunities for tangible contributions to be made. Taiwan is committed to work with partners to develop climate resilience.

There is only one world, and this is the only Earth we know. As the world confronts the mounting threat of climate change and scrambling to restructure our supply chains, “Denying Taiwan is to Deny Global Climate Reforms”.

Is the Mayor of Hargeisa, Mr. Moge, A Political Opportunist or the Savior that Somaliland Needs?

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The blind embrace of personality cults and a propensity to swallow heavy dose of empty rhetoric whole has led to the calamity that is President Bihi’s tenure, possibly the worst President since the reestablishment of our Republic. While we won’t dwell on the train wreck that is President Bihi’s place in the history books, the crux of the matter is Somaliland’s public has troubling tendency to fall head over heels for charismatic figures with minimal substance.

The Somaliland public, evidently slow learners in the school of political disappointments, now entertains the absurd notion that Hargeisa’s Mayor, Mr. Abdikarim Ahmed Moge, is the panacea to all their ills. Before we start dancing to the premature tunes of his supposed salvation, let’s examine what Mayor Moge has accomplished so far as the mayor of Hargeisa since his election in 2021.

Credit is due to Mayor Moge for surpassing his predecessor, Mayor SOLTELCO, with notable initiatives like monthly city garbage clean-ups, tree planting, and public roadway rehabilitation, earning praise from Hargeisa residents. His early crackdown on corruption within the local municipality is commendable. However, let’s peel back the charismatic facade and delve deeper.

It’s important to remember that SOLTELCO is an insanely low bar to clear. In fact, Hargeisa would have fared better if it had no mayor at all. He was one of the worst mayors in recent memory, and because the public is so accustomed to horrific leadership, even mediocrity is mistaken for salvation. Mayor Moge has barely moved the needle in making Hargeisa the capital it deserves. He has promised that Hargeisa would rival world capitals and two years on, that seems like a pipe dream.

Mayor Moge has failed a basic litmus test as a true leader, an anti-corruption champion and the reformer he sold to the public as a candidate as he chose to look the other way on the mass-looting of public land and institutionalized corruption put in place by his predecessor that still puts money in SOLTELCO’s pocket at the expense of Hargeisa residents.

Former Mayor SOLTELCO privatized key funding sources—land management and refuse collection—to companies he had personal stakes in. Mayor Moge, two years in, turns a blind eye, allowing SOLTELCO to to continue to bleed Hargeisa dry even when he is no longer the mayor. This makes Mayor Moge another politician who will say anything to get elected and a willing accomplice who will put his political ambition over the public interest without hesitation.

Mayor Moge has proven himself a shrewd politician, although this attribute hardly deserves commendation. His mastery of political expediency is evident in his adeptness at rolling over and playing dead to avoiding confrantation and difficult battles. An example is rebuilding the Waheen Market, a matter falling squarely within his municipal jurisdiction, which was astonishingly, it was effortlessly wrested away from him by the Ministry of Public Works, a move presumably orchestrated to accommodate a lucrative contract awarded to a company from Estwini in less than transparent manner. Strikingly, Mayor Moge remained silent, offering no protest in the face of this blatant corruption.

His conspicuous silence and absence from public view continued in the ongoing surge of public asset sale to private hands, such as the sale of Police Lane land and the forced displacement of residents, predominantly comprising families of current and former police officers, and the basketball playground in Jijiga Yar to make way for a parking lot for the adjacent hotel, further showcases Mayor Moge’s inexplicable disappearance from public scrutiny when confronted with potential negative publicity.

In these instances of questionable dealings involving public land that falls within his jurisdiction, Mayor Moge has perfected the art of vanishing into thin air, leaving the impression that his political acumen is not directed toward championing the public interest but rather towards self-preservation and conveniently avoiding any controversy that might tarnish his image. This pattern of behavior raises serious concerns about his honestly, commitment to transparency, accountability, and, ultimately, the well-being of the constituents he purportedly serves.

Despite Mayor Moge’s ostentatious use of the slogan “it’s your taxes” on billboards, his two-year tenure has been marked by a glaring absence of transparency. Shockingly, not a single report detailing the revenue, expenses, and budget of Hargeisa Municipality has been published under his leadership, mirroring the opacity of his predecessor. Compounding this lack of transparency are allegations that the municipality been heavily borrowing from Somaliland’s Central Bank. Mayor Moge attempted to deny this fact but callously admitted it in the same speech, underscoring a concerning pattern of obfuscation and potential fiscal mismanagement under his watch.

Moreover, Mayor Moge’s about-face on anti-corruption and freedom of speech, coupled with his newfound apathy towards these critical issues, indicates a leader more concerned with self-preservation and appeasing President Bihi’s than the well-being of his constituents and Somaliland in general. His toned-down bravado may suit his role as mayor, but it raises serious doubts about his suitability for the arduous role of leading a nation.

Leading the Republic of Somaliland, an unrecognized country grappling with monumental challenges, is a far cry from overseeing the Hargeisa municipality. Unfortunately, Mayor Moge, shrouded in a record of political expediency and a blatant disregard for transparency and accountability, not only falls catastrophically short as the leader Somaliland needs, but practically serves as the embodiment of everything wrong with Somaliland’s leadership. His current rightful place seems to be nothing more than standing behind President Bihi, smirking and complacently witnessing the central government pillage whatever meager public assets remain.

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Projects funded by the World Bank Group’s private sector arm fuel violent conflict – it’s time to reform the system

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Brian Ganson, Stellenbosch University; Anne Spencer Jamison, Copenhagen Business School, and Witold Jerzy Henisz, University of Pennsylvania

To what extent does private investment help developing countries to reduce conflict and violence and to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals?

This is a hotly debated issue. Most international institutions such as the World Bank Group take the stance that the problem is not enough private investment. So they mobilise public resources to subsidise and protect private sector actors with the goal of greatly increasing foreign direct investment.

Meanwhile, community, labour and human rights advocates – particularly in fragile and conflict-affected countries – tend instead to see the dominant patterns of foreign direct investment as part of a continuing history of exploitation of the developing world.

To help shed light on this debate, we undertook a comprehensive study of thousands of projects of the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector arm of the World Bank Group. We focused on the period between 1994 and 2022.

We chose the IFC because it claims to invest with developmental purpose. It also purports to apply the highest standards of social and environmental performance. Additionally, many other private and public actors follow its lead in setting standards. If the IFC is getting it wrong it would be a good indicator of how things stand in the broader global system. We focused our study on the relationship between IFC projects and armed conflict, as violence has a clear and detrimental effect on human development.

The results establish that IFC projects cause significant increases in armed conflict around the world. A single project, on average, causes 7.6 additional armed conflict events in the year after it is introduced. These findings are consistent with other large quantitative studies that question the relationship between foreign direct investment and development. Foreign direct investment that increases violent conflict and makes development nearly impossible appears the rule, not the exception.

We conclude that current approaches to foreign investment need urgent reconsideration, with particular focus on the risk of violent conflict.

Our methodology

Many factors influence violent conflict, including the history of intergroup and state-society relations. So the study used sophisticated econometric analyses to isolate the IFC’s impact.

We first geolocated IFC projects and noted the years in which they were approved. Then we tested whether armed conflict rose in the area proximate to the IFC project in the following year. We controlled for other factors – such as the presence of politically excluded groups, GDP, the regime type, or the population size – that affect conflict.

In the analysis, we were careful to match and compare an IFC project area with those areas without IFC projects to which it is most similar. Finally, we considered and controlled for the possibility that conflict was already rising before the IFC project arrived. By excluding these other explanations for conflict events, we were able to make reasonable causal attributions.

Disturbingly, the study found that increases in armed conflict were concentrated in projects that the IFC told local and international stakeholders had potential limited adverse environmental or social risks. It claimed that these could be readily addressed through mitigation measures. These mitigation measures appear to be either ineffective or under-employed. Alternatively, the IFC is mis-classifying projects that carry more substantial conflict risk than it recognises or cares to make public.

One particularly disturbing example is the Ugandan government’s campaign of terror against local citizens to turn land over to an IFC client. The IFC also has yet to resolve activists’ complaints from 2019 of gender-based violence and threats of reprisals and intimidation against one of its project partners, Salala Rubber Corporation in Liberia.

The study also demonstrated that capital-intensive projects (that is, agribusiness, oil, gas, mining and infrastructure) have a larger propensity for socio-political and socio-economic disruption. Areas that receive capital-intensive projects experience, on average, an additional death from armed conflict in the following year.

Not above the rule of law

These results should perhaps not be surprising. Civil society groups have long concluded that the IFC prioritises its own profits and business interests over the “suffering of others” in ways that contribute to “multiple paths of extraction, dispossession, and conflict”. In 2020 Human Rights Watch characterised the IFC as “failing at remedies for project abuses”. This was based on the World Bank Group’s own commissioned review.

Yet, the IFC’s strategy has been to position itself above the rule of law. It continues to assert sovereign immunity. It claims that, as an international organisation, it should not be liable in national courts – even to parties it admittedly harms.

It maintains this stance despite recent reports of IFC complicity in covering up the sexual abuse of children to further its investment projects.

It appears beyond time for the 186 member governments that own the IFC to demand transparency, accountability and redress for harms done from the corporation and the private sector actors it funds. Others can also play a role. Governments that have perhaps naively relied on the World Bank halo should question the benefits they are told they can expect from IFC investments. The ratings agencies that classify IFC bonds as positive from an environmental, social, and governance perspective may want to question the bases on which such determinations are made.

At the same time, perhaps more credence can be given to recent calls by the UN secretary general to reform the global financial system to better support human security and human development.

This could include specialised intermediaries between the IFC and sensitive projects in difficult places. Independent and empowered local oversight appears necessary to ensure more inclusive and accountable forms of contextual analysis and risk mitigation planning, monitoring and evaluation of development impact, proactive conflict management, and accessible redress for harms done. This could reduce violent conflict and open more developmental potential for private investment in the developing world.

Brian Ganson, Professor and Head, Centre on Conflict & Collaboration, Stellenbosch University; Anne Spencer Jamison, Assistant Professor of International Economics, Government, and Business, Copenhagen Business School, and Witold Jerzy Henisz, Vice Dean and Faculty Director, ESG Inititative; Deloitte & Touche Professor of Management, University of Pennsylvania

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Taiwan Working With The World Toward A Net-Zero Future

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By Shieu Fuh-sheng, Minister of Environment, R.O.C. (Taiwan)

Climate change is impacting the world at an unprecedented rate. The concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere continues to rise and global average temperatures have reached record highs. But it is not too late. If we act now, we can still achieve a livable and sustainable future. Taiwan is working together with the international community toward the common goal of net-zero emissions. It is looking for opportunities to contribute its strengths in green and other technologies. With the world facing the threat of climate change and the challenge of supply chain restructuring, Taiwan is a reliable, secure, and trustworthy partner.

This February, President Tsai Ing-wen announced the enactment of the Climate Change Response Act, codifying the 2050 net-zero emissions goal into law. By elevating the net-zero target from a policy declaration to a legal requirement, Taiwan has demonstrated its determination to cut emissions. The government is setting up a carbon pricing mechanism and introducing financial incentives to guide businesses toward sustainable, low-carbon development. In 2022, Taiwan published its Pathway to Net-Zero Emissions in 2050 and announced 12 key strategies for net-zero transition. Based on the twin governance foundations of technology research and development and climate legislation, Taiwan is stepping up energy, industrial, lifestyle, and social transition. The first phase (2023 to 2026) of the net-zero science and technology programwill focus on five main development areas—sustainable and future-oriented energy sources, low-carbon and carbon reduction, negative carbon emissions, the circular economy, and humanities and social sciences. The program will promote net-zero technology research, development, and applications.

Taiwan has achieved outstanding results in energy transition. For the past 10 years, energy intensity has improved by an annual average of 2.9 percent. According to a 2022 report published by the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, Taiwan’s energy efficiency has risen to eighth in the world, second only to Japan in Asia. Over the last five years, Taiwan’s installed capacity of renewable energy has grown by an average of 21.9 percent each year. The global average is 9.1 percent. Taiwan has outperformed its Asian neighbors including the Republic of Korea, China, and Japan. In 2023, the combined capacity of wind and solar power installations in Taiwan reached around 13.9 gigawatts, a sevenfold increase from 2016. A total of 264 offshore wind turbines have been installed nationwide. Renewable energy is expected to generate 10 percent of all Taiwan’s electricity this year. To ensure a stable power supply and reduce air pollution and carbon emissions, the government will continue to maximize the development of green power and future-oriented energy and further improve energy efficiency. Through these efforts, together with complementary measures such as developing diversified energy storage and strengthening power grid resilience, Taiwan is steadily achieving energy transition.

As more countries commit to net-zero emissions, Taiwan has made structural reforms to consolidate its environmental authorities and strengthen administrative capacity. This August, the Environmental Protection Administration was restructured and upgraded to the Ministry of Environment (MOE). Its newly established Climate Change Administration coordinates efforts to respond to climate change and reduce greenhouse gases. The results of scientific research on climate change and the implementation of adaptation actions have been published in the Adaptation Communication report. Taiwan also set up an interdisciplinary team to compile the Climate Change Adaptation Action Plan. The initiative promotes nature-based solutions and empowers vulnerable groups. These efforts aim to boost Taiwan’s overall capacity to respond to climate change, protect public safety, and promote national sustainable development.

Over 70 percent of Taiwan’s resources are imported. But in 2022, the municipal waste recycling rate reached 59.5 percent and the industrial waste reuse rate rose to 86.5 percent. Through the newly established Resource Circulation Administration under the MOE, the previous focus on controlling pollution has shifted to developing overall resource circulation, improving the efficiency of environmental governance, developing a circular economy, and introducing the concept of zero-waste. Building on existing solid foundations, Taiwan has formulated three circulation strategies—using green designs for waste reduction at the source, recycling and reusing resources, and balancing and managing waste treatment capacity. A well-functioning circular network will be created in coordination with upstream, midstream, and downstream industries. Taiwan is also developing innovative technologies and systems to support resource circulation and accelerate progress toward the vision of zero-waste and net-zero emissions.

Taiwan is an export-oriented economy. Its business operations are heavily influenced by international conditions and regulations. With the global trends toward carbon border adjustment mechanisms and green supply chain requirements, the government has established an interministerial coordination mechanism to help companies understand and reduce the carbon content of their products and promote a carbon pricing system. Taiwan’s Green Finance Action Plan supports the low-carbon transition of industry by steering capital investment to green or sustainable businesses; improving the environmental, social, and corporate governance of Taiwanese companies; and strengthening their sustainable development. The Taiwan Carbon Solution Exchange (TCX), established this August, creates incentives for enterprises to reduce carbon emissions through market trading and exchanges. The TCX also promotes low-carbon technology research and development, strengthens carbon market talent cultivation, and drives the virtuous cycle of the green economy.

As a force for good in the world, Taiwan continues to pragmatically seek opportunities to contribute to the international community, despite encountering multiple obstacles. Leveraging its advantages and strengths in green technology development, Taiwan can apply its expertise to programs in fields such as disaster relief, disaster prevention, the environment, medicine, public health, and green energy. We look forward to the Taiwanese people gaining equal access to the work of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We hope that Taiwan will be able to join international cooperation mechanisms to address climate change, participate in negotiations related to the Paris Agreement, and take collective action with the international community to jointly overcome the climate crisis. Taiwan is an important part of the solution and a reliable, secure, and trustworthy partner as the world confronts the mounting threat of climate change and adjusts to the restructuring of supply chains.

President Bihi’s Latest Cabinet Shake up Maintains Status Quo in Security and Economy

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Staff
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In the latest restructuring of his cabinet, the President of the Republic of Somaliland has fired the ministers of of Technology and Telecommunication, Endowment and Religous Affairs, Investment and Agriculture. In addition, he has nominated two new members to his cabinet where he has reassigned some ministers to other portfolios.

Despite holding a technology PhD from a Sudanese university, Dr. Abdiweli, the ousted Minister of Technology and Telecommunication, demonstrated a shaky understanding of technology fundamentals. He faced setbacks in fulfilling early commitments, such as obtaining a separate country code for Somaliland and securing its internet top-level domain. In pursuit of the latter, he sought assistance from Sierra Leone to share its .sl TLD with Somaliland.

Despite making numerous promises and performing expensive public stunts, including the establishment of an e-government that materialized as a basic website and the implementation of a STEM curriculum, Dr. Abdiweli failed to achieve significant progress in promoting IT innovation in both the public and private sectors during his tenure. Dr. Abdiweli who issued a statement, thanked the President for the opportunity to serve and have touted his record in contributing to the technology sector of Somaliland.

Eng Abdikadir Iman Warsame, Former Minister of Agriculture with Taiwan Representative Ambassador Allan Lou

Another notable departure is the Eng Abdikadir Iman, the now former Minister of Agriculture who previously held the post of Chairman of Somaliland Election Commission and most recently prior to appointment to President Bihi’s cabinet as a member of the committee to rebuild the Waaheen market. Although his tenure was short, there was no notable contribution in terms of policy or tangible result in making Somaliland a food secure nation.

The latest appointments introduce two highly controversial figures to key positions. Mr. Abdinasir Muhumad Hassan Buni, the current ruling party’s spokesperson and a onetime spokesperson for the First Lady of Somalia to the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, and Mr. Saleban Awad Ali (Bukhaari), the former Director of Somaliland’s Insurance Agency who was removed after multiple controversies including the botched rolling out of automobile insurance in Somaliland which resulted in clogging the Berbera Port with imported vehicles and appointing his wife to a finance position at the same agency among other issues to the Minister of Transportation and Road Development.

President Bihi who is currently in office through an extension granted by Somaliland’s House of Elders also known as the Guurti in October 2022 in is entering his sixth year of leadership. His tenure has been characterized by evident social divisions and widespread corruption, contradicting his campaign commitments to tackle graft.

Despite grappling with significant inflation, a rising cost of living, and pressing security concerns, President Bihi refrained from making alterations to portfolios directly associated with security or the economy. The question of whether forthcoming changes are on the horizon for sectors such as finance, banking, and security remains uncertain. The country’s ongoing economic challenges and security issues underscore the potential need for strategic adjustments in these critical areas, and observers are keenly watching for any developments that may address these pressing concerns.

Somali Prime Minister’s Endorsement of Hamas Explains why Somalia has been Unable to Defeat Al-Shabaab

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Staff
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In a world rife with complex geopolitical issues and conflicts, one thing remains crystal clear: the sacred duty of any nation to defend its people from terrorists. Just as Israel and Somaliland understand this sacred obligation, it seems that Somalia’s Prime Minister, Hamza Abdi Barre, has finally, albeit inadvertently, explained to the world why his country has been unable or, more precisely, has been unwilling to defeat the Al-Shabaab terror organization.

In a truly ironic twist of fate, the Somali Prime Minister has thrust his terror-stricken nation into the spotlight by openly supporting Hamas as a legitimate Islamic resistance group. This endorsement inadvertently exposes a deeper problem plaguing Somalia, where Al-Shabaab continues to wreak havoc, despite receiving hundreds of millions in mostly United States taxpayer funds to combat terrorism and establish peace. The Somali Prime Minister’s support for Hamas is a paradox. It is impossible to truly defeat a terrorist group that you actively endorse and support. In other words, you cannot defeat that which you are.

The Prime Minister’s recent remarks were nothing short of astonishing if not downright despicable. He not only proclaimed that the liberation of Palestine and Al-Aqsa Mosque is imminent but also labeled Israel as the actual terrorists. His language, of course, was far from diplomatic, and it carried a disturbing genocidal undertone.

Rather than distancing itself from these blatently dehumanizing and inflammatory comments, President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud’s administration has resorted to deploying lobbyist in Washington, D.C., to whitewash and spin Prime Minister Hamse’s remarks and attempting to scapegoat Somaliland for the whole debacle. In essence, they are trying to put lipstick on an ugly anti-Semitic pig, all while ignoring the fact that the Somali Prime Minister openly lauded Hamas and essentially echoed Al-Shabaab’s statement on the subject.

The undeniable truth is that Somaliland, like Israel and Ukraine, is burdened with the sacred responsibility of safeguarding its people against terrorists and those who seek to kill and maime in the name of religion. On the flip side, Somalia’s Prime Minister has displayed an astonishing hypocrisy by selectively condemning global injustices while cozying up to Communist China and never uttering a word of protest on the plight of Muslim Uighurs. At the same time, he loudly cheers for Hamas, an organization responsible for killing innocent civilians and kidnapping even grandmothers and babies.

It’s high time the international community, particularly the United States, holds the Somali government accountable for its actions and rhetoric. Perhaps it’s time for Somalia to seek funding from sources more aligned with their newfound allegiances, like Hamas and Iran and China, to combat Al-Shabaab, as their actions and words have consequences that can no longer be brushed aside.

Controversy Surrounds President Bihi’s Advisors’ Involvement in New Round of Talks between Somalia – Somaliland

By
Staff
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A recent media report alleged that the Hargeisa Cultural Center was attempting to broaden its scope by involving itself in the complex discussions between Somaliland and Somalia. In the proposal, which the center has vehemently denied any involvement and threatened legal action, there is no mention of a separation between the two nations; rather, it strongly emphasizes the idea of reconciliation and reunification.

The proposal, examined by Somaliland Chronicle, outlines a comprehensive plan for the Horn Dialogue Conference 2023, scheduled to take place in Hargeisa, Somaliland. The primary focus of the conference is to explore the role of civil society in facilitating dialogue and reconciliation between Somalia and Somaliland. The proposing organizations, the Horn Dialogue Conference and Hargeysa Cultural Center, emphasize various aspects of the conference, including its objectives, methodology, and expected outcomes.

You can access the Horn Dialogue Conference proposal document here

The proposed conference carries significant objectives, primarily centered on promoting dialogue, reconciliation, and political cooperation between Somalia and Somaliland. It also seeks to address critical issues related to governance, security, and economic development, with an emphasis on fostering trust and consensus among key political actors. Notably, the document suggests a departure from traditional government-to-government negotiations in favor of involving civil society groups, such as traditional elders, women, youth, and academics, as key players in bridging divides and establishing a foundation for meaningful dialogue and cooperation.

The proposed methodology for the conference includes conducting in-depth research, mapping critical issues, and identifying key political factors that hinder reconciliation. It further introduces the concept of establishing standing committees to ensure that the progress made during the conference is effectively translated into action. The long-term impact and outcomes envisioned for the conference involve promoting democracy, negotiating plans for the political future of the region, and establishing stable civilian governance.

One intriguing aspect of the proposal, outlined in a section titled “Politics, Peace, and Security,” is its avoidance of any mention of Somaliland’s independence. Instead, it strongly emphasizes the idea of reconciliation and suggests a path forward rooted in dialogue:

  • reaffirm that for genuine peace to take hold in Somalia/Somaliland we should seek dialogue, reconciliation and political cooperation including establishing inclusive, accountable and legitimate governance.
  • The Conference is grateful for the wide-scale and strong Somali participation, including women, in this Conference, and the powerful and meaningful messages they have pronounced.
  • To affirm that at this critical period in Somalia/Somaliland history, the security, political, social and economic achievements of the past year have given Somalia/Somaliland and the international community a renewed hope for the future. Somalia/Somaliland have made considerable progress towards achieving stability, security and reconciliation: this opportunity should not be missed.
  • To initiate the beginning of a new phase of peacebuilding, in which all Somalis would contribute to peace and have their voices heard.

Although he denies it, the author of the report “HORN DIALOGUE CONFERENCE 2023, Hargeisa, Somaliland: The Role of Civil Society: Somalia and Somaliland Reconciliation Dialogue” is Abdinasir Suleman Omar Kujoog, who is listed as the Convener of the Horn Dialogue Conference.

Mr. Omar Kujoog who did speak to Somaliland Chronicle about this report and called it an elaborate hoax and a photoshop, stated that the biographies of the various people mentioned in it must have been collected from online and stitched together. For some reason, Mr. Omar Kujoog was forceful in his defense of Dr. Jama Muse and the Hargeisa Cultural Center more than himself and his Horn Dialogue outfit and repeatedly neither has anything to do with the document even though he called it a fake document concocted from thin air. He has accused of those behind it as engaged in a smear campaign against Dr. Jama, the Chairman of Hargeisa Cultural Center.

Asked about his opinion on the continuance of talks between Somaliland and Somalia, Mr. Omar Kujoog called it “mission impossible” and a follow up question on the role of the civil society in the future of the talks, although he claims to have never seen the document and that is it fake, his points seem to align with the document which postulates more community involvement.

Despite Mr. Abdinasir Suleman Omar Kujoog, has denied that he wrote it and has called it a “hoax.” However, there is evidence to suggest that the document is authentic. For example, the Horn Dialogue website, which has since been taken down, listed a conference called “Building Bridges Conference l September 2023,” which is described in a similar way to the conference proposed in the document.

Google cached version of http://www.horndialogue.com/ can be accessed here

Building Bridges Conference September 2023. The conference is described as “Somalia and Somaliland have long been divided, with protracted conflicts that have caused significant human suffering and impeded development. Traditional justice and customary laws have been used to address these grievances, with civil society organizations playing a key role in promoting dialogue. This conference aims to explore how civil society can further utilize traditional justice and customary laws in bridging divides and normalising relations.”.

Hargeysa Cultural Center has issued a strongly worded denial of the accusation in media reports and the document and alluded to taking unspecified legal action against those responsible.

Dr. Jama Muse Jama, the chairman of the Hargeisa Cultural Center who did not respond to request to speak on the record posted on social media “@HargeysaCC and I have nothing to do with the video and the fake document prepared by someone who uses our names and shared, if not invented, by irresponsible media that now has to prove the source of this document.”

Dr. Jama Muse Jama is one of President Muse Bihi’s closes advisors on foreign policy and possibly other matters.

Recently, Dr. Jama was the subject of international headlines when he met with the President of Uganda who publicly stated his opposition to Somaliland’s independence.  President Museveni is a major stakeholder in Somalia’s stabilization efforts where Ugandan troops make up a large percent of the ATMIS contingency stationed in Somalia.

Another close advisor to President Bihi, Dr. Amal Ali has been accused of attending a meeting held in Qatar on Somalia – Somaliland reconciliation. Dr Ali and her law firm has denied accusation as “Fake News”.

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