Freedom of Expression Tested as Somaliland Detains Former U.S. Envoy

February 22, 2025

HARGEISA—Somaliland government have detained Rashid Nur Absiye, commonly known as Rashid Garuf, without announcing formal charges. Multiple sources confirm that Garuf, who holds U.S. citizenship, remains in custody.

Garuf served as Somaliland’s Ambassador to the United States during President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo’s administration. His time in office was characterized by confrontational social media engagement, including frequent clashes with opposition figures and vigorous responses to Somalia’s political claims. Despite his active online presence, the mission struggled with limited community engagement and failed to advance Somaliland’s interests in the United States, with the office characterized as largely shuttered. In August 2018, President Muse Bihi Abdi replaced him with Bashir Goth as part of a limited reorganization of Somaliland’s foreign missions.

The arrest continues a pattern of detentions that has drawn international criticism. Under the previous government, security forces frequently detained opposition figures and critics without due process, often dropping charges without explanation and rarely taking cases to trial. The practice became particularly pronounced during election periods and times of political tension, when social media activists and opposition supporters faced increased scrutiny. International observers documented dozens of such cases between 2020 and 2023, noting that the pattern of arrest-and-release without judicial process created a chilling effect on political discourse.

The arrest highlights a striking dichotomy within the new administration’s approach to political discourse. While President Cirro has consistently called for restraint and measured debate, his Minister of Presidency, Khadar Hussein Abdi, has adopted an increasingly combative stance on social media, often engaging in aggressive exchanges with critics. This disconnect between the president’s calls for moderation and his senior minister’s confrontational style raises fundamental questions about the administration’s true commitment to political dialogue.

The detention of Garuf comes just weeks into the new government’s tenure and follows his social media commentary questioning the administration’s response to a senior police official’s death in Hargeisa. Garuf’s posts, which called for public demonstration of disapproval during the president’s planned visit to Gabiley, touched on rather sensitive subject involving the death of a police officer and ongoing investigation. While government officials have historically cited national security concerns or public incitement to justify such detentions, critics argue that using state power against political expression undermines Somaliland’s democratic institutions and reform promises.

Despite multiple inquiries, the Somaliland Chronicle has been unable to obtain official comment from the Ministry of Interior or Police command regarding specific charges against Garuf. The case has reopened debate about the balance between security interests and freedom of speech—a persistent challenge that continues to test Somaliland’s democratic aspirations across successive administrations

In a notable turn of events, the Kulmiye opposition party, whose previous administration oversaw the highest number of such detentions, has condemned Garuf’s arrest. Garuf, a member of Kulmiye’s Executive Committee, now finds his party advocating against the same practices they once employed—highlighting the fluid nature of political principles when parties transition from power to opposition.

The handling of Garuf’s case has broader implications for Somaliland’s political landscape. As the new administration navigates its early months in power, its response to criticism and dissent will likely set the tone for state-society relations in the years ahead. The tension between maintaining security and protecting civil liberties remains a critical challenge for Somaliland’s democracy, particularly as the region continues to seek international recognition and support. Whether this case represents an isolated incident or signals a continuation of previous practices may prove pivotal for the government’s credibility both domestically and abroad.

Somaliland’s Tofu Diplomacy: Weak-Kneed Engagement with Turkey Undermines Sovereignty

Staff

February 17, 2025

The January 2024 memorandum of understanding (MoU) between Ethiopia and Somaliland, promising maritime access in exchange for potential recognition, sent shockwaves through the Horn of Africa. Turkey’s response was swift and calculated: rather than acknowledge Somaliland’s sovereign right to make such agreements, Ankara immediately positioned itself to mediate between Somalia and Ethiopia. The resulting Ankara Declaration effectively nullified the Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU by promoting direct Ethiopia-Somalia maritime arrangements—a clear demonstration of Turkey’s true agenda.

This calculated intervention fits Turkey’s established playbook. Since appointing former Ambassador Olgan Bekar as Special Envoy for Somaliland-Somalia talks in 2018, Ankara has masqueraded as an impartial broker while methodically reinforcing Somalia’s territorial claims. Each round of Turkish-led dialogue follows the same script: Somaliland receives empty rhetoric while Somalia’s position strengthens.

The charade dropped all pretense in February 2024, when Turkey and Somalia signed a sweeping Defense and Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement. The deal—inked mere weeks after the Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU—granted Turkey a 30% cut of Somalia’s maritime revenues in exchange for naval reconstruction and training. The message wasn’t just clear; it was intentionally brutal: Turkey considers Somaliland’s waters to be Somalia’s property.

Turkey’s footprint in Somalia renders any claim of neutrality absurd. It maintains its largest overseas military base in Mogadishu, trains Somalia’s forces, controls 45% of the capital’s port revenues, and runs the airport. Ankara’s largest embassy worldwide isn’t in Washington or Brussels—it’s in Mogadishu. Meanwhile, Somaliland receives a pittance: 216 donated medical machines and a portfolio of unfulfilled promises.

By continuing to entertain Turkey’s overtures, Hargeisa is not just repeating past mistakes—it is actively legitimizing a foreign agenda designed to erase its sovereignty. For decades, Somaliland governments have eagerly welcomed foreign emissaries whose primary credentials are their postings to Mogadishu, with “and Somaliland” ceremoniously tacked onto their titles. This persistent acceptance of diplomatic table scraps exposes a fundamental contradiction: while claiming to seek international recognition, Somaliland routinely undermines its own sovereignty by accepting diplomatic arrangements that explicitly deny it.

The Turkey-Qatar alliance has emerged as the primary architect of Somaliland’s diplomatic marginalization. As regional expert Michael Rubin bluntly puts it, “Turkey does not have a track record as an honest broker, and President Erdoğan’s ideological agenda does not value Somaliland’s democracy and security.” This agenda was laid bare when Turkey’s latest delegation to Hargeisa included both its Ambassador to Somalia and its intelligence chief—a composition that treats Somaliland not as a sovereign entity, but as a troublesome province to be investigated.

The timing of Turkey’s outreach is calculated to maximize damage. Their delegation arrived shortly after President Cirro’s high-profile second visit to the UAE, where Somaliland was showcased alongside DP World at the World Governments Summit. The contrast is devastating: while Abu Dhabi delivers billion-dollar port investments and strategic partnerships, Turkey dispatches intelligence operatives and diplomatic illusions.

Turkey and Qatar’s aggressive push in Somalia represents a direct challenge to UAE-Saudi influence in the region. Ankara has systematically worked to undermine UAE-backed projects in Berbera, mobilizing Somalia’s opposition while methodically spreading anti-UAE sentiment within Somaliland. More insidiously, Turkish-backed talking points—questioning UAE partnerships and pushing for renewed Somalia talks—have infected Somaliland’s opposition circles and civil society organizations.

For Cirro’s administration, this presents an existential challenge. His Waddani party’s campaign pledge to restart talks with Somalia already left him vulnerable to unionist accusations. Now, entertaining Turkey’s transparent duplicity risks not only validating these concerns but jeopardizing Somaliland’s most crucial economic partnerships. The UAE, as Somalia painfully learned, does not forget betrayal.

Somaliland’s diplomacy isn’t pragmatic—it’s spineless. Instead of shaping its own fate, it passively absorbs the agendas of foreign players who refuse to recognize its independence. While Mogadishu wallows in chronic instability and terrorism, Somaliland’s willingness to accommodate powers that insist on its eventual reintegration with this chaos betrays a devastating lack of conviction in its separate destiny. Perhaps this diplomatic spinelessness reveals an even more troubling reality: Somaliland’s elected officials might be simply waiting for Somalia to stabilize—a delusional strategy that trades real independence for imaginary reconciliation.

The presence of Turkey’s intelligence chief in the recent delegation should have triggered immediate rejection. Instead, Somaliland’s welcome mat response reveals a leadership void at the heart of its independence project. President Bihi’s calls for broader international mediation and balanced Turkish investment acknowledge the problem, but words ring hollow when actions continue to legitimize those who fund Somaliland’s diplomatic suffocation.

For Somaliland to be taken seriously as an independent state, it must abandon its role as a diplomatic doormat. Real sovereignty demands more than declarations—it requires the courage to reject overtures from powers that fundamentally deny its right to exist. The path to international recognition cannot be paved with endless accommodation of those who question its very legitimacy.

If Somaliland’s leaders cannot muster the resolve to reject Turkey’s sham neutrality, they might as well admit it: independence is not a serious pursuit—merely a convenient slogan masking an endless cycle of submission. The time has come to decide: will Somaliland stand firm as a sovereign state, or remain what Turkey already considers it—a provincial afterthought in an international power play?

Strategic Roadmap for Strengthening Somaliland –US Trade Relations: Leveraging the Berbera Economic Zone for Sustainable Growth

Staff

February 13, 2025

Somaliland has strategically leveraged infrastructure diplomacy to position Berbera as a pivotal regional logistics hub, enhancing trade and economic growth. A cornerstone of this strategy is the partnership with DP World, which has led to significant developments in Berbera’s port and associated economic zones.

To capitalize on the developments in Berbera and foster Somaliland United States trade relations, the following strategies are suggested.

Promoting the Berbera Economic Zone to US Investors

The Berbera Economic Zone (BEZ) offers a strategic gateway for trade and investment, providing numerous incentives for international businesses. To attack US investors. Somaliland
should actively market the BEZ’s advantages, such as its strategic location along vital maritime routes, tax incentives, and well-developed infrastructure. A comprehensive promotional campaign targeting American companies in key industries could highlight these benefits through trade fairs, Business forums, and diplomatic engagements. Additionally, leveraging digital marketing and strategic partnerships with US trade organizations can increase visibility and interest in the BEZ.

A robust legal framework ensuring business security and contract enforcement will further enhance investor confidence. The government should work on improving regulatory transparency, offering clear guidelines on business operations, and ensuring the protection of intellectual property rights. Engaging with US Chambers of Commerce and trade bodies will facilitate direct communication between Somaliland officials and potential investors. The integration of technology-driven business solutions, such as streamlining customs processing and efficient logistics services, will make BEZ an attractive investment destination.

Encouraging Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) can also boost investor confidence. Joint ventures between Somaliland and US firms in key sectors like logistics, manufacturing, and services can create a mutually beneficial business environment. Furthermore, the establishment of investment promotion agencies and liaison offices in the US will enable continuous engagement with American business communities. These measures will not only attract investment but also lay the foundation for long-term economic cooperation between Somaliland and the US.

Establishing Bilateral Trade Agreements

To facilitate smooth trade relations, Somaliland must pursue formal trade agreements with the US. Bilateral agreements can help remove trade barriers, reduce tariffs, and establish clear guidelines for commercial exchanges. Engaging in diplomatic negotiations to secure preferential trade agreements will give Somaliland-based businesses easier access to US markets. The African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) presents an opportunity for Somaliland to gain duty-free access to certain goods, and lobbying for inclusion in AGOA should be a key priority.

A structured dialogue between Somaliland trade representatives and US policymakers can help bridge policy gaps and foster a cooperative trade environment.

Establishing a dedicated task force to focus on US-Somaliland trade relations will provide a clear roadmap for achieving mutually beneficial agreements. Working with US-based think tanks and trade policy experts can help Somaliland navigate complex international trade regulations.

Developing Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs) with US trade agencies can further strengthen ties and create opportunities for collaboration. These agreements should focus on key industries where both countries can benefit, such as agriculture, livestock, and renewable energy. Through structured negotiations, Somaliland can Position itself as a reliable trade partner, enhancing its economic prospects while fostering stronger diplomatic relations with the US.

Enhancing Connectivity

A well-developed infrastructure network is essential for sustaining trade growth. Somaliland should invest in both digital and physical connectivity to facilitate smooth trade relations with the US. Improving port facilities in Berbera, expanding road networks, and establishing reliable logistics solutions will enhance trade efficiency. Digital infrastructure, including secure e-commerce platforms and electronic customs systems, will further streamline trade operations.

Strengthening telecommunications and internet services will improve communication between Somaliland businesses and their US counterparts. Establishing online trade platforms that connect Somaliland exporters with American buyers can facilitate transactions and foster business relationships. Additionally, adopting smart technologies in logistics. Such as real-time tracking systems and automated warehousing, can optimize supply chain efficiency and reduce trade costs.

Partnerships with international logistics firms can enhance Somaliland’s transportation capabilities. Attracting investment in air freight and shipping services will create direct trade routes between Berbera and key US ports. Furthermore, modernizing financial systems to support secure and swift international transactions will increase trust and encourage more trade between the two Nations. By prioritizing infrastructure development, Somaliland can Position itself as a competitive player in global trade.

Focusing on Niche Markets

To effectively compete in the US market, Somaliland should focus on industries where it holds a unique advantage. Key sectors such as livestock, agriculture, and textiles have significant potential for expansion. Establishing quality control measures and certification processes will ensure that Somaliland’s products meet US import standards, making them more competitive in American markets.

The livestock sector, for example, can benefit from better disease control programs and adherence to international veterinary standards. Somaliland should also invest in sustainable farming practices and value-added agricultural processing to increase product appeal. Developing organic farming initiatives can further differentiate Somaliland’s agriculture Products in Niche US markets.

The textile industry offers another avenue for growth. Somaliland can explore partnerships with US-based apparel brands interested in ethical and sustainable sourcing. Implementing training programs for textile workers and investing in modern production facilities can boost exports. Additionally, promoting Somaliland’s cultural heritage through unique handmade crafts and artisanal goods can attract niche US consumers looking for authentic, high-quality products.

Capacity Building Initiatives

Sustainableeconomic growth requires a skilled workforce capable of meeting international trade demands. Somaliland should invest in education and vocational training programs to equip its workforce with the necessary skills for engaging in global commerce. Collaborations with US universities and trade institutions can provide specialized training in business management, logistics, and technical fields relevant to trade and investment.

Scholarship programs and exchange initiatives will foster knowledge transfer between Somaliland and the US. Establishing trade-focused incubation centers can support local entrepreneurs in developing export-ready businesses. Encouraging innovation and research in key industries will enable Somaliland to maintain a competitive edge in international trade.

Building strong institutions to support business development is also crucial. Establishing trade advisory services, investment support agencies, and financial assistance programs for local entrepreneurs will enhance business readiness. These efforts will create an environment where businesses can thrive and successfully engage in international trade. By prioritizing capacity building, Somaliland can ensure long-term economic resilience and strengthen its trade partnership with the US.

Conclusion

By implementing these strategic recommendations, Somaliland can maximize the potential of the Berbera Economic Zone and solidify its trade relationship with the United States. Targeted efforts in investment promotion, trade agreements, infrastructure development, niche market focus, and capacity building will contribute to sustainable economic growth. As Somaliland Continues to enhance its trade strategies, it will position itself as a key regional logistics hub and a reliable partner for international commerce. Strengthening US-Somaliland trade relations will not only benefit the two nations but also contribute to broader economic development in the Horn of Africa region.

About the Author

Eng. Mouktar Yusuf Ali is a Somaliland–based Infrastructure Analyst specializing in the Horn of Africa, with a particular Focus on Somaliland’s infrastructure. With over a decade of experience in leading and developing infrastructure projects, he is also a dedicated researcher and senior lecturer. Eng. Mouktar Yusuf holds an MSc in PPM and Construction Management.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Somaliland-UAE Relations: Strategic Shifts and New Momentum Under Irro’s Presidency

Staff

February 12, 2025

Somaliland’s recently elected president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi ‘’Irro’’, made another visit to the United Arab Emirates for the second time in less than a month. His choice of UAE as the first foreign trip signaled the new government’s prioritization of economic development and leveraging existing agreements for deeper economic and strategic collaboration. One of the highlights of yesterday’s visit was his participation in the World Government Summit 2025 held in Dubai, a key global forum attended by world leaders, policymakers, business leaders, and civil society actors. Unlike his previous trip shrouded in controversy and absence of any media coverage, this one was televised from the conference venue where Irro made the case for Somaliland’s strategic and economic potential.

UAE – Somaliland Relations

Relations with the Arab Gulf States, particularly the UAE, have strengthened for the past decade, primarily centered on economic agreements, infrastructure investments, and security cooperation. President Silanyo engaged in high-level discussions with senior leadership of Kuwait and UAE which paved the way for major collaboration in various sectors. Under Bihi’s government, relations grew even stronger with the commencement of the port project. This contrasts with what some officials in Irro’s government termed as Somaliland’s ‘’getting back to global stages’’.

The UAE views Somaliland as a critical actor in its African strategy, particularly in securing trade routes and enhancing its geopolitical influence in the Horn, a region marked by geopolitical contestation by regional and global powers. Somaliland’s geostrategic location makes it an active partner for the UAE particularly in the context of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden security architecture. By securing access to Berbera, the UAE ensures a crucial alternative trade route to Djibouti while counterbalancing the influence of Turkey and Qatar which increased their footprint in Somalia. Currently, Turkey maintains a military presence in Somalia and Turkish companies operate the port of Mogadishu and the city’s airport.

Ethiopia is the other main actor in the UAE – Somaliland relations, particularly concerning port infrastructure. As the largest landlocked nation in the world, Ethiopia’s positive relations with Somaliland and its quest for alternative sea access than Djibouti made Berbera a good choice for consideration. Previously, a port development proposal by the French company Bollore considered engaging the Ethiopian government for partnership in the project. Moreover, China expressed interest in developing the port of Berbera and the natural gas pipelines connecting Ethiopia to the Berbera port refinery. The proposal which came in the early days of Silanyo’s administration sought to export Ethiopia’s natural gas through Somaliland.

The rise of Abiy Ahmed as the prime minister of Ethiopia also solidified Addis Ababa’s relations with Abu Dhabi. UAE supported Abiy’s major domestic and foreign policy objectives; rapprochement with Eritrea, Tigray conflict, and saving Ethiopia’s ailing economy. In his book on the Ethiopian premier, The Economist’s Tom Gardener describes the close personal relationship between Abiy Ahmed and Emirati crown prince Mohamed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan. In May 2021, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Transport and Dp World signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to develop the Ethiopian side of the Berbera corridor costing around $1 billion in a decade.

New Government, New Momentum

President Bihi’s last two year’s tenure in Somaliland was marked by political deadlock and a slow pace of foreign relations with the UAE and with other states as well. The recent visit by President Irro following an official invitation from Abu Dhabi signals a shift in momentum. Irro has been critical of President Silanyo and Bihi’s handling of agreements with the UAE, particularly concerning transparency and due process. As the speaker of parliament, Irro opposed passing the legislation for the military base. Additionally, he opposed the concession of the port of Berbera citing corruption and lack of transparency in the process. How this vocal opposition to UAE affairs in Somaliland will impact the new relationship is yet to be seen. But one thing is certain; in a region where unpredictability reigns, pragmatism is the preferred course of action.

In this new administration, a couple of areas of mutual interest remain crucial. Berbera port development yielded positive results in terms of operational capacity. However, making sure the bigger client, Ethiopia, effectively utilizes the port remains a challenge. President Irro remarked in Dubai that Somaliland is committed to securing a trade route to Ethiopia. The Berbera Corridor connecting Berbera to mainland Ethiopia is constructed. The new government should speed up the legal framework underpinning these cooperations. These include passing the transporting and logistics laws, insurance laws, banking, and other laws creating a cohesive political and legal environment for future investments to pour in. Last year, unconfirmed reports emerged of Dp World about to inaugurate the second phase of expansion and development of the Berbera port which will double the capacity and the services the port can provide.

Security cooperation remains a key area of UAE-Somaliland relations. Under the Bihi government, reports emerged of UAE training security forces for Somaliland. Although Bihi allegedly turned down this proposal, UAE support for Somaliland’s intelligence existed. During last month’s trip to Abu Dhabi, Somaliland’s head of intelligence accompanied the president. Since the war in Gaza started, maritime security in the Red Sea has become a source of concern. It will be crucial to witness the evolving security partnership between Abu Dhabi and Hargeisa especially since the latter is prioritizing economic growth.

New Trump administration in the White House is reshaping geopolitical dynamics in the region. Experts have explained that a new Trump administration will likely allow the regional powers, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, to play a prominent role in the Horn of Africa. Despite growing frustration in Washington in Abu Dhabi’s role in the conflict ravaging Sudan, Somaliland’s Berbera could serve as an alignment in their regional policy. The United States has expressed an interest in utilizing Berbera’s airport as a base, a project started by the UAE before it was abandoned in 2019 as calculations in the Yemen war changed policies. With the Houthi posture increasingly assertive, would Berbera’s airport resurface in Emirati’s interest and what would this mean for Washington’s plans most importantly, how Somaliland would navigate such complex dynamics?

Moving forward, the Somaliland government could build on this growing momentum for its benefit. Foremost, the government could expand its mission in the UAE. Recently, President Irro appointed a new representative to the UAE demonstrating prioritizing relations with the arab state, despite the representative did not serve in any diplomatic role in the past nor the government. This could be bolstered by promoting the office’s network with Somaliland’s business elites and acquiring influential friends in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. This week, the foreign ministry launched the Somaliland Institute of Diplomacy and International Affairs to train a cadre of diplomats for the country. Forging partnerships and collaboration with leading Emirati diplomatic institutes, such as Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, could be a good start for a small yet tangible collaboration.

Somaliland – UAE relations are entering a new phase under President Irro. With shifting regional dynamics, ongoing security threats, and increasing external interests from global superpowers such as the U.S. and China, Somaliland must strategically position itself to capitalize on emerging opportunities while mitigating potential threats. Irro’s ability to navigate these complexities will define the next chapter of Somaliland’s foreign policy.

About the Author

Moustafa Ahmad is a researcher who writes on the politics and security of Somaliland and the Horn of Africa. Reach him on X (@Mustafe_Ahmad) or moustafa.ahmadn@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions or perspectives of Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.

No Pay, No Explanation: Somaliland Civil Servants Left Unpaid and in Limbo Since January

Staff

February 11, 2025

HARGEISA, Somaliland—Civil servants across Somaliland’s government institutions are facing an increasingly dire financial predicament as salary payments continue to be withheld without explanation. More than six weeks since January’s wages first became due, thousands of government employees remain unpaid, with February’s salaries now 11 days overdue. Despite mounting concerns, the government has yet to provide any official justification for the prolonged delays.

The salary crisis unfolds against the backdrop of President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro’s” administration’s ambitious fiscal reforms. On January 25, 2025, the president approved a national budget of 3.89 trillion Somaliland Shillings (approximately $406 million USD) for fiscal year 2025, signaling intentions for comprehensive financial restructuring.

In recent testimony before parliament’s oversight committee, Minister of Finance Abdillahi Hassan Adan revealed that discretionary tax exemptions and forgiveness arrangements granted to major businesses have been costing the treasury approximately $40 million annually—nearly 10% of the newly approved budget. In response, President Cirro has issued an immediate directive to end these preferential tax treatments, marking a fundamental shift in the government’s approach to revenue collection.

On February 1, the administration announced sweeping new taxation measures targeting the country’s digital economy. These measures extend to mobile money transactions, digital banking, telecommunications, and utility payments—sectors that have long operated with minimal taxation but now face increased government scrutiny.

While civilian salaries remain unpaid, the administration has prioritized security sector personnel, ensuring uninterrupted payments to military and police forces. In what appears to be a strategic effort to bolster the security establishment, President Cirro has not only maintained timely salary disbursements for the armed forces but has also announced a substantial 50% immediate increase in their wages, with plans to raise them by up to 250% during his term. The reform package requires all security personnel to complete IRIS Biometric Registration by February 2025. Its unclear how the registration effort is progressing or if the armed forces latest payments include the 50% raise.

“Each passing day without payment deepens our hardships,” a senior civil servant told Somaliland Chronicle on condition of anonymity. “We recognize the government’s need to ensure security forces are well-compensated, but civilian institutions are the backbone of government operations. If we are left unpaid indefinitely, essential services will inevitably suffer.”

Compounding the uncertainty, the Bank of Somaliland issued an unprecedented directive on January 30th, freezing all advance payments until July 31st, 2025. Additionally, internal government documents indicate an ongoing civil service restructuring process, at least within the Ministry of Livestock and Rural Development, in coordination with the Civil Service Commission and a private consulting firm identified as PSG.

The silence from the government on the cause of the payment delays raises further questions. While the financial reforms—including ending preferential tax arrangements and implementing new digital economy taxes—may suggest a broader effort to stabilize Somaliland’s economy, the immediate impact on thousands of unpaid civil servants cannot be ignored. Whether the delays stem from liquidity constraints, bureaucratic inefficiencies, or undisclosed fiscal restructuring efforts remains unclear, as officials have so far refrained from offering any public clarification.

Repeated attempts by Somaliland Chronicle to obtain a response from the Ministry of Finance regarding the timeline for resolving the current salary crisis have gone unanswered. Meanwhile, the absence of government communication continues to fuel speculation and anxiety among public sector employees, many of whom now struggle to meet their financial obligations as they await their long-overdue wages.

President Cirro Returns to UAE for World Governments Summit Amid High-Stakes Agenda

Staff

February 11, 2025

HARGEISA, Somaliland—President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro” departed yesterday for the World Governments Summit 2025 in Dubai, where Somaliland aims to captivate both diplomatic and business interests. The presidential delegation’s departure from Egal International Airport marks a strategic push to showcase Somaliland’s potential on a global stage.

Tech Titans and Global Luminaries Converge

This year’s summit has evolved into an unprecedented confluence of power brokers, with tech maverick Elon Musk of Tesla and X, and Oracle’s architectural visionary Larry Ellison headlining an assemblage of global business titans. Their presence transforms Dubai into an amphitheater where the future of governance intersects with technological innovation—presenting Somaliland an opportunity to position itself as an emerging hub in the Horn of Africa.

President Cirro’s Key Engagements

President Cirro is scheduled to attend the high-profile session “How Will Strategic Investments Unlock New Frontiers for Economic Growth?”—a pivotal discussion featuring global leaders, policymakers, and top executives. This session, focusing on how governments can leverage investments to drive sustainable development, aligns with Somaliland’s push to attract foreign direct investment, particularly in infrastructure, renewable energy, and port logistics. Cirro’s participation underscores his administration’s commitment to positioning Somaliland as a stable and business-friendly destination in the region.

High-Stakes Delegation – A Notable Omission

The president leads a delegation comprised of key government officials: Minister of the Presidency Khadar Hussein Abdi Looge, Foreign Affairs Minister Abdirahman Dahir Adan Bakal, Finance Minister Abdillahi Hassan Adan, Religious Affairs Minister, and the Presidential Chief of Staff. However, the absence of Somaliland’s dynamic private sector leaders—particularly those from the telecommunications, livestock, and energy sectors—stands out as a missed opportunity. Their firsthand experience in operating successful enterprises could have provided potential investors with valuable insights into the country’s business environment.

UAE Engagement Deepens

The visit follows President Cirro’s January trip to the UAE—his first international engagement since taking office. While official channels provided limited detail about the visit’s outcomes, it reinforced the strategic importance of UAE-Somaliland relations.

The presence of DP World Chairman and CEO Sultan Bin Sulayem adds another dimension to ongoing discussions about Berbera Port operations, a cornerstone of UAE-Somaliland economic cooperation. The port’s modernization under DP World’s 30-year concession agreement stands as a powerful example of Somaliland’s capacity to execute major international ventures.

Bridging the Private Sector Gap

While the government delegation brings diplomatic weight to the summit, the lack of private sector representation may limit Somaliland’s ability to tell its full economic story. Successful local companies like Telesom, Dahabshiil, and various renewable energy ventures have demonstrated Somaliland’s potential for profitable enterprise despite the challenges of non-recognition. Their presence could have provided practical testimony to complement the government’s initiatives.

Investment Horizons

The World Governments Summit provides President Cirro a dual platform: to advance Somaliland’s strategic interests while showcasing opportunities in sectors ranging from technology and renewable energy to infrastructure and maritime trade. As global business leaders and government officials converge in Dubai, Somaliland stands poised to demonstrate its advantages—stable governance, strategic location, and untapped market potential.

Somaliland Chronicle will provide comprehensive coverage of the summit’s developments and their implications for national interests. You can also catch a live stream of the events at the summit here.

BREAKING: Somaliland President to Lead High-Level Delegation to Saudi Arabia

Staff

February 7, 2025

Multiple sources familiar with the matter have confirmed that President Abdirahman M. Abdillahi “Cirro” will visit Saudi Arabia in the coming days following an official invitation from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The delegation is expected to include senior cabinet members from key ministries, including Foreign Affairs, Presidency, and Livestock, with sources indicating possible participation from Somaliland’s security sector, including intelligence leadership. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the diplomatic engagement. The Presidency and Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not respond to requests for comment on this article.

President Cirro with Minister of Presidency Mr. Khadar Hussein

Saudi Arabia represents the largest market for Somaliland’s livestock exports, a trade that forms the backbone of the nation’s economy and sustains millions of pastoral households. During the Hajj season alone, the Kingdom imports millions of livestock from the Horn of Africa, representing a critical economic opportunity that Somaliland has historically struggled to fully capitalize on due to political constraints. Economic analysts note that this vital economic lifeline has been consistently strangled by Somalia’s political interference, forcing Somaliland to route its livestock exports through third parties or under Somalia’s certification – a process that has been repeatedly weaponized to devastating effect.

Historical records show that when Somalia has blocked or interfered with livestock certifications, particularly during peak Hajj season exports, the impact cascades through Somaliland’s entire economy, from rural herders to urban merchants. These disruptions have triggered documented currency crises and severe economic downturns. Regional trade experts suggest that securing direct livestock export arrangements with Saudi Arabia would serve as a crucial indicator of the visit’s success.

The timing of President Cirro’s visit carries additional significance as Saudi Arabia recalibrates its Red Sea security strategy. While Operation Prosperity Guardian has enabled some stability in maritime traffic, security analysts point out that the Kingdom’s Vision 2030 economic transformation demands long-term security solutions. Somaliland’s strategic position, controlling 850 kilometers of coastline, coupled with its modernized Berbera Port facilities, presents Saudi Arabia with potential opportunities for regional security cooperation.

President Cirro’s visit to the Kingdom follows his recent, largely unremarkable trip to the United Arab Emirates. Despite Somaliland’s deep economic ties with the UAE—particularly through DP World’s management of Berbera Port—the visit failed to produce any publicly announced agreements or investments. Unlike the UAE, which has tangible investments in Somaliland’s infrastructure, Saudi Arabia’s engagement has been minimal and often entangled with its broader political maneuvering in the Horn of Africa. While Riyadh’s historical preference for dealing with Mogadishu complicates prospects, diplomatic observers note that Saudi Arabia’s increasing focus on securing Red Sea trade routes could make this visit an inflection point—if President Cirro’s administration can present a compelling case for stronger ties.

Western diplomatic sources confirm growing U.S. interest in Somaliland, including potential military and intelligence cooperation centered on Berbera. Security experts suggest that a substantive Saudi-Somaliland partnership could accelerate this trend of international engagement.

While Saudi Arabia has historically preferred engaging with Mogadishu, regional analysts observe that current dynamics – particularly the need to secure maritime corridors and ensure stable food supply chains – may create space for more pragmatic engagement. Maritime security experts highlight Berbera Port’s modern facilities as an attractive alternative to congested regional ports, while international observers note Somaliland’s proven record in counter-piracy operations.

The success of this diplomatic mission will ultimately be measured by concrete outcomes. Trade analysts suggest that direct livestock trade access would provide Saudi Arabia with a stable, reliable supply chain while offering Somaliland protection from external political manipulation of its key economic sector. Regional observers note that anything less would indicate Saudi Arabia’s reluctance to translate Somaliland’s strategic value into meaningful partnership.

This is a developing story and will be be updated as more information becomes available.

The Case for U.S. Recognition of Somaliland: A Strategic Shift in the Horn of Africa

Staff

February 3, 2025

The Horn of Africa has become a focal point for global power rivalries, with countries establishing military bases and leveraging economic investments and trade partnerships to secure their interests through soft diplomacy. China, a major power, established a military base in Djibouti in 2017 and continues to expand its influence through economic cooperation. Similarly, the United States operates its largest military base in Africa, Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti, a key hub for AFRICOM operations. However, the U.S. has been seeking an alternative military post to Djibouti as China expands its influence in the tiny strategic republic. Somaliland became the relevant candidate in this quest.

Somaliland maintains diplomatic ties with Taiwan and hosts representative offices of several Western countries as well as Djibouti, Kenya, and the UAE. presents a strategic opportunity for the U.S. to its credit. Somaliland has its military, flag, currency, and functioning institutions, making it a distinctive and stable entity in a region often plagued by instability. Following the November 13, 2024, presidential and political association elections which were widely regarded as free, fair, and peaceful by international observers, Somaliland elected its sixth president and reaffirmed its commitment to democratic governance. This election bolstered hopes for global recognition, a goal that Somalilanders have tirelessly pursued for decades.

Notably, recent developments in the United States suggest a potential shift in policy toward Somaliland. In December 2024, Congressman Scott Perry of Pennsylvania introduced a bill in the House Foreign Affairs committee, advocating for U.S. recognition of Somaliland as an independent state. Additionally, reports indicate that the newly elected U.S. President Donald Trump may be more receptive to this idea, given his administration’s interest in countering China’s growing influence globally.

Despite ongoing geopolitical tensions in the Horn of Africa marked by maritime and border disputes and Somalia’s relentless efforts to obstruct Somaliland’s independence aspirations, recognizing Somaliland could yield significant strategic advantages for the U.S.. Formal recognition would not only solidify security cooperation between Somaliland and the U.S. but also provide a crucial foothold to counter China’s influence in the region. By becoming the first country to recognize Somaliland, the U.S. could reshape the geopolitical dynamics of the Horn of Africa, while advancing its strategic interests. In this regard,

Evolving U.S.- Somaliland Relations: A History of Strategic Collaborations

The relationship between Somaliland and the United States has sparked considerable optimism, driven by shared interests and mutual benefits. While the current ties remain informal, a history of collaboration, particularly in security and democratic governance, underscores the potential for more strategic partnerships.

Somaliland’s first two presidents Abdirahman Aw Ali Farah and Mohamed Haji Egal spent the bulk of their time dealing with internal instability and consolidation of state power. Despite President Egal becoming the first Somaliland leader to visit the U.S. in 1998, nonetheless, relations remained cordial and not significant. Things changed at the start of the U.S. global war on terror where Somaliland under President Rayale presented itself as an ally to the U.S. and Ethiopia in fending off terrorists in Somalia.

A significant milestone in this relationship was achieved in January 2008, when Rayale led a historic high delegation to Washington D.C. This visit marked the first time a Somaliland president engaged directly with senior U.S. officials, including representatives from the Department of State, USAID, the Department of Defense, and the National Security Council. These discussions explored avenues for cooperation on regional security, economic development, and democracy promotion, key areas of mutual interest.

Somaliland further demonstrated its growing significance to Washington by hosting a high-level Congressional staff delegation, welcomed by President Muse Bihi. The delegation included members from the influential committee, and the House Appropriations and Conservation Committee, along with senior policy advisors from Washington, D.C.Their visit included a tour of the Port of Berbera, a strategically critical infrastructure hub in the region. These engagements highlighted Somaliland’s emerging role as a key partner for the U.S. in advancing regional security and development.

This momentum continued with President Bihi’s visit to Washington where he pitched Somaliland’s strategic importance and democratic credentials to U.S. officials and lawmakers. As a result, lawmakers in Congress proposed a bi-partisan bill called the “Somaliland Partnership Act” which called for the U.S. government to explore ways to engage with Somaliland more directly. Influential names in Washington’s Africa circle including Peter Pham and Tibor Nagy later visited Hargeisa and openly called for the U.S. to deepen ties with Somaliland. Both names are poised to play management while Pham is expected to take the role of assistant secretary of state for African affairs building on his extensive experience in the continent.

This steady increase in high-level exchanges reflects growing recognition of Somaliland’s strategic importance and its potential as a stable partner for advancing U.S. objectives in the region, including countering China’s influence, fostering regional security , and promoting democratic values.

Leveraging Somaliland as a counterbalance to China

Geopolitical competition is a defining force in global affairs, as powerful nations compete to exert political and diplomatic influence over strategically vital regions. The Horn of Africa stands at the heart of this competition, serving as a pivotal geopolitical hub. Positioned at the crossroads of global trade, with 30% of maritime traffic passing through its waters. Over the years, this strategic significance has attracted military bases from global powers, including China, the United States, and Turkey. Somaliland, occupying a key position in this region, is emerging as a natural counterbalance to China’s increasing influence in Africa.

In recent developments, the U.S. House Select Committee has urged the U.S. State Department to open a diplomatic office in Hargeisa, to strategically counter China’s expansionist activities in the Horn of Africa. China does not maintain diplomatic relations with Somaliland as the latter engages in bilateral relations with Taiwan.

Reports have also indicated that the Trump administration recognized the potential of Somaliland’s international recognition as an available strategic partnership. Such a partnership would align with U.S. interests in the Horn of Africa, enabling democratic collaboration that could serve to balance China’s growing presence in the region.

Why is Somaliland so important?

Situated along one of the world’s busiest and most strategically significant maritime trade routes, Somaliland stands as a beacon of stability and peaceful governance in a region historically marked by conflict. Its commitment to free, fair elections based on security, and its peaceful transfer of power, underscores its potential as a reliable partner in regional peacekeeping efforts. Somaliland must forge strong alliances, particularly in the areas of maritime security and counterterrorism, to ensure the continued safety and economic prosperity of the region.

However, the political dynamics in the Horn of Africa have seen significant shifts, especially with the recent maritime agreement between Somaliland and Ethiopia, signed on January 1, 2024. This agreement has redefined the foreign policy landscape in the region, sparking tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia. Somalia’s objections, claiming the infringement of its territorial sovereignty, are noteworthy, yet it remains clear that Somaliland has maintained full administrative independence since its separation from Somalia in 1991. Despite Ethiopia and Somalia recently experiencing a rapprochement potentially shelving the MoU, however, there is an underlying sense that Ethiopia will keep the MoU with Somaliland in its pocket in the event of the detente with Somalia unraveling.

In this context, U.S. recognition of Somaliland could act as a pivotal turning point for both security and diplomatic relations in the Horn of Africa. With recognition, Somaliland would be better positioned to collaborate with the United States and its regional neighbors to bolster security, enhance trade relations, and attract investments, all of which would contribute to the region’s overall stability and cooperation.

While it is acknowledge that U.S. recognition could stir disputes and create new challenges, it is equally compelling to argue that acknowledging a nation that has built peace, democracy, and order in the absence of international recognition is not only a rational decision but one that supports the broader goal of promoting stability and democratic values in the Horn of Africa.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Fathi Jama is a researcher with a Master’s degree in Political Science and International Relations, specializing in the political dynamics of the Horn of Africa and Somaliland. His work explores regional security, peace-building efforts, and the quest for international recognition of Somaliland. You can reach him at fathijamd2087@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

‘No Prior Notice’: U.S. Contradicts Somalia’s ISIS Strike Claims

Staff

February 2, 2025

Senior U.S. government officials have contradicted Somalia’s claims about coordination with Washington following a U.S. airstrike targeting ISIS operatives in northern Somalia, raising questions about Mogadishu’s reliability as a security partner. Military experts note that operational security protocols would preclude sharing strike details with Somalia, given the documented infiltration of government institutions by militant groups. Past incidents where sensitive operational information leaked through compromised officials have demonstrated the risks of pre-strike coordination in regions with significant extremist penetration of state structures.

Conflicting Claims Over U.S. Airstrike

In a statement, Villa Somalia claimed “President Hassan was informed of the U.S. strike targeting senior ISIS leadership in northern Somalia this evening,” and praised “the continued commitment under the decisive leadership of President Donald Trump.” However, U.S. sources speaking to Somaliland Chronicle directly refuted this account, confirming no such coordination or prior notification took place.

“Coordination with Somalia was on paper, something AFRICOM would generally say as a matter of courtesy, but the United States does not need permission from anyone to neutralize threats anywhere in the world,” a former U.S. military official familiar with operations in the region told Somaliland Chronicle. The official added that operational security considerations would make such coordination unlikely, particularly given Somalia’s own admission of Al-Shabaab infiltration within its security apparatus. This makes Villa Somalia’s false claim of prior coordination not just misleading but potentially dangerous to operational integrity.

Pete Hegseth, United States Secretary of Defense

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth confirmed the strikes in a statement, saying the military’s initial assessment was that “multiple operatives” in the remote Golis Mountains were killed. The operation involved Navy and Air Force warplanes, including F/A-18 fighter jets from the aircraft carrier Harry S. Truman operating in the Red Sea, according to Defense Department officials. President Trump addressed the operation on social media, stating the strikes had killed a “Senior ISIS Attack Planner and other terrorists he recruited” who were “hiding in caves.”

Patterns in U.S. Military Operations in Somalia

This strike follows a pattern established during Trump’s previous administration, when he significantly expanded military operations in Somalia. In March 2017, Trump designated parts of Somalia as “areas of active hostilities,” granting commanders greater autonomy to conduct strikes. The escalation was dramatic: from just 14 strikes in 2016, operations increased nearly fourfold to 47 strikes in 2018, reaching 63 strikes in 2019. Notable operations included a November 2017 strike that killed over 100 al-Shabaab militants near Mogadishu and March 2019 strikes that eliminated senior al-Shabaab leaders in the Lower Shabelle region. However, despite these sustained efforts, extremist groups continue to maintain a foothold in Somalia.

Aid Suspension and Mogadishu’s Security Narrative

The conflicting narratives over this latest airstrike come as the U.S. has paused 90% of foreign aid spending, with only Israel and Egypt receiving exemptions, according to Reuters. The aid freeze has significant implications for Somalia, which received over $1.5 billion in U.S. foreign assistance between 2019 and 2023, making it one of the largest recipients of American aid in sub-Saharan Africa. A former U.S. State Department official, speaking on condition of anonymity, described this massive investment as “a cycle of unfulfilled commitments that has cost American taxpayers billions while failing to achieve lasting security improvements.”

Villa Somalia’s statement, which emphasized “the strong security partnership between Somalia and the United States,” and President Hassan Sheikh’s recent Washington Post op-ed positioning Somalia as a crucial ally in counterterrorism efforts, appear part of a broader campaign to preserve U.S. backing.

However, Somalia’s security assertions have faced mounting skepticism. Hassan Sheikh’s approach to Al-Shabaab has been notably contradictory. In November 2023, he declared Somalia had “one year to eliminate Al-Shabaab,” vowing to decisively defeat the militant group by the end of 2024. Yet on the same day, in an interview with The National, he expressed willingness to negotiate with the group, emphasizing that dialogue could be a path to peace. This dual approach of promising military victory while offering negotiations has undermined the government’s credibility in both military and diplomatic spheres, according to regional security analysts.

Puntland’s Role and the Persistence of Extremist Groups

The situation in Puntland, where the U.S. strike occurred, presents additional challenges to Somalia’s counterterrorism narrative. While the semi-autonomous region has maintained relative stability compared to southern Somalia, its mountainous terrain has provided refuge for both Al-Shabaab and ISIS elements.

Security experts have documented instances where captured militants later rejoined extremist ranks, leading to criticism of Puntland’s approach to handling terror suspects. The Golis Mountains, specifically targeted in this strike, have been a persistent safe haven for ISIS operatives despite repeated military operations in the area.

U.S. forces have previously conducted significant operations in Puntland, notably the January 2023 raid that eliminated Bilal al-Sudani, identified by the Pentagon as a key ISIS financier, along with 10 other operatives in the Cal Miskaad Mountains. That operation was particularly significant as U.S. officials confirmed al-Sudani’s influence extended across Africa into Europe and linked him to the ISIS branch in Afghanistan responsible for the August 2021 Kabul airport bombing that killed 13 U.S. service members. Despite such high-profile operations, extremist groups continue to exploit the region’s complex terrain, according to U.S. military assessments.

Shifting U.S. Policy Toward Somalia

As Somalia’s government struggles to establish effective control beyond Mogadishu, skepticism within the U.S. is growing. Newly trained Somali special forces units have been deployed, yet Al-Shabaab continues to carry out attacks in major cities. According to recent U.N. reports, the group maintains its operational capacity in areas the government claims to have secured.

Unlike previous administrations that largely maintained steady support despite Somalia’s security challenges, current U.S. officials appear increasingly willing to question Mogadishu’s narratives and aid utilization. “The era of taking Mogadishu’s claims at face value is over,” said a current U.S. defense official who requested anonymity to discuss sensitive diplomatic matters.

With aid suspended and increasing scrutiny over Somalia’s security claims, Hassan Sheikh’s efforts to maintain U.S. support face significant challenges. The direct contradiction of Villa Somalia’s statements by U.S. officials marks a potential watershed moment in bilateral relations. This incident, combining false claims about military coordination with ongoing concerns about counterterrorism effectiveness, suggests a fundamental reassessment of U.S.-Somalia security cooperation may be underway. The implications could reshape not only the military partnership but also the broader relationship between Washington and Mogadishu in the years ahead.

Somaliland: A pillar of stability, economic potential, and strategic relevance in the Horn of Africa

Staff

January 31, 2025

Set apart by its home-grown democratic governance, coherent foreign policy, great economic potential, and strategic maritime relevance, Somaliland has become a singular and indispensable actor in the Horn of Africa. Somaliland has maintained peace, promoted democracy, and created a strong economic foundation for more than three decades, so defying the volatility that defines most of the region. Its dedication to responsible government and capacity to effectively organise peaceful elections define it as a political mature model in Africa. Unlike many of the surrounding countries, Somaliland regularly holds free and fair elections whereby people choose their leaders and manages power transitions free from conflict. The combination of conventional and modern governance systems has produced a strong and stable political system that guarantees state institutions operate as they should, and people stay involved in the political process. The people of Somaliland define their government’s legitimacy, therefore strengthening a system whereby the state stays answerable to the voters.
Driven by a philosophy that gives regional security, mutual economic advantage, and dependable international partnerships first priority, Somaliland’s foreign policy has remained surprisingly constant for the past three decades.

Somaliland has developed its ties based on respect, cooperation, and a clear strategic goal unlike many other states in the Horn of Africa that routinely find themselves caught in diplomatic conflicts. Its position as a reliable security partner has been crucial in guaranteeing the stability of the Gulf of Aden and beyond. By combating piracy, stopping illegal cargo, and securing international trade routes, Somaliland has actively contributed to maritime security by means of well-trained security troops and a competent coast guard. Somaliland’s foreign policy is important because it can reconcile national goals with global expectations, therefore rendering it a desirable and dependable ally for security and economic projects. Somaliland has instead promoted trade-driven alliances ensuring mutual development and prosperity by rejecting the conventional reliance on foreign aid that defines most of the African continent.
With its rich key mineral deposits, prospective oil and gas reserves, and wide blue economy prospects, Somaliland has great economic potential but mostly untapped capacity.

Significant stocks of vital minerals including lithium, uranium, and rare earth elements—all of which are vital for high-tech sectors, renewable energy development, and worldwide supply chains—have been confirmed by geological studies of Somaliland. Somaliland’s critical importance in the global economy is positioned by the rising demand for these resources from all across the world. Attracting growing interest from investors and energy corporations looking to investigate Somaliland’s petroleum potential, the undeveloped oil and gas reserves also present a transforming economic possibility. Somaliland might become a major energy supplier with the correct infrastructure and investment, therefore lowering regional reliance on imported foreign fuels and greatly increasing its own economic development. Another underused resource is the blue economy; Somaliland’s lengthy coastline along the Gulf of Aden has great possibilities in logistics, marine trade, and fisheries. Although the sector has one of the best fishing zones in the area, infrastructure and little investment keep it mainly underdeveloped. Somaliland may generate jobs, improve food security, and increase exports by releasing this potential, therefore helping to contribute greatly to national economic development.

The strategic maritime location of Somaliland at the mouth of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden increases its worldwide trade importance. Somaliland, acting as a gateway between Asia, the Middle East, and Africa, has great potential to develop as a significant commerce and logistical centre. Thanks in great part to DP World’s development of the Berbera Port, Somaliland’s position in regional trade has been much enhanced—especially by providing landlocked Ethiopia with a substitute path for imports and exports. Along with diversifying Ethiopia’s trade reliance, this development puts Somaliland as a major East African transit hub. Somaliland’s strategic advantage still mostly consists of maritime security. Its stability in the Gulf of Aden guarantees the secure passage of world energy shipments and international trade, therefore promoting regional and worldwide economic security.

Maintaining a steady, piracy-free coastline helps Somaliland to safeguard one of the busiest maritime routes worldwide, therefore supporting its importance as a global partner.
Unlike many African nations dependent mostly on foreign assistance, Somaliland has developed a strong and essentially self-reliant economy. By means of taxes, customs fees, and trade, it creates income guaranteeing financial independence and stability. Although aid reliance sometimes results in foreign political influence and economic vulnerabilities, Somaliland’s model of economic self-sufficiency improves its autonomy and negotiating position in international interactions. With laws that guarantee that investment corresponds with national development goals and helps to create a business-friendly environment, foreign direct investment is increasingly important in Somaliland’s economic plan.

Somaliland promotes long-term national development and progress by giving investment top priority over aid, hence fostering sustainable economic alliances. This realistic economic strategy guarantees that international cooperation stays mutually beneficial, therefore avoiding predatory economic systems that can afflict countries depending on help.
Globally trade, security, and development depend on Somaliland’s geopolitical importance, economic potential, and democratic government. Unlike many other African countries, Somaliland has effectively instituted democratic institutions ensuring political stability and peaceful power transitions. Built on reliability and strategic alliances, its foreign strategy guarantees that it stays a trustworthy actor in regional and international events. The undeveloped economic resources of the nation—including important minerals, oil, gas, and maritime sectors—offer investors and worldwide markets a chance to profit from its resources while also helping the nation to grow economically. The strategic location of Somaliland increases its significance as a trade and security centre, therefore guaranteeing effective and safe worldwide trade.

Somaliland presents itself as a viable and self-reliant country able to create fair and profitable international ties by keeping financial independence and following trade-driven economic policies. Somaliland’s global involvement should be deepened, so it is essential that the world community appreciates its sovereignty and contributions. The values of Somaliland—democracy, economic development, and regional stability—align with those of world powers and international organisations. Interacting with Somaliland serves not only a political but also a strategic need for improving security, economic development, and stability in the Horn of Africa. Not only would recognition and integration into the global economic and diplomatic system help Somaliland, but it would also improve the larger geopolitical scene by guaranteeing a trustworthy friend in a territory vital for world trade and security. The moment has arrived for the world to honour Somaliland’s achievements, respect its sovereignty, and include it into the international community as an autonomous and indispensable actor in world events.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Mohamed Hagi (PhD) is a diplomat, politician and academic currently serving as the Advisor to the President for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. He was formerly the Somaliland Ambassador to Taiwan. Dr. Mohamed Hagi holds a PhD in Political Science and International Relations from the Department of History, Politics and Philosophy at Manchester Metropolitan University.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

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