Investigative Reports

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...

Major Corruption Allegations Rock Somaliland Finance Ministry’s Recruitment for World Bank’s Public Resource Management Project

According to documents examined by Somaliland Chronicle, serious allegations...

Financial Turmoil and a New Questionable Venture Cast Shadows over Boodhari Mills’ Future

In our previous coverage, we explored Boodheri Mills, a...
Home Blog Page 5

Somaliland at the Crossroads: Can NEC Save the Nation from Collapse?

0

Somaliland’s journey has been one of resilience and determination. Yet today, that hard-won stability hangs by a thread. Somaliland, once a beacon of democratic hope in the Horn of Africa, now stands at a critical juncture. Somaliland faces a critical moment. Scheduled presidential elections on November 13, 2024, offer a chance for stability, but delays could trigger a devastating collapse. The question on everyone’s lips: Can the National Electoral Commission (NEC) steer this ship away from the rocks of instability?

A History of Delays and Tensions

Somaliland stands at a critical juncture in its political journey, with the upcoming elections poised to shape the nation’s future. As we approach this pivotal moment, it’s crucial to examine the tumultuous events that have led us here and understand the stakes at hand.

At the heart of our current political impasse lies the two-year extension granted by the Upper House (Guurti) to avoid a leadership vacuum when the current president’s term expired in December 2022. While intended as a stopgap measure, this decision has only prolonged the uncertainty and heightened tensions.

The path to the upcoming elections has been fraught with obstacles and marked by confusion and political turmoil. A deadlock centered on whether presidential or local party elections should be held first, which coincided with the expiration of 10-year political party licenses continued for months before a final decision was taken to compile the two at once. In August 2022, public demonstrations erupted into violence, leading to tragic deaths of opposition supporters and targeted arrests.

As the statement continued, an armed rebellion occurred in Ga’an Libaax in 2023. This unrest resulted in significant casualties and property damage, leaving deep scars on our national spirit.

These events were a direct consequence of the political deadlock surrounding the sequencing of presidential and local party elections. The confusion and turmoil of the past years have eroded public trust in the democratic process and tested the resilience of our institutions

The current administration’s handling of the Lasanod situation in 2022/2023 serves as a stark reminder of the leadership failures plaguing our nation. After eight grueling months of conflict and heavy losses, government forces were forced to withdraw nearly 100 kilometers. This military setback not only redefined territorial control but also inflicted a severe blow on national cohesion.

This defeat underscores the urgent need for competent leadership and strategic decision-making. The Lasanod conflict has exposed critical weaknesses in our governance and military structures, highlighting the pressing need for reform and accountability.

The upcoming elections represent more than just a democratic exercise; they are a lifeline for Somaliland’s stability and progress. Further delays pose a significant threat to our social cohesion, economic stability, international credibility, and public trust in democracy. The potential consequences are dire. Frustrated citizens, already disillusioned by political maneuvering, may resort to civil unrest which can easily ignite armed confrontation. Investor confidence, already shaky, could evaporate entirely, leading to a serious economic freefall. Most importantly, Somaliland’s hard-earned reputation for democratic progress could vanish overnight, causing a significant loss of international credibility. Each delay chips away at our democratic process, risking a regression.

While past interventions by elders have proven successful, they highlight the need for robust democratic structures to prevent future stalemates. Now all parties are committed to the November date and further postponement is unacceptable.

By working together and prioritizing the democratic process, Somaliland can ensure a peaceful and successful election, solidifying its path toward a stable and prosperous future.

Biometric Verification: A Potential Hurdle

The debate surrounding biometric voter identification encapsulates the broader tensions gripping the country. While the technology promises enhanced security and accuracy, its hasty implementation could jeopardize the entire electoral process. The government’s recent proposal for biometric voter verification has emerged as a new obstacle. The opposition’s stand is clear: they support biometric verification if it can be implemented effectively within the remaining timeframe. Implementing such a complex system within a limited timeframe is a significant challenge. The opposition parties advocate for a focus on ensuring timely elections with a transparent process. Memories of the failed 2021 biometric pilot project loom large, fueling skepticism.

Delayed elections risk plunging Somaliland into chaos and could have disastrous consequences. Somaliland has already paid a heavy price for past electoral uncertainties, including deaths and armed rebellion. The current president’s extended term already exceeds the standard five-year mandate. The fixed election date, secured at a significant cost, cannot be compromised. Extending the president’s term further is illogical and undermines democratic principles.

At the center of this political maelstrom stands the National Electoral Commission (NEC). The future of Somaliland rests on the shoulders of the seven NEC members, who carry the hopes of a nation. The NEC shoulders the immense responsibility of conducting a free and fair election. The NEC must resist pressure from all sides – government, opposition, and international actors and must rise above partisan interests and prioritize the national good. Their decisions in the coming months will shape Somaliland’s trajectory for years to come. Their competence in managing the elections will also determine the country’s stability. Though the NEC Chairman’s commitment to conducting elections within the timeframe, without biometric verification if necessary, is a positive step, recent presidential pronouncements on election procedures overstep the NEC’s authority.

The eyes of Somaliland – and indeed, the world – are upon the NEC. All stakeholders must demonstrate leadership and unity to ensure peaceful and timely elections, safeguarding Somaliland’s fragile stability.

Somaliland’s Reputation at Stake

Somaliland’s hard-won progress is at stake. Somaliland’s history of conducting elections and upholding freedom of expression has earned it a reputation for relative stability in the volatile Horn of Africa region. Delays could lead to chaos, jeopardizing stability in an already volatile Horn of Africa region. Further delays risk jeopardizing this hard-won reputation and plunging the country into chaos.

Somaliland has historically resolved internal conflicts through consensus, earning a reputation for conducting elections and upholding freedom of expression. Somaliland has long prided itself on its democratic achievements. The American Freedom House’s Global Freedom Status report for 2024 placed Somaliland at 43/100 – “partly free” but notably higher than many of its neighbors. However, this score has been slipping, down from 49/100 in 2022 and 44/100 in 2023.

The current crisis in the Horn of Africa, with instability fueled by the Houthis in Yemen and internal conflicts in other countries, underscores the urgency for Somaliland to avoid similar turmoil.

Somaliland’s future rests on the successful conduct of the upcoming presidential election. The NEC’s ability to deliver a credible and timely process will determine whether the nation emerges from this period of political turmoil or descends into crisis and instability.

About the Author

Mukhtar Muhumed Hassan is currently serving as the Foreign Docket Secretary for Kaah Political party and an advisor to the party Chairman on political and Economic Affairs.

He has extensive experience spanning 20 years working with International NGOs and the UN in different capacities including heading Country Programs. He is among Somaliland intellectuals with a wealth of experience who have opted to join politics at a time when political parties are longing to have experienced and talented individuals. He can be reached mukhtar.xaddi[at]gmail.com

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Djibouti Shutters Somaliland’s Diplomatic Mission, And signals Proxy War to Undermine MoU with Ethiopia

0

According to multiple sources, the Djibouti government has closed Somaliland’s diplomatic mission in its country. Reports indicate that the mission was billed an exceptionally high amount for water and electricity, totaling tens of thousands of dollars. Both services have been immediately disconnected, leaving the mission without utilities in Djibouti’s sweltering heat.

The move to render the Somaliland Diplomatic mission in Djibouti unusable during the scorching summer months due to the cutoff of electricity and water utilities is viewed as a strategic maneuver. It deflects attention from the diplomatic implications surrounding Djibouti’s recognition of Somaliland’s independence, despite the latter lacking international recognition. An official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, speaking anonymously, highlighted this tactic..

This move comes amidst a significant shift in regional dynamics, particularly concerning Djibouti’s influence over Somaliland. President Ismail Omar Guelleh of Djibouti appears to be losing what many considered undue influence over Somaliland’s affairs. A key example of this influence was Djibouti’s practice of issuing conditional passports to Somaliland government officials, including members of Parliament, journalists, clerics, and anyone with influence. This arrangement gave Djibouti significant leverage over Somaliland, potentially allowing control over the movement of key Somaliland figures and influencing Somaliland’s policies and decisions.

The recent Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Somaliland and Ethiopia on January 1st marks a departure from this status quo which according to Djiboutian government officials was unexpected. This agreement, which promises Ethiopia access to the sea through Somaliland’s shores in exchange for formal recognition, has significantly altered the regional balance of power. Somaliland government officials have confirmed that Djibouti’s embassy in Hargeisa has been virtually vacant shortly after signing of the MoU with Ethiopia in January this year. While Djibouti has been less vocal than Somalia in its opposition to the agreement, its actions, including the closure of Somaliland’s mission, suggest a concerted effort to undermine the MoU.

Economic rivalry has further inflamed the diplomatic crisis. The World Bank’s “Container Port Performance Index 2023” ranked Djibouti’s port a dismal 382nd out of 385 globally, while Somaliland’s Berbera port was ranked a commendable 82nd. This stark contrast highlights the growing importance of Berbera and likely exacerbates Djibouti’s anxieties about its future if Somaliland and Ethiopia forge ahead with their cooperation.

Compounding these tensions is Djibouti’s critical reliance on Ethiopia for basic goods, including vegetables, due to its own lack of natural resources such as water. Djibouti imports approximately 90% of its food, a significant portion from Ethiopia, making it heavily dependent on its neighbor for survival. This reliance further underscores the strategic significance of the Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU and Djibouti’s reactionary stance. It is unclear if Ethiopia will take issue with Djibouti’s current hostile posture, given the former’s reliance on the latter for the most basic commodities.

The sharp decline in Djibouti’s port ranking compared to Somaliland’s Berbera port signals a troubling forecast for Djibouti. Currently, Djibouti generates over a billion dollars annually from Ethiopia for port usage. However, this lucrative revenue stream is at risk. Should Ethiopia shift even a fraction of its transportation needs to Somaliland’s increasingly competitive and fledgling Berbera port, Djibouti’s economic landscape would be profoundly impacted.

On the kinetic front, sources indicate that Djibouti has begun arming border communities and creating conditions ripe for armed conflict to stifle a potential Ethiopian base on Somaliland’s coastline. Additionally, Djibouti is attempting to replicate the Las Anod scenario by supporting the Awdal State Movement, a group advocating for reuniting Somaliland’s western state of Awdal with Somalia.

“I have witnessed rebels issuing threats from within Djibouti, proclaiming their intention to ‘liberate Awdal.’ This was an unexpected development from our neighboring country,” stated President Muse Bihi Abdi of the Republic of Somaliland. He made these remarks during the inauguration of Somaliland’s national museum in the capital, highlighting the growing regional tensions. This is the first time and the only time Somaliland government has addressed Djibouti directly and its effort to prevent the implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland.

U.S. Army Gen. Stephen J. Townsend, commander of U.S. Africa Command, meets with troops assigned to the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa, Nov. 3, 2019, on Camp Lemonnier, Djibouti. Townsend visited to engage with key partners on the long-term stability in East Africa, oversee the multinational maritime exercise Cutlass Express and recognize U.S. service members in the region. (U.S. Air Force Photo by Senior Airman Codie Trimble)

Repercussions of armed conflict on Djibouti’s eastern flank would be far-reaching, potentially jeopardizing the stability of numerous foreign military bases, including the strategic AFRICOM (U.S. Africa Command) presence. Djibouti hosts several foreign military bases, making it a critical hub for international military operations in the region. Faced with the looming threat posed by the Somaliland-Ethiopia MoU and their burgeoning cooperation, Djibouti appears to be weighing all available options. This includes both diplomatic maneuvers and kinetic actions to safeguard its economic and strategic interests. Djibouti’s aggressive stance reflects its determination to prevent any future impact on its critical port revenues and geopolitical influence.

These developments point to a significant realignment in the Horn of Africa. Djibouti’s long-standing role as a mediator and influencer in Somaliland-Somalia relations appears to be diminishing. The Ethiopia-Somaliland MoU represents a bold move towards greater autonomy for Somaliland and a potential shift in regional economic and political alliances. As the situation continues to evolve, the global community is closely monitoring these changes. The outcome of this diplomatic crisis could significantly reshape the geopolitical landscape of the Horn of Africa, potentially leading to new patterns of regional cooperation and competition. The closure of Somaliland’s mission in Djibouti and its loss of influence over Somaliland underscore pivotal shifts in this evolving regional dynamic.

Attempts to contact Somaliland’s representative to Djibouti, Mr. Abdifatah Saed Ahmed, who is currently in the United Kingdom, were unsuccessful.

AFRICOM Chief’s Nuanced Response on Somalia’s Anti-Al-Shabaab Commitment in Wide-Ranging Security Briefing

0

U.S. Marine Corps General Michael Langley, commander of U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM), offered a comprehensive assessment of Africa’s security landscape, with a particular focus on Somalia, during a briefing following the African Chiefs of Defense Conference held in Botswana.

Fresh from a visit to Somalia, General Langley presented a nuanced view of the country’s ongoing struggle against al-Shabaab. Despite reports of the militant group’s resurgence and territorial gains, he expressed measured optimism about the Somali government’s counterinsurgency efforts. “President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud shared with me their way forward,” Langley stated, acknowledging the fluctuating control in regions where the government had previously made progress. He emphasized the Somali leader’s commitment to a comprehensive strategy that extends beyond military action, incorporating federal member-states and local communities in a “whole-of-government approach.”

The general’s comments come at a critical juncture for Somalia as it navigates the complex transition from the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS) to full control by Somali national forces. “Any transition is challenging,” Langley admitted, “but they’re meeting that with solutions and building out their Somali National Army.” He outlined a measured, phased withdrawal of ATMIS forces, coordinated closely with the expansion of Somali military capabilities. However, he also warned that al-Shabaab is likely to test these evolving security arrangements, potentially through increased attacks in Mogadishu and other key areas.

Langley emphasized the importance of a multi-pronged strategy in Somalia, highlighting recent successes in disrupting al-Shabaab’s operations. “Our joint operations have been instrumental in weakening al-Shabaab’s grip on several regions,” he said, noting the collaborative efforts between AFRICOM and Somali forces in capturing key al-Shabaab leaders and dismantling militant networks.

The briefing also brought to light regional complexities beyond the immediate fight against al-Shabaab. A pointed question from the Somaliland Chronicle addressed the Somali government’s focus on the game-changing Somaliland-Ethiopia memorandum of understanding (MoU), in relation to its anti-al-Shabaab efforts. The MoU, signed on January 1st, aims to provide maritime access to landlocked Ethiopia and potential formal recognition for Somaliland, among other security and economic ties.

General Langley carefully sidestepped a direct response on this sensitive issue and particularly on the level of commitment of the Somali government to combat Al-Shabaab. Instead, he emphasized the broader security strategy, stating, “The Somali government is working on a comprehensive approach, involving federal and regional cooperation and engaging civil society.” He reiterated the importance of a coordinated effort to maintain stability and counter the insurgency effectively.

The briefing highlighted that the Somali government has invested significant efforts to stop the MoU and admitted to a major role in trying to destabilize Somaliland. In today’s cabinet meeting, the Office of the Prime Minister elevated what it referred to as “secessionism” to one of the highest threats facing Somalia, second only to terrorism. This signals a potential shift from Somalia’s efforts to diplomatically isolate Somaliland to a more direct and kinetic approach.

General Langley’s briefing also touched on broader regional security concerns, including the growing threat of extremism in the Sahel and West Africa. He noted the increased activity of various extremist groups and the potential for these threats to spill over into coastal West African countries, underscoring the interconnected nature of security challenges across the continent and the need for coordinated, multinational responses.

Throughout the briefing, General Langley repeatedly emphasized AFRICOM’s commitment to an “African-led and U.S.-enabled” approach to addressing security challenges on the continent. This phrase, used multiple times by the General, encapsulates AFRICOM’s current strategic vision for engagement in Africa. It underscores a shift away from direct U.S. military intervention towards a more collaborative model that prioritizes local ownership and leadership. By positioning the United States as an enabler rather than a primary actor, this approach aims to build sustainable security solutions deeply rooted in African contexts and capabilities.

As AFRICOM continues to support counterterrorism efforts in Somalia and across Africa, General Langley’s briefing illuminates the complex interplay of military strategy, political reconciliation, and regional diplomacy that characterizes the security landscape in East Africa all against the backdrop of growing Chinese and Russian influence in the continent. With the planned withdrawal of ATMIS forces on the horizon, the coming months will be crucial in determining whether Somalia’s government can keep Al-Shabaab at bay or risk turning Somalia into Afghanistan 2.0 undermining the security of the region and further damage the United States’ interest and influence in the Horn of Africa.

The general’s careful navigation of sensitive regional issues, coupled with his emphasis on African-led solutions, reflects AFRICOM’s evolving approach to engagement on the continent. As Africa grapples with multifaceted security threats, the success of this strategy may well determine the trajectory of stability and development across multiple regions in the years to come.

Bipartisan Congressional Delegation Visits Somaliland Amid Heightened Regional Diplomacy

0

A powerful bipartisan congressional delegation has arrived in Somaliland to bolster U.S. engagement in the strategically critical Horn of Africa region. This visit comes amid heightened diplomatic activity involving Somaliland, Ethiopia, and Somalia, signaling a pivotal moment in regional geopolitics.

The delegation includes Hunt VanderToll, the legislative director for Rep. Andy Barr (R-KY), a key member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and the Select Committee on the Chinese Communist Party. VanderToll’s participation underscores Rep. Barr’s focus on the complex geopolitical dynamics unfolding in the Horn of Africa and Somaliland’s unique sovereign status.

This visit follows a recent trip by Somalia’s Foreign Minister to the U.S., where he emphasized Somalia’s newly acquired United Nations Security Council membership and, more importantly, lobbied against a pending memorandum of understanding between Somaliland and Ethiopia. The agreement would grant Somaliland formal recognition by Ethiopia in exchange for allowing a strategic naval base on the Red Sea coast, marking a potential diplomatic breakthrough for the Republic of Somaliland.

Somalia's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fiqi in Minnesota with Rep. Ilhan Omar in June 2014
Somalia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Fiqi in Minnesota with Rep. Ilhan Omar in June 2014

Despite Somalia’s considerable efforts to thwart the Somaliland-Ethiopia MoU, it appears to have exhausted its options and has recently escalated tensions by threatening to bar Ethiopian troops from participating in future peacekeeping missions in the war-ravaged country. This move, prioritizing opposition to the agreement over its own security, reflects the high stakes involved in the regional power dynamics.

US Ambassador to Somalia, Richard H. Riley
US Ambassador to Somalia, Richard H. Riley

Meanwhile, Richard Riley, the incoming U.S. Ambassador to Somalia, is set to assume his post in the coming days. His stance on whether to support the “One Somalia” policy or hold the federal government of Somalia accountable for unwillingness to engage terror groups and threatening its neighbors remains unclear, adding another layer of complexity to U.S. involvement in the region.

The trip is organized by the Humpty Dumpty Institute (HDI), known for facilitating strategic dialogues and track two diplomacy, and co-organized by the American Global Institute with sponsorship from the Redsea Cultural Foundation, led by Dr Jama Muse Jama. The delegation consists of senior congressional staffers from both parties representing powerful legislative committees:

  • Rep. Andy Barr (R-KY) – Vice Chair of Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Nonproliferation
  • Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-CA) – Intelligence and Judiciary Committees
  • Rep. André Carson (D-IN) – Intelligence and Transportation Committees
  • Rep. Suzan DelBene (D-WA) – Ways & Means Committee
  • Rep. Stacey Plaskett (D-VI) – Ways & Means, Budget, and Agriculture Committees
  • Rep. John Carter (R-TX) – Appropriations Committee

Congressional committees wield significant influence, shaping legislation, providing oversight, and impacting critical areas of governance. The Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Nonproliferation is pivotal in preventing weapons proliferation and formulating arms control and global security policies. The overarching Foreign Affairs Committee addresses diplomatic relations, foreign aid, and human rights promotion. Concurrently, the Intelligence Committee oversees intelligence agencies and operations, ensuring adherence to laws and values while safeguarding against threats and protecting civil liberties. These committees enable comprehensive legislative action and robust governance over crucial spheres impacting America’s global stance and citizen safety.

Rep. Barr has been outspoken about China’s growing influence in Africa through the Belt and Road Initiative, emphasizing the importance of engaging with partners like Somaliland that remain independent from authoritarian influences. The U.S. aims to secure a stronger position in the Red Sea region to counter the increasing Chinese and Russian presence. Somaliland, significantly free from their influence, presents a key opportunity.

Somaliland’s ties with Taiwan in 2020 further strained its relationship with China after breaking from Somalia’s recognition of Beijing, despite warnings about consequences for development aid. However, Somaliland remains resolute in pursuing broader international recognition. Senator James Risch (R-ID), ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has praised Somaliland’s stability and democratic governance, stating that supporting regions upholding these values is crucial for maintaining a strategic balance.

Dr. Al Khalafalla with Dr. Jama Muse of the Red Sea Institute and Hargeisa Cultural Center and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somaliland, Dr. Essa Kayd.
Dr. Al Khalafalla with Dr. Jama Muse of the Red Sea Institute and Hargeisa Cultural Center and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somaliland, Dr. Essa Kayd.

The delegation is led by Dr. Al Khalafalla, a prominent public policy authority on the Middle East and Africa with deep ties to the U.S. Congress. Dr. Khalafalla, President of American Global Consulting and Chairman of the Humpty Dumpty Institute, has a distinguished career in advancing international peace and economic development through education initiatives. His work has earned recognition from the U.S. Congress and humanitarian awards. Dr. Khalafalla, who holds a PhD in Public Policy and Administration from Virginia Commonwealth University, is a sought-after voice in major media outlets and global forums.

In recent developments, Somaliland’s inclusion in the U.S. National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) signifies a notable shift in U.S. policy, acknowledging Somaliland’s strategic importance. The NDAA’s provisions focus on enhancing security cooperation and potentially paving the way for stronger diplomatic and economic ties. This move reflects the growing recognition of Somaliland’s stability and its role in countering regional threats such as terrorism and piracy, further integrating Somaliland into broader international security frameworks.

Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991 after the civil war but remains unrecognized by any nation. Its maintenance of peace and stability, in contrast to Somalia’s ongoing turmoil, signals enduring U.S. congressional interest, as evidenced by multiple prior fact-finding missions over the past decade.

Saudi Mining Company Kilomass Secures Lithium Exploration Deal in Somaliland

0

Kilomass, a major Saudi Arabian mining company, has secured a license to explore lithium deposits in the Republic of Somaliland, marking a significant development for the the country’s mining sector. The deal aligns with Kilomass’s strategy to expand beyond Saudi Arabia, where it is a key player in the exploration and development of gold, copper, and phosphate supporting the kingdom’s Vision 2030 economic diversification plan.

“The Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Mr. Syed Ahmed Jibril, together with the Director General of the Ministry, Mr. Mohamed Osman Syed, received an investment company called Kilomass that is interested in investing in various minerals in the country,” said a statement from the ministry’s Facebook page. It is unclear why the ministry did not state that Kilomass has already secured mining concessions in Somaliland to explore lithium.

Another statement posted on X by Mr. Mohamed Osman Saed, the Director General of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals added that the delegation from Kilomass includes its CEO Mr. Faisal HamdanAl-Sobhi.

Lithium, crucial for batteries and electric vehicles, represents a high-value mineral with soaring global demand, making Kilomass’s lithium exploration endeavor in Somaliland potentially lucrative. In its native Saudi Arabia, Kilomass hosts several major mining projects, including in the Arabian Shield region.

The interest in Somaliland’s lithium reserves has also gained international attention. Recently, U.S. Congressman Chris Smith highlighted the strategic importance of these resources globally during a congressional hearing, underscoring their potential, and that a Taiwanese company is also interested in exploring it in Somaliland.

While Somaliland has secured major deals like DP World’s development of the world-class Berbera port and free trade zone, it has faced an uphill battle attracting direct foreign investment due to its lack of recognition. On the other hand, there have been embarrassing instances where government ministries made major announcements that included a multi-billion dollar investment deal with a non-existent bank, an oil refinery that turned out to be an advanced scam, and a less-than-equitable fishing license scheme with unscrupulous foreign con artists. Most of these instances were due to inexperienced public servants, minimum due diligence, and a lack of proper oversight and vetting of foreign investors.

To ensure mineral resource development benefits are distributed equitably, it is crucial to involve local communities. Botswana’s diamond mining industry, through the Debswana partnership with De Beers, ensures substantial revenues from diamond mining are reinvested into national development projects, significantly improving healthcare, education, and infrastructure. Similarly, the Papua New Guinea LNG project includes equity stakes for landowners, ensuring they receive royalties, dividends, along with infrastructure and social services.

For Somaliland, adopting similar models could ensure local communities benefit from the exploration and mining of lithium and other minerals. Key strategies could include: revenue sharing agreements, community development funds, local employment and training programs, and strict environmental and social safeguards.

As Kilomass embarks on its exploration activities in Somaliland, incorporating these principles could help ensure local communities see tangible benefits from mineral resource development with minimal frictions, fostering economic growth and social progress in Somaliland. This collaboration, if managed equitably, is poised to unlock significant economic potential, reinforcing Somaliland’s position on the global mining map while ensuring sustainable and inclusive development for local communities.

Attempts to reach Ministry of Energy and Minerals on specifics of the deal with Kilomass where unsuccessful.

Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi Highlights National Achievements in Annual Address

0

The President of the Republic of Somaliland, His Excellency, Muse Bihi Abdi has delivered a comprehensive annual constitutional address today, showcasing the nation’s progress and setting forth ambitious goals for the coming year. His speech touched on critical areas including economic development, infrastructure, education, healthcare, security, governance, international relations, and domestic challenges.

Economic and Infrastructure Development

President Bihi opened by celebrating Somaliland’s economic growth, driven by substantial infrastructure investments. Significant projects included road expansions and new housing developments. One of the key highlights was the enhancement of Egal International Airport, where new aircraft have been acquired to boost connectivity and stimulate economic growth. “Our investment in infrastructure has been unprecedented,” Bihi noted, emphasizing the transformative impact of these developments. 

Education and Healthcare Improvements

The President underscored the government’s commitment to improving education and healthcare, critical sectors for national development. Somaliland has built new schools, upgraded existing facilities, and focused on training teachers. “We have built new schools and upgraded facilities to ensure our children receive the highest quality education,” Bihi said.

In healthcare, the construction of new hospitals and clinics, along with the procurement of essential medical equipment, has been a priority. These improvements aim to increase accessibility and enhance the quality of healthcare services, especially in underserved areas. “Our healthcare system has seen significant upgrades, ensuring better access and quality of care,” the President remarked.

Security and Governance 

Security remains a top priority for Somaliland, with significant investments in strengthening security forces and community-based security programs. These measures are essential for maintaining stability and ensuring the safety of citizens. “Our commitment to security is unwavering,” Bihi stated, highlighting the efforts to safeguard the nation against internal and external threats.

President Bihi also addressed the August 11, 2023 incident, a significant security breach that resulted in a tragic loss of lives. “The incident of August 11, 2023, was a dark day for our nation. We lost brave citizens, and it underscored the need for vigilance and enhanced security measures,” he said. The government has since implemented robust strategies to prevent such occurrences in the future, focusing on intelligence and community cooperation to ensure national safety.

Ministry of Interior documents shared online, which Somaliland Chronicle has not independently verified, appear to show a pardon issued by the Ministry of Interior related to the August 11th, 2023, incident. It remains unclear whether the government intends to revisit the case and prosecute those involved, despite the purported pardon from the Ministry.

A glaring omission from the President’s address was any mention of the ongoing security crisis in Las Anod, Eastern Somaliland. The President did not provide any updates on plans to resolve this crisis, reassert full control of territory and bring members of armed forces held by militias in Las Anod home. This represents a major threat to Somaliland’s territorial integrity – a significant security challenge that went unaddressed in the President’s sweeping address to joint parliamentary session.

On governance, efforts have been dedicated to enhancing transparency and efficiency through anti-corruption measures and promoting good practices. “We are committed to transparent and efficient governance,” the President emphasized, underscoring the importance of accountability in public service.

On governance, Bihi stated commitments to transparency, efficiency, and anti-corruption efforts to promote accountability. However, the President was less than forthcoming when it comes to corruption and misappropriation of public resources that persist across much of the government along with a major lack of transparency, despite Somaliland making some improvements in governance standards according to reports. Anti-corruption has been one of President Bihi’s major pledges, but tangible results have yet to fully materialize on this front. The President’s stated priorities around anti-graft measures and efficient administration will be judged against the government’s ability to decisively tackle endemic corrupt practices highlighted by observers.

International Relations and Recognition

A significant portion of President Bihi’s address focused on Somaliland’s ongoing quest for international recognition. Despite the challenges, he expressed optimism about the future, citing positive developments in diplomatic relations and increased engagement with international partners. “We continue to seek international recognition and have made significant diplomatic strides this year,” Bihi affirmed, highlighting the nation’s commitment to peaceful coexistence and cooperation with neighboring countries and the global community.

the President emphasized Somaliland’s strategic interests and the importance of forming partnerships with nations that respect its sovereignty and independence. He highlighted the recent agreement with Ethiopia, which prioritizes equality and mutual benefit. Under this agreement, Somaliland stands to gain international recognition, while Ethiopia secures access to a naval base at the Port of Berbera.

The President underscored the significance of Somaliland’s functioning international borders, contrasting it with the African Union’s hesitation to grant recognition. He emphasized the mutual benefits of the partnership with Ethiopia, including trade development and enhanced regional stability.

Furthermore, the President reiterated Somaliland’s foreign policy principles of good neighborliness, peace, and cooperation, epitomizing a Zero Conflict Policy. This approach emphasizes collaboration with neighboring nations and underscores Somaliland’s commitment to stability and consistency in its international relations.

Addressing Domestic Challenges

The President acknowledged the domestic challenges facing Somaliland, particularly the recurrent droughts that affect agriculture and water supplies. He emphasized the need for effective disaster management strategies and sustainable agricultural practices to mitigate these issues. “Our nation faces recurrent droughts that threaten our agriculture and water supply. We must implement effective disaster management strategies and sustainable practices,” Bihi stressed. He praised the resilience and unity of the Somaliland people in overcoming these challenges and working towards a prosperous future. 

Social Welfare and Community Development

President Bihi announced new initiatives aimed at improving social welfare, including programs for youth employment, women’s empowerment, and support for vulnerable populations. He highlighted the importance of community development projects that promote social cohesion and economic self-sufficiency. “We are committed to programs that support youth employment, empower women, and provide for vulnerable populations,” he declared.

In his address, President Muse Bihi Abdi painted a picture of a nation making significant strides in development, governance, and international diplomacy while remaining mindful of the challenges that lie ahead. He called on all Somalilanders to support the government’s initiatives and work together towards a common goal of national development and global recognition.

President Bihi who is seeking reelection in Somaliland’s upcoming elections in November 2024, times sounded more akin to an election rally than a policy address, peppered with cheers from supporters in the chamber. There were moments of hyperbole as the President highlighted his government’s achievements across sectors.

Foe Rather than a Friend: Unpacking Djibouti’s Hostility towards Somaliland

0

The relationship between Djibouti and Somaliland has long been contentious, with Djibouti displaying consistent hostility towards its neighbor. This hostility stems from two primary factories: fear of economic competition and Djibouti’s regional defense strategies.

The World Bank’s “Transport Global Practice the Container Port Performance Index 2022” report ranks Berbera port second in Sub-Saharan Africa in terms of performance, based on vessel time in ports. This development has heightened Djibouti’s fears, as it sees Berbera port as a strong competitor. Another World Bank report, “Djibouti Country Economic Memorandum” (January 2024), warns that Djibouti’s current economic model, reliant on a single sector(ports) and client, (Ethiopia), is unsustainable. The report explicitly states that the port of Berbera in Somaliland, along with the Berbera Corridor connecting to Ethiopia’s hinterland, has emerged as a strong potential competitor to Djibouti. Djibouti’s economic concerns are compounded by its reliance on port revenues. In a democratic setup, competition is viewed as a healthy phenomenon, but in a dictatorship like Djibouti, it is seen as an existential threat. This explains the hostile behavior displayed by Djibouti towards Somaliland in the last six months, which Somaliland must address.

On the security front, Djibouti seeks to use the Somali Federal Government and Somaliland as tools against Eritrea, with which it has an ongoing border dispute. Additionally, it aims to use both Somaliland and Somalia to suppress in the event of potential uprisings by the marginalized Afars in Djibouti. Furthermore, Djibouti sees beneficial continued hostility between Somalis and Ethiopians, believing this will force Ethiopia to always rely solely on Djibouti’s ports, consolidating its economic and security interests. However, this strategy is based on a flawed assumption, as Ethiopia has already been diversifying its port options and developing new relationships with Kenya and Sudan.

To safeguard its flawed interests, Djibouti has invested significant political capital and financial resources in reinstating a government in Mogadishu that it can control and use against Somaliland. Djibouti’s strategy has achieved partial success. In March 2018, the Somalia parliament, under Djibouti’s instruction, voted to nullify the agreement between DP World and Somaliland to modernize the Berbera port and revitalize the Berbera corridor. Although the parliament’s vote cannot halt the agreement since the Somali Federal Government has no jurisdiction over Somaliland, it highlights Djibouti’s malicious intentions towards Somaliland. Furthermore, since Somaliland signed the MOU with Ethiopia, Djibouti has committed itself to destabilizing Somaliland by mobilizing Somaliland clans against the deal and collaborating with Villa Somalia to oppose the MOU. Ironically, both Djibouti and Villa Somalia seek to offer ports to Ethiopia and trade with them, revealing that their opposition to the MOU is economically motivated. This contradicts their public claims of protecting “Somali territory,” which is a mere pretext. In reality, Djibouti’s hostility towards Somaliland is driven by its desire to maintain economic dominance in the region.

Despite these hostile stances, Somaliland’s administration lacks a strategy to counter Djibouti’s hostile policies. Since the Kulmiye party came to power, Somaliland has become closer to Djibouti, with politicians prioritizing personal relationships over strategic interests. However, this personal relationship has not yielded tangible benefits for Somaliland nor changed Djibouti’s aim to force Somaliland into a union with Somali Federal Government which Djibouti itself refused to join when it became independent in 1977.

To address the Djibouti challenge, Somaliland must adopt a new strategy that prioritizes strategic interests over personal relationships. Somaliland’s leadership must recognize that Djibouti is more foe than friend and take the following steps to curtail its aggression:

1.    Acknowledge that Djibouti and Somaliland interests in the region are fundamentally different.

2.    Develop alternative alliances with democratic forces in Djibouti.

3.    Take strong public stands against Djibouti’s policies hostile to Somaliland.

4.    Focus on strategic interests in foreign policy.

By adopting these recommendations, Somaliland can counter Djibouti’s undermining tactics and secure its rightful place in the region. This requires a shift in Somaliland’s foreign policy, from a focus on personal relationships to a focus on strategic interests. Only then can Somaliland ensure its economic and security interests are protected, and its sovereignty is respected.

About the Author

Badri Jimale is Horn of Africa follower and Pragmatic solutions advocate.

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

African Union Sets August 6 as the Deadline for Commision Posts Applications

0

The African Union has opened the floor for aspirants of the upcoming race for the chairperson and deputy positions of the continental body’s Commission to file their papers, or drop out in favor of rivals.

Aspirants are to submit their CVs to their respective countries, statements of vision and how they intend to address emerging challenges on the continent. It is the first step for aspirants to show intent to serve as leaders of the African Union Secretariat.

But it will not be the most difficult. Four aspirants have already announced publicly they will seek to contest. They include Kenya’s opposition leader Raila Odinga, Djiboutian Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, Somalia’s former Foreign Minister Fawzia Yusuf Adam, and former Seychellois Vice President Vincent Meriton. Their countries had already backed them.

Under the current African Union rules on regulations, the seat for the African Union Commission chairperson will only be contested by countries in the eastern region while the deputy will be contested by the northern African region.

Depending on whether a male or female candidate wins the chairperson seat, the deputy will then come from the opposite gender.

According to an election notice publicized last week, the AU said candidates will file applications through their member states. But the final candidates on the ballot will be determined after a lengthy procedure that will also see them vetted by a panel of experts before the polls in February 2025.

All the eight positions of the Commission — chairperson, deputy and six commissioners — are up for grabs. But each region will be given slots based on what leaders agreed on as a fair “principle of inter-regional rotation.”

It means the six commissioners will fall to the remaining regions of south, central and western.

“Each region determines its own procedure for nominating candidates for the portfolios for which it is eligible,” the notice says. The region then hands in its list to the panel of experts by August 6.

“Only names of candidates submitted by the region will be considered in the pre-selection process undertaken by the Panel of Eminent Africans. Further, only member states that are not under AU sanctions are allowed to submit candidates.”

It means countries currently suspended for committing coups, including Sudan, Gabon, Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso and Guinea are ineligible to compete for any slots.

Although qualifications for each of the slots had already been created under the rules of the African Union, the Panel of Eminent Persons says it has developed job profiles and competency requirements for the leadership posts.

“This includes generic leadership skills and competencies as well as expert and thematic skills for each portfolio. The assessment process for all candidates is based on the skills and competencies identified for each senior leadership position,” said a dispatch that said qualified candidates must be “visionary.”

Financial Turmoil and a New Questionable Venture Cast Shadows over Boodhari Mills’ Future

0

In our previous coverage, we explored Boodheri Mills, a flour mill established in 2017 and registered with the Canadian government in May of that year. The company’s factory was inaugurated on the outskirts of Hargeisa in September 2021. At the time of our initial reporting, Boodheri Mills was in the fundraising phase. While a flour mill is an exceptionally viable business idea, the aggressive sales tactics employed by the company, coupled with some of the projected profits and the apparent lack of basic know-how in operating a food manufacturing business in a frontier market, did not inspire confidence.

Boodheri Mills, especially the founder Mr. Abdirahman Sh Nur has disputed the veracity of our report in an op-ed published on multiple media outlets and and has threatened unspecified legal action.

At the time of this reporting, Boodheri Mills Group Incorporated, Business Number(BN): 714190329RC0001 has been dissolved by Canadian Authorities due to non-compliance of its reporting obligations with the Canadian authorities.

Two years after the flour plant’s construction and commencement of operations, financial and other documents from the company paint a grim picture. They reveal subpar execution, massive debt obligations to private banks, and a business hemorrhaging investor money at an alarming rate. In a letter dated October 20, 2023, addressed to investors, the company’s Founder, Mr. Abdirahman Sh Nur, acknowledges that their reliance on bank financing has become unsustainable. He states that the company requires $1.2 million to secure its future.

Notably, in his letter to investors, Mr. Nur is promising new investors a 12% return on their investment, with bi-annual dividend payouts. However, given the company’s current financial struggles and mounting debt, the feasibility of such promises raises serious doubts. The company’s ongoing operational challenges and cash flow issues cast a shadow over its ability to deliver on these projected returns to new investors.

In an accompanying slide deck presented to investors for the proposed $1.2 million capital injection, Mr. Abdinur appears to be promoting nonsensical figures in an attempt to entice new investment. Rather than providing a transparent account of the company’s financial situation, he simply explains away the majority of the previously raised capital as having been spent on building the factory’s infrastructure.

The dismissive manner in which Mr. Abdinur addresses the substantial expenditure of funds already raised from investors, coupled with the presentation of dubious numbers, raises significant red flags. Instead of offering a credible and detailed breakdown of the company’s financial position, he seems to be resorting to obfuscation and questionable projections to solicit additional investment. This lack of transparency and accountability regarding the use of investor funds is deeply concerning and undermines trust in the company’s leadership and financial management.

In his letter, Mr. Nur stated that he is taking back the rains of the company after 18 months haitus and is spearheading transformative changes intended to turn the company around and with the blessing of the Board of Directors, including a strategic partnership with NFMC-Al-Wataniya in Berbera for joint wheat procurement, FCAI funding for the factory’s solar project, and a vague strategic relationship with the IFC (World Bank) for potential advisory services. Notably, Mr. Nur has a track record of inflating tenuous connections, previously boasting about World Bank approval for Boodheri Mills’ viability as a business. The credibility of his grandiose claims remains dubious at best.

The statement exposes a paltry $12,500 Gross Profit from January to June—an astonishingly dismal figure. Despite the glaring absence of production, sales, and inventory details, the statement boldly declares a staggering $140,000 loss for the same period.

In direct contradiction to Boodheri Mills’ grandiose promises of independent accounting and auditing, the July statement appears to be crafted by an individual with a tenuous grasp of elementary accounting principles.

Amidst the fog of unanswered questions in the Profit and Loss statement, a glaring concern is the exorbitant electricity expense. Despite earlier fanciful claims of a Tesla-based renewable energy power plant, the reality is stark: Boodheri Mills has shelled out $39,414 on electricity costs, indicating a stark dependency on costly public electric suppliers.

Boodheri Mills 2024 - 2030 Growth Strategy.

While Boodheri Mills is offering the enticing promise of a 12% profit return to solicit a significant $1.2 million capital infusion from existing or potential investors, ominous signs are emerging. Current investors are signaling their desire to withdraw their investments, exposing Boodheri Mills’ vulnerability due to a lack of liquidity. The company has stated to these investors that, unlike traditional financial institutions, it does not have the liquidity to buy back their shares. The sole option for investors to recoup their funds lies in the precarious act of finding new buyers for their shares.

Notably absent from the investor document is any explanation for the exodus of investors or a tally of those seeking to exit their investments in Boodheri Mills. This lack of transparency raises further concerns about the company’s financial situation and the reasons behind investors’ loss of confidence. Without a clear understanding of the underlying issues driving this investor exodus, potential new investors may be wary of committing funds to a company facing such liquidity challenges and a flight of existing investors.

While Boodheri Mills is grappling with dwindling returns and desperately seeking 1.2 million US dollars from current and new investors to purchase wheat and stay afloat, its founder, Mr. Nur, has ventured into an entirely new business called Roobroon and is also seeking investors.

This new venture boasts high-profile government officials and celebrity promoters like DJ Subeer. Roobroon appears to be a carbon copy of Boodheri Mills, from the sales pitch down to the promises of lucrative returns. However, given Mr. Nur’s track record with the struggling flour plant and the underwhelming financial statements shared with Boodheri Mills’ current investors, this novel idea may face significant obstacles in attracting new investors despite its star-studded promoters.

While the business model of Mr. Nur’s new venture, Roobroon, remains somewhat unclear, he appears to be promoting a farming cooperative concept. Under this framework, farmers would either lease their land to Roobroon or engage in a profit-sharing arrangement to access services and equipment. The resulting wheat produced on these farms could then be used by Boodheri Mills, potentially reducing its reliance on imported raw materials. However, what stands out is the significant exaggeration in Mr. Abdi Nur’s claim, asserting that he has seen a report stating that the underground water reserves in the area hold a volume five times greater than that of Africa’s largest lake, Lake Victoria. This claim seems to be an extraordinary overstatement, raising questions about the credibility of the information being presented.

Mr. Abdi Nur who mentioned his agricultural background and expertise does not explain the basic business model, projected cost of this new enterprise and how the investors will recoup their investment.

It is noteworthy that there exists a natural synergy between Mr. Abdi Nur’s Boodheri Mills and Roobroon. However, much like his currently struggling flour plant, his new idea of a farming cooperative does not seem well-thought-out. While a farming cooperative could potentially put Somaliland on the path to food security, it is a viable but costly and labor-intensive idea. Even a basic proof of concept for such an initiative could cost more than a million dollars, primarily due to the astronomical cost of farming equipment.

Luckily, Mr. Nur only mentions one piece of agricultural equipment known as center pivot irrigation, which costs around $90,000 for a basic machine. However, when fitted with all the necessary accouterments, the cost can rise to $153,000 for every 20 farms or so that would be shared among small farmers. What Mr. Abdi Nur fails to mention is whether water drilling is part of the proposed business venture, which could push the cost for investors even higher.

During the unveiling of Roobroon company to potential investors, Mr. Abdi Nur appeared to have secured the buy-in from the then ministers of Agriculture and Investment. However, both ministers have since been sacked in President Bihi’s latest cabinet reshuffle. It remains unclear whether the removal of these two ministers will have any impact on Roobroon’s launch.

In Somaliland, it has become a common practice to invite government officials, at times even the President, to attend unveiling or ribbon-cutting ceremonies. Unfortunately, the presence of these officials may inadvertently contribute to misleading some investors, who might assume that the venture has been thoroughly vetted and approved by the government.

While the attendance of high-ranking officials may lend an air of legitimacy to these events, it is crucial to recognize that their involvement does not necessarily equate to an official endorsement or a comprehensive review of the business proposals. Investors should be cautious about making assumptions based solely on the participation of government figures in such ceremonies.

It is essential to conduct due diligence and independent research when considering any investment opportunity, rather than relying solely on the perceived credibility conferred by the presence of officials. A thorough understanding of the business model, financial projections, and the track record of the individuals involved should be the primary factors guiding investment decisions, rather than the perceived government association.

Despite Mr. Abdi Nur’s need for cash infusion to keep his struggling flour plant, Boodheri Mills, afloat and the significant debt owed to Premier Bank, his new venture, Roobroon, appears to follow a familiar formula – heavy spending on media coverage to attract investors.

While Roobroon is promoted as an entirely separate venture from Boodheri Mills and will likely have a different corporate structure, the common factor in both entities is Mr. Abdi Nur himself and its important to remember that for Boodhari Mills, Mr. Abdi Nur is actively seeking emergency cash infusion of 1.2 million dollars to stay afloat. This remarkable timing of new round of funding for the flour plant and the new venture seems to be more than a coincidence.

Rather than fostering self-sustaining business models, Mr. Nur’s operations appear to prioritize the acquisition of fresh capital to maintain operations. This approach raises significant concerns about the long-term viability of these ventures and their ability to deliver on promised returns without the perpetual influx of new investor money. Such a model is inherently unsustainable and bears resemblance to the mechanics of a Ponzi scheme, regardless of the initial intentions behind these ideas.

While the Somaliland government has recently created investment legislation, Somalilandchronicle.com has not yet examined the details to assess if adequate investor protections are built-in to ensure the public can safely invest in private ventures. It remains unclear what kind of oversight mechanisms exist to safeguard the interests of both investors and businesses.


Creative Commons License

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle. It is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Taiwan Representative Office In Somaliland “One-China Principle and One-Somalia Principle are distorted clichés”

0

In the wake of China’s recent expressions of displeasure over Somaliland’s growing ties with Taiwan, the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland issued a resolute statement reaffirming its commitment to democratic values and its support for Somaliland’s pursuit of recognition and stability.

The statement, released amid China’s objections to Somaliland’s attendance at the inauguration celebration of Taiwan’s 16th-term President Lai Ching-te, emphasized Taiwan’s dedication to using its democratic vitality as a force for good both domestically and internationally. It underscored Taiwan’s intention to deepen its cooperation with nations like Somaliland that share its commitment to democracy.

Highlighting the belief that democratization is the optimal solution for Somaliland’s quest for recognition and stability, Taiwan pledged solidarity with Somaliland and like-minded partners in supporting its democratization efforts. Taiwan reiterated its stance that Somaliland has the right to be recognized as a democratic, stable, and free nation in the Horn of Africa region.

The statement also directly challenged the “One-China Principle” and the “One-Somalia Principle,” labeling them as distorted clichés that do not reflect the realities on the ground. It emphasized that Taiwan and Somaliland are not subordinate to China and Somalia, respectively, and that their sovereignty should be respected accordingly.

President Lai Ching-te, in his inaugural address, made it clear that Taiwan and China are not subordinate to each other, echoing sentiments expressed by Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi regarding Somaliland’s distinct identity from Somalia. These statements reinforced the notion that both Taiwan and Somaliland stand firm in their autonomy and reject external pressure to conform to outdated geopolitical paradigms.

During the meeting with the Somaliland delegation, President Lai referenced Taiwan’s “Project Africa” initiative, signaling Taiwan’s enduring goodwill and commitment to collaboration with Somaliland and other African nations. The statement concluded with an optimistic outlook, suggesting that through mutual cooperation, Taiwan, Somaliland, and other nations could prosper together.

Taiwan’s steadfast response serves as a testament to its unwavering support for democracy and its willingness to stand up to external pressures. In the face of China’s objections, Taiwan remains a beacon of hope and support for nations like Somaliland, advocating for their right to self-determination and recognition on the global stage.