Somalia is the quintessential example of a failed state, a state often cited as an example of where not to go for countries on the brink of civil war. No term captures this precarious state of lawless existence better than Somalization. In the wake of the Arab spring, when various Middle Eastern and North African countries descended into chaos, Somalization gained wide acceptance among the academic community and diplomats alike. In a stark warning to Syrians, the Algerian diplomat and former special envoy of the U.N. and Arab League, Lakhdar Brahimi raised the alarm over the prospect of Syria turning into another Somalia. Since 1991, Somalia has been at war with itself and with its neighbours by exporting instability to the region. The absence of any central government able to exert its authority across the country from Boosaaso to Kismayu gave rise to the formation of various clannistans, the so-called Federal Member States of Somalia.

Despite the concerted efforts of the African Union peacekeeping mission in Somalia, much of the country is still governed by Al-Shabaab and ISIS. An estimated 2/3^rd of Somalia is under the direct or indirect control of Al-Shabaab and its affiliates, a group often described as a state within a state. Their presence on the ground means travel by road in Somalia is avoided at all costs, giving rise to a booming domestic air travel industry. In Mogadishu, Somalia’s largest commercial city, Al-Shabaab and the federal government of Somalia (FSG) have developed a dual bureaucratic taxation system where businesses and traders are coerced to pay taxes to both. To illustrate the sophisticated nature of Al-Shabaab tax collectors, businesses who owe taxes receive SMS reminders to settle accounts within a specified time or face severe penalties. This conducive environment for terrorists and radicals has transformed Somalia into a hub for global jihadi movements and individuals wishing to spread chaos and mayhem far beyond Somalia’s borders. In security terms, this represents a significant security risk for the region and the wider world. The 2008 bombing of Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, in which 30 people were killed, and the Westgate shopping mall attack that left 71 people dead provide a poignant reminder of the danger posed by terror groups operating within Somalia to regional peace and stability.

The mushrooming of terror groups in Somalia forced the international community to intervene in Somalia both politically and militarily, to establish some form of authority in Mogadishu. As a result, a significant amount of time, money and manpower has been invested in keeping an artificial authority that nobody elected in place against a much more sophisticated and socially entrenched opponent. However, instead of taking on Al-Shabaab and bringing a degree of stability to Somalia, the authority in Mogadishu have invested greatly in tools designed for undermining the de facto sovereign state of Somaliland, the senior co-founder in the now-defunct Somali Republic that existed until 1991.

Much like the current president of Russia describing the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent emergence of 15 sovereign states as ‘the greatest geopolitical catastrophe in the 20^th century” the people of Somalia and their leaders have become psychological prisoners of the past – a past in which there was Somaliland and Somalia united as a single ethnonational state until 1991 when Somaliland re-asserted the statehood it voluntarily relinquished in 1960. To Somalilanders, what happened in 1960 shortly after independence from the U.K was nothing short of the greatest act of betrayal of one generation by another when they united the newly independent state of Somaliland with Somalia. The British newspaper, the Daily Herald mocked this decision with the following headline: ‘the colony that rejected freedom” in its Wednesday 29^th June edition. Such betrayal led to a 30-year long struggle for independence that came at the tragic cost of genocide – the Isaaq genocide.

Three decades on, rather than issuing an official state apology to Somaliland over the state-sponsored Isaaq genocide perpetrated in the name of Somalia, bringing the perpetrators hiding in Somalia to justice and paying reparations to Somaliland for the material and economic damage sustained during the war period, Somalia maintains the view that Somaliland’s existence and statehood is a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. This does not come as a surprise to anybody at all, but to learned historians, Somalia has always been seen as Africa’s problematic state. The existential crisis that confronts Somalia (imaginary in nature) has its origin in irredentism and ethnic-expansionist tendencies that in the past led to wars with neighbouring countries. In 1964, in Cairo, the organisation of African Unity (OAU), a predecessor of the African Union (AU), declared that the “all Member States pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence’’ to prevent the continent being engulfed in endless border wars. But Somalia stood out as an outcast and rejected that resolution amid an embrace of irredentism and jingoism. It saw an opportunity to absorb the Somali territories of Djibouti, the Somali region of Ethiopia, and Kenya’s North East province into Somalia. But this is not an article on anarchism, terrorism and the rejection of norms and traditions that govern the world by Somalia [though intended to provide readers with factual grounding], but an assessment of how a weak government in Mogadishu, that is barely able to exert its authority beyond the gates of the city managed to build tools to subvert Somaliland and the extent it had any consequences for the target population in the absence of an active counter-subversion action by Somaliland.

Mission to regain Somaliland; Somalia – the schizophrenic Ex-partner

Traditionally, a state determined to incorporate another’s territory into its own often had to wage a war of conquest that ended in either defeat or victory. The latter could only be realised through a successful military takeover and the ensuing result is the annexation of a whole or part of a territory of the victim state. However, an interesting power dynamic exists between Somaliland and Somalia, alas Somalia has no military capacity to attack part or whole of Somaliland. Somalian policy makers in Mogadishu know and understand this limitation, given the dire shape of their armed forces. Somalia’s military is comprised of loosely arranged tribal militias that go without pay for months on end with little or no loyalty to the state. Therefore, it is not uncommon to find news reports of Somalian government forces gunning down civilians or engaging each other on the streets of Mogadishu. Despite this, Somalia never relinquished its claim to Somaliland. Though not keen on personifying a state, it can be tempting to nationalise the behaviour of Somalia as that of a schizophrenic Ex-partner that never got over the loss of Somaliland. If a country could be compared with a human being, Somalia would have long ago been admitted to a psychiatric institution for a mental habitation due to chronic stalking activities that threaten the sanity and wellbeing of its neighbour.

Nevertheless, still fresh in the minds and lurking in the background like a haunting ghost is the war of liberation in the 1980s and the defeat of Somalia’s military junta by Somaliland’s freedom fighters (SNM), at a time when had well equipped and looked after military force. As such it is highly unlikely this option is even contemplated – at least not in the short to medium terms while Somalia is weak and dependent on the international community for financial and security survival. There is also another important element at play that deems the use of force and aggression as unacceptable to preserve international peace and security. As a result, there is little appetite for direct or indirect (through proxies) confrontation with Somaliland. To compensate for this inherent deficiency, subversion has become the favourite and only tool at Somalia’s disposal for undermining Somaliland.

Subverting Somaliland

It is worth noting war is not just confined to or fought on the battlefields, skies, and seas alone; state subversion is an extension of war, albeit one fought without a bullet being fired; and war is a tool of statecraft designed to achieve specific geopolitical aims. Contrary to what many Somalilanders may choose to believe, Somalia’s hostility toward Somaliland has never ceased. Rather, it simply morphed into psychological warfare, and they are fighting this one differently owing to the persistence of Faqashism – a fascist ideology held by those who deny the Isaaq genocide and oppose the formal restoration of the sovereign state of Somaliland. Beneath the smiles and warm words of ‘Soomaalinimo’ brotherhood lurks a Machiavellian mindset that offers nothing but duplicity and deceit. Faarax Nuur’s artistically crafted words of “qosol been ah fool wada qayaxan qiil an garanaayo” offers a cautionary tale on how to approach a ruthless and cunning opponent.

To readers unfamiliar with this subject, subversion is a state-sponsored subversive activity intended to weaken or overthrow a government from within. In the context of the state, it can be considered a gradual process in which the principles and values underpinning a system in the target country are challenged by a hostile state. It aims to change the established norms and traditions of a society and its structures i.e., government, institutions, laws, and the social bonds that hold them together. The intention is to destabilise the target country as far as possible by demoralising its people. Hence, subversive actions by nature amount to an attack on public morale and their ability to withstand external pressures that gradually erode their domestic unity, and loyalty to the state and the country. As such it’s universally illegal to engage in sedition and subversive activities against the state. This is an area Somaliland is falling behind the rest of the world and there has never been a better time to address this issue by legislating anti-sedition and subversion laws.

For Somalia, bringing Somaliland back into the fold through military means lacks any practical feasibility. Therefore, the need to adopt tactics and employ subversion as an alternative to war represents an attractive option for two key reasons: A) the risk is minimal and B) the overall operational cost is low. Consequently, it’s very much a convenient choice of warfare that is unlikely to alarm or be recognised by the Somaliland population. The very nature of subversion is to achieve a long-term strategic geopolitical outcome. It is a slow-motion process akin to stealthy infiltration and takeover of a country without bullets and bombs.

The four stages of ideological subversion

Ideological subversion as it is referred to is designed to alter the perception of reality among the masses through brainwashing techniques over several years, usually more than a decade. As people lose their perception of reality, they no longer waste time, effort, or intellectual capital in differentiating fiction from facts. Yuri Bezmenov, the former KGB propagandist, and USSR defector who was featured in a television interview in the 1980s described the soviet approach to ideological warfare against the United States as a long-drawn process that comes in distinct stages, four to be precise. They are demoralisation, destabilisation, crisis, and normalisation. In brief, the first stage is time-consuming when you consider the length of time required to influence a generation of people, which ranges from 25-to 30 years, followed by the destabilisation stage aimed at influencing the foreign relations, defence and economy of the target state. Subsequently, chaos follows in the form of crisis culminating in the final stage of normalisation where the status quo disappears, and take-over of the state is completed with or without invasion.

Multi-dimensional campaign of demoralising Somalilanders

In the context of Somaliland, the first stage of the subversion campaign is more relevant and observable. The values and moral fortitudes binding Somalilanders together and the existence of their country are being repeatedly questioned. Stories originating from outside of the country regularly make their way into the public domain. But what Somalilanders value and hold dear is their unity and sense of responsibility for one another, democracy, freedom, shared heritage, and cultural identity, as well as the independence of their country. In open societies like that of Somaliland, the challenge is malign actors find it easy to engage in subversive activities through disinformation and propaganda campaigns. They hide behind freedom of expression.

Let’s consider the various methodologies used by Somalia to subvert Somaliland by examining Somalia’s fallacious narratives in the context of history, culture, language and literature, media and politics.

The myth of ethnic homogeneity in Somalia; “Somalia is for Somalis”

One of the most enduring myths about Somalia is ethnic homogeneity. Somalian public like to think their country is one of a few culturally and linguistically homogenous nation-states to exist in Africa, but this could not be further from the truth. This is a misconception based on the assumption that Somali people have a single point of origin, common ancestor, shared language, and culture with nomadic means of production for sustenance. It is this myth that has been propagated by Somalia’s successive governments and is largely accepted by most Somali speaking people due to decades of brainwashing. It forms the foundations for the dream of Greater Somalia in which all Somali territories in the HoA are politically united under a single ethnonational state governed from Mogadishu.

However, I.M Lewis, the pre-imminent pioneer of Somali studies questioned this when he described the differences between the Af-Maay and Maxaad languages, albeit one rejected by students of Somali studies engaged in the perpetuation of cultural, linguistic and identity erasure of other Somalians in pursuit of ethnic purity. An example of non-ethnic Somalis includes the Jareer (Bantu), Banadiri, Arabs, Brawaani and Baajuun and together they represent a significant percentage of Somalia’s population. Their languages, traditions, and cultures are suppressed to the degree that some are actively referred to as ‘addoomo’(slaves), half-humans. By any standard of measure, this amounts to a wholesale cultural and linguistic genocide.

Furthermore, it remains a point of contention whether or not the Raxanweyn group that inhabits the fertile lands between the two rivers of Jubba and Shabeelle can be regarded as an ethnic group of their right given their distinct Maay language. Therefore, Somalia’s claim of homogeneity stands on shaky grounds and cannot stand scrutiny. Nevertheless, the argument of ethnic homogeneity could only be applied to Somaliland where a hundred per cent of the population comprises ethnic Somalis with no linguistic or cultural variation among them.

Despite the availability of these facts, Somalia has successfully managed to hijack and weaponise the ethnic identity of the Somali people scattered across the Horn of Africa (HOA) region and beyond for political reasons. The country portrays itself as the homeland of Somali speaking people regardless of their country of origin, thus, the genocidal mantra of ‘Somalia is for Somalis’. In fact, any Somali speaking person could relocate to Somalia and immediately become a citizen of Somalia while simultaneously denying sections of their people the same privilege. The notion of citizenship is absent from the legal books of Somalia and who is and isn’t a citizen of Somalia has never been defined. It shouldn’t however escape our attention the fact that most Somali speaking people do not reside in Somalia and are not citizens of Somalia. Obsessive attempts to tie being a Somali to Somalia are nothing more than a symptom of a country and people in a state of a perpetual identity crisis.

What makes this even more interesting is, that many older Somalilanders who grew up under the communist regime of Somalia were subject to historical revisionism and propaganda in their formative years and were brainwashed into accepting Soomaalinimo fiction without questioning the political and ideological motives behind it. On occasions, this horror comes to the fore as it’s not uncommon to watch or hear Somaliland officials deliver speeches only to be caught drifting off script into the wilderness of Soomaalinimo. It’s even more peculiar witnessing how what was supposed to be a bygone era affects younger Somalilanders due to the glamourisation of Soomaalinimo. Sustaining myths is not without merit, it is a part of an overall strategy by Somalia for maintaining a specific narrative against Somaliland’s statehood.

Theft of Somaliland’s cultural heritage and intellectual properties

In terms of creativity, Somalia produces literature, art and poetry of little value, a void filled by Somalilanders who are known for their rich cultural and linguistic heritage. Therefore, Somalia is feeding off the intellectual, cultural, linguistic, art and music heritage of Somaliland and passing it on as a Somali Heritage ‘dhaxal Soomaaliyeed’. Even on occasions of historic importance as Somalia’s Independence Day on 1 July 1960, the current president of Somalia was caught quoting Kaana siib, kanna saar” poem of Cabdillaahi Suldaan Timacadde of Somaliland, who composed the poem on the eve of Somaliland’s Independence Day from Britain on 26^th June 1960. Perhaps the greatest theft of Somaliland’s cultural heritage and intellectual properties was most pronounced during the Kacaan era of Siyaad barre who sought to erase the history and identity of Somalilanders in preparation for the Isaaq genocide. Axmed Idaajaa and Aw Jaamac were handpicked for this project and armed with all the resources of the state, they presided over what could only be considered the greatest state-sponsored appropriation of the cultural heritage of one people on behalf of another.

Framing Somaliland as a secessionist region

Part of the ideological warfare Somalia wages against Somaliland on the diplomatic front is the propagation of false and misleading narratives. What this does is confuse the international community by reducing Somaliland’s historical and legal right to statehood as a separatist problem for Somalia, which deliberately ignores the historic and legal case of Somaliland as a country that freely entered a union (the act of union was unratified) with Somalia in 1960. A narrative designed to obstruct any chance of Somaliland being re-recognised. Something Somalia argues could lead to the rest of Somalia disintegrating into various clannistans. An argument that holds little or no weight that it was dismissed by the AU’s own 2005 report on Somaliland. The legal case of Somaliland might be watertight, but Somaliland’s elites are not as cunning as those of Somalia who run what can only be described as a mafia state.

The granddaddy of all absurdity is the claim of Somalia that pre-dates the partition of Africa in 1885. They believe European powers divided Somalia into five regions. However, when the Italian, French and British arrived in the HoA, they encountered bellicose and periodically warring Somali nomads dispersed across a vast land. These nomads shared little in common beyond the lands grazed by their animals and were certainly not unified or living under any form of a recognisable system of government. The concept of modern statehood, and civil administration, as far as Somalis are concerned, coincided with the arrival of Europeans in their respective territories. The local traditions and tribal chieftain rulers reigned supreme. Almost all the countries in Africa, except a few, are the product of European colonisation. Somalia and Somaliland are no different. But what this kind of historical revisionism demonstrates is total regard for all accounts of history and facts in favour of lies, deceit and propaganda – a quintessential modus operandi of Somalia. A practice that can be traced back to the Kacaan regime of Siyaad Barre that pioneered history revisionism and transformed many questionable figures of history into heroes and heroines of Somalia (see the Mad Mullah and Hawa Tako). A debate for another day in the de-kacaanification of Somalia’s history.

Today, nothing is more absurd, if not more embarrassing for Somaliland than the presence of a cohort of impersonators claiming to represent the people of Somaliland in the political institutions of Somalia. These are people whom nobody elected or could ever set foot in Somaliland. Somalia’s shell of institutions including the supreme court, parliaments, and cabinet employs these political fraudsters. Their presence in Somalia is meant to reinforce an image of Somaliland that is still part and parcel of Somalia but in reality, these imposters are nothing more than rent-seekers with the parasitic intent of leeching off Banadir communities – Somalia’s sole tax-paying constituent. Paradoxically, this constituent of two or so million people have no genuine representation in the political institutions of Somalia and is subject to constant insecurities in the form of bombing and bullets from the warring actors of Somalia. The political relevance of these imposters to Somalia is as important as a flower might be to the courtyard of a dilapidated palace. Beyond the optics (illusionary in intent), it’s entirely unnecessary to the actual functioning of the house of “duopoly” – to quote a term coined by Prof Ahmed Samatar of Macalester’s Institute for Global Citizenship. Nevertheless, narratives are to be actively maintained if the intended objectives remain outstanding by enhancing the tools of influence for maximum damage. The world of media, academia and influential personalities in Somaliland represents three key areas ripe for exploitation.

Capturing key influential people and media personalities of Somaliland

Traditionally, conventional media such as television, radio and newspapers dominated the news and current affairs space. They were trusted sources of information and brought their audience factual news and analysis of important events while holding those in power to account through the scrutiny of their work and conduct in public offices. To this end, they largely played a constructive and positive role in society. But what happens when a journalist morphs from being a credible source of information into chasing clout in the form of likes, shares, and comments on social media – where news is now instantaneous? What happens to ethics, morality, integrity, and the professionalism associated with journalism? Additionally, what is the position of those lacking appropriate academic background, qualifications and training who misuse the title of a journalist? These are the kind of questions Somaliland is grabbling with and formulating coherent answers may form part of the solution.

To protect both the reputation of the profession and the freedom and independence of journalists in Somaliland, the scope of their activities must be regulated and legally defined. This is where having a robust media law fits in. The skills and journalistic capacity of journalists can be upgraded to meet minimum acceptable standards. A licence to practice can ensure the profession is not brought into disrepute by unscrupulous actors masquerading as journalists. Arbitrary arrest of those accused of committing media crimes is doing more damage to the international reputation and image of Somaliland than good. It is also an open goal for Somalia and its propaganda army to paint Somaliland as a hostile environment for the freedom of the press. Regardless, we shall be reminded, that freedom of speech is not absolute; it’s constrained by many factors, especially where the rights of others are infringed upon.

The role of media in modern warfare is fast changing and is shifting to new grounds: social media has become the new battleground for spreading disinformation to populations with high internet and device penetrations. States and malign actors alike are shifting their focus into this arena. Achieving political instability by sawing the seeds of discord and division through social media has become a preferred choice of warfare for Somalia against Somaliland. The absence of any laws governing the responsible use of social media platforms meant anyone can post anything without facing any consequences – a form of digital anarchism. Therefore, the law must catch up with social media platforms given their power and influence on people.

The situation is complicated by the recruitment and capture of media personalities in Somaliland by Somalia’s intelligence agency to spread chaos and confusion to the public in Somaliland. Since Farmaajo came to power in Somalia in 2016, the recruitment of influential people and media personalities from Somaliland has been turbocharged amid the promise of foreign visas, money, and political positions in Somalia. Young men and women born, raised, and educated in Somaliland are lured into Somalia where they pose for pictures with officials in Mogadishu. It is not long after they become ideologically transformed, and they begin propagating Somalia’s official narrative on Somaliland. For those confessing to be ‘journalists’, their standard line of defence is “I am a Somali journalist who impartial to all Somali people” when challenged or questioned. Imagine, a scenario where a Taiwanese journalist becomes a Chinese propagandist just to offer the ludicrous explanation of being “A Chinese journalist who is impartial to all ethnic Chinese people”. What conceivable excuses – if any, could they offer for being the tool used to undermine one’s own country by another country that is ideologically and existentially opposed to yours.

To muddy the water further, there are at least a dozen or so media outlets owned by Somalia operating in Somaliland airwaves broadcasting propaganda. Almost the perfect situation to shape the public opinions of your adversary from within. An effective solution is to shut them down permanently. No other country tolerates being undermined from within by its adversary, and Somaliland is no exception to the rule.

Another remarkable feat of success for the Somalian campaign to subvert Somaliland is the think tanks based in Mogadishu that organise annual gatherings of ‘Somali Academic’ in various cities across the HoA. The organisers and think tanks all originate from and carry the name of Somalia, yet panellists from Somaliland still participate. It shouldn’t escape our attention that these think tanks have never disclosed the source of their funding or the purpose of their existence beyond the carefully curated PR statements of being the spark plugs for igniting debates. Members of Somaliland’s academic community and thinkers should tread carefully when participating in these Somalia oriented conferences.

Joining these YouTubers are a long list of religious figures, poets, musicians, and other members of society who engage in the same subversive acts. The gift of subversion itself is that if sustained long enough, there is a point where your enemy no longer perceives you as such argued Yuri Bezmenov – the former KGB propaganda officer. If recent world events offer any examples of this for Somaliland’s government and its policymakers, they should look no further than Eastern Ukraine and how subversive activities led to chaos from within. Trump’s ascent to power in 2016 is another pertinent example of a major world power being subverted. Both are examples of what happens when state subversion goes unchecked, and the hostile foreign power begins supporting its preferred domestic political actors. Today, there are shady figures within the political establishment of Somaliland who actively propagate or assume the same position as Somalian politicians on matters of great importance. If the elites can be subverted and infiltrated this way, what chance do the common man or woman in Somaliland stand? This is nothing short of a spectacular failure of a country’s elite.

Elite failure in Somaliland

To lead is to be trusted, and to be trusted is to lead. And with leadership comes a vision. In the grand scheme of things, Somaliland is a relatively young nation-state. In the aftermath of the war of liberation in 1991, the elites were remarkably successful in steering the young republic away from anarchism and state failure through a series of organic peace and reconciliation conferences (39 in total) that laid the foundations for the modern-day state of Somaliland. In the first and second decade since the re-establishment of Somaliland, the late President M.I. Egal and his successor D. Kaahin were preoccupied with state-building. Both leaders and their respective administrations closely guarded the sovereignty of the state by rejecting to recognise the legitimacy of the authorities that were based in Mogadishu. It’s almost as if the words of the great Somaliland philosopher and poet Hadraawi were playing in their minds: “nin ku yidhi sinnaan mayno, adna buri sarrayntiisa, sidka waa wadaagtaane, ma sagaashan baa tiisu” to persist in mutual recognition or none policy towards Somalia. Laws were passed that prohibited Somalilanders from engaging and taking part in the political macabre of Somalia. An approach that proved a success and prevented subversion against Somaliland from within.

In life and as well as in politics, change is inevitable, and if anything brings free societies moments of surprise, it’s the periodic change of guards in government. Newcomers initiate change that better reflects their ideological and manifesto commitments, but some changes bring seismic shifts in policies, both domestic and foreign. The 2010 election in Somaliland brought to power a new party and a leader – with a different vision from that of his predecessor. President Siilaanyo and his foreign minister Dr Abdullahi Omar – the infamous architect of the Somaliland-Somalia talks – pursued a foreign policy based on soliciting the maximum aid possible from donor countries. In 2012, the U.K. government organised a conference on Somalia and sought the participation of Somaliland by offering Siilaanyo’s government a £105 million aid package. Lured by the promise of aid money, the elites gathered in Hargeisa and made a swift decision to attend the conference. It marked a major departure from Somaliland’s previous policy of non-engagement with anything involving Somalia.

The outcome of the conference was to have a profound impact on Somaliland when the communique suggested talks between Somaliland and Somalia to clarify their future relations. The public in Somaliland was sceptical of talks with Somalia but the elites were eager to try something new, alas without a strategy. A decade on, talks with Somalia reached a dead end. For Somalia, the objective of the talks was always about reconciliation – a contradictory position to that of Somaliland which seeks to formally end the status quo. Nevertheless, Somalia’s elites outmanoeuvred those from Somaliland by localising the talks to a mere internal reconciliation process. But Negotiations continued with teams from both sides meeting in the U.K, Turkey, and Djibouti without any substantial achievements. Almost all the bilateral agreements reached between the two countries were negated by Somalia, which calls into question Somalia’s capacity to enter and honour international agreements.

The failure of Somaliland’s elites does not end there. They failed to realise this: by agreeing to engage in open-ended talks with Somalia, they were lending the authority in Mogadishu a much-needed political legitimacy to show they were the sole representative authority of Somalia. A fatal (if not stupid) error of historic significance.

By the end of the decade, Somaliland lost its airspace management to Somalia and agreed to the streamlining of international aid into one via the Somalia multiparter fund. This means aid for Somaliland is channelled through Somalia, giving them immense political leverage over Somaliland. The recent catastrophic fire in Hargeisa laid bare how aid channelled through Somalia was used to subvert Somaliland by eroding the collective confidence of the people in their government. This is all happening due to a lack of political foresight among the elites addicted to aid.

Aid as we know it is closely tied to politics and diplomacy. Donor countries to Somaliland have their diplomatic presence in Mogadishu under the one Somalia framework but they regularly visit Hargeisa where they are afforded the privilege to tour state institutions. This has effectively transformed Somaliland into another federal member state of Somalia with the blessing of the elite in Hargeisa even when it is obvious to them that the country’s sovereignty is being infringed upon. The icing on the cake – if such a term could be used in this context, was the social and political integration of Somalia and Somaliland that led to the removal of all barriers relating to trade and free movement of people. Somaliland’s elites were masterfully played like a fiddle as though history thought them nothing. The cumulative effect of their choices through the years is caused irreversible damage to the country. Therefore, to truly de-couple Somaliland from Somalia, the country must reject anything related to Somalia including diplomats based in Somalia. Aid is not a substitute for sovereignty, thus operating with an NGO mentality when tasked with state affairs is a failure at the highest level of government. Worse yet, a culture of subcontracting the delivery of basic public services to NGOs means institutional development has no chance. Every ministry in Somaliland is attached to one or more NGOs based in Mogadishu, giving Somalia a real chance of subverting Somaliland’s institutions.

The institutions of the state are only as good as the people occupying them; in the case of Somaliland, they are individuals with little or no regard for the common good of the people and country. Their appointments are not based on meritocracy, experience, or expertise but on filling a tribal quota system at the behest of the chieftains. When meritocracy is disregarded, the great offices of the state become saturated with people whose only reason for being there is to satisfy that very system, thus, incompetence reigns supreme paralysing the state. Therefore, the separation of the state and the tribe is necessary and timely by stripping the chiefs of their self-anointed powers over the people. The existence of parallel authorities in the country, more powerful than the elected government is an existential threat to the continuity of the state. A symptom of elite failure and multi-party democracy that could hasten the demise of the state – a frightening prospect for all.

Conclusion

If history teaches us anything, it’s our ability to study and learn from it in the hope of avoiding a repeat of past mistakes. In this regard, the London 2012 Somalia conference and the subsequent agreement between Somaliland and Somalia must be regarded by Somalilanders as the biggest blunder since the rejection of statehood in 1960. A clear example of elites not learning anything from history. Somalia’s refusal to see Somaliland as an equal, demands a response in kind by reflecting on the words of Hadraawi of Somaliland: “nin ku yidhi sinnaan mayno, adna buri sarrayntiisa”.

The Machiavellian mentality of Somalia’s elites has been there all along and is not to be under-estimated. It is woven into the fabric of their thought process. Yet, their cunning, manipulative, and ruthlessness work every time against Somaliland elites who get outwitted at every turn. Given this, engaging in talks with Somalia is an exercise in futility. They have shown to be completely incapable of honouring agreements, a serious reminder to Somaliland not to trust a wolf in a sheep’s clothing. Taking Somaliland’s legally watertight case to the international court of justice stands a greater chance than seeking a political settlement.

The social and political integration between Somaliland and Somalia must be reversed. It’s the genesis of all the subversion activities currently taking place in the country. Surely, by now Somalilanders must have lost any residual faith in their elites whose actions are leading the country to a point of no return. A new breed of leaders with a sufficient understanding of what it means to be public servants and committed to the preservation of the country’s sovereignty must rise to the challenge of our generation. Shy patriots who are currently watching everything from the sidelines like spectators in a football match shall know indifference is an endorsement of the current status quo.

MA MAR KALE AYAA MAANDEEQ LA WAAYI?

Will she, the camel (Maandeeq) go missing again?

UN News, 2012. UN-Arab League envoy warns of the threat of “Somalization” of Syria. UN News. Available at: https://news.un.org/en/audio/2012/12/577182
Federalism in post-conflict Somalia: A critical review of its reception and governance challenges. Regional & amp; Federal Studies, [online] Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/13597566.2021.1998005?needAccess=true
Hiiraal institute, 2020. A Losing Game: Countering Al-Shabab’s Financial System. [online] Hiraalinstitute.org. Available at: https://hiraalinstitute.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/A-Losing-Game.pdf
BBC News, 2008. BBC News | World | Africa | Deadly car bombs hit Somaliland. [online] News.bbc.co.uk. Available at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/7696986.stm
CNN, 2013. Kenyan police vow to ‘finish and punish’ Westgate Mall terrorists. [online] CNN. Available at: http://edition.cnn.com/2013/09/23/world/africa/kenya-mall-attack/index.html
Radio Free Europe, 2005. World: Was Soviet Collapse Last Century’s Worst Geopolitical Catastrophe?. [online] Radio FreeEurope. Available at: https://www.rferl.org/a/1058688.html
Daily Herald, 1960. The colony that rejected freedom. British Newspaper Archive [online] Available at: https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk
Pulitzer Center. 2018. In the Valley of Death: Somaliland’s Forgotten Genocide. [online] Available at: https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/valley-death-somalilands-forgotten-genocide
African Union. 2022. Resolutions adopted by the first ordinary session of the assembly of heads of state and government held in Cairo. [online] Available at: https://au.int/sites/default/files/decisions/9514-1964_ahg_res_1-24_i_e.pdf
BBC News. 2021. Somalia violence: Rival units fight amid row over president’s term. [online] Available at: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-56879935
Aar, 2010. Defining and Examining the Term ‘Faqash’. [online] Available at: https://www.somalilandcurrent.com/defining-and-examining-the-term-faqash/
Kaplan, M., 1952. An Introduction to the Strategy of Statecraft. World Politics, 4(4), pp.548-576.
Honig, O. and Yahel, I., 2017. The art of “subversive conquest”: How states take over sovereign territories without using military force. Comparative Strategy, [online] 36(4), pp.293-308. Available at: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01495933.2017.1361200
Capotorti, F., 1979. Study on the rights of persons belonging to ethnic, religious, and linguistic minorities /. [online] United Nations Digital Library System. Available at: https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/10387
Lewis, I., 1980. A Modern History of the Somali Nation and State in the Horn of Africa. 2nd ed. London: Westview Press Boulder & London.
Hill, M., 2010. No redress: Somalia’s forgotten minorities. [online] minority rights. Available at: https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/eoir/legacy/2013/11/08/No_Redress.pdf
African Union, 2005. AU Fact-Finding Mission to Somaliland. [online] American rhetoric. Available at: https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/PDFFiles/au-fact-finding-mission-to-somaliland-30-april-to-4-may-2005.pdf
Frohardt, M. and Temin, J., 2003. Use and Abuse of Media in Vulnerable Societies. [online] United States Institute of Peace. Available at: https://www.usip.org/publications/2003/10/use-and-abuse-media-vulnerable-societies
Christie, E., 2019. Political Subversion in the Age of Social Media. European View, [online] 18(1). Available at: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/1781685819843771
Interpeace. 2008. THE SEARCH FOR PEACE – Peace in Somaliland: An Indigenous Approach to State-Building. [online] Available at: https://www.interpeace.org/wp-content/uploads/2008/04/2008_SomS_Interpeace_APD_Statebuilding_EN.pdf
United Kingdom Government. 2012. London Conference on Somalia: Communique. [online] Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/london-conference-on-somalia-communique–2
United Kingdom Government. 2012. Strengthening the UK’s relationship with Somaliland. [online] Available at: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/strengthening-the-uks-relationship-with-somaliland–2
Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2013. The Ankara Communiqué released at the end of the meetings between Somali and Somaliland, 13 April 2013, Ankara. [online] Available at: https://www.mfa.gov.tr/ankara-communique-_-between-somali-and-somaliland_-13-april-2013.en.mfa
Türkiye Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 2014. Historic Somalia Summit in Ankara. Presidents of Somalia and Somaliland met in Ankara. [online] Available at: https://www.mfa.gov.tr/historic-somalia-summit-in-ankara-presidents-of-somalia-and-somaliland-met-in-ankara.en.mfa
Mohamoud, M., 2014. Somaliland – Somalia: Failing the Joint Airspace Management is the Total Failure to Resume the Talks. [online] Academia.edu. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/7934302/Somaliland_Somalia_Failing_the_Joint_Airspace_Management_is_the_Total_Failure_to_Resume_the_Talks

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Mustafe Ahmed is a graduate of Biomedical Sciences and MSc student in medical imaging based in the U.K. He is known for political activism and is a self-appointed ambassador of Somaliland.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Notes

Somaliland Government Makes Cash payments to 988 Waaheen Market Business Owners

By

Staff

-

April 17, 2022

0

The President of the Republic of Somaliland, Muse Bihi Abdi, has started making cash payments to business owners affected by Waaheen Fire. The cash distribution program unveiled at the Presidency on Saturday has so far paid out $1,872,511 US dollars to 988 business owners whose capital was valued between 73 to 5000 US dollars by the Waaheen market committee.

Somaliland government has kick-started the recovery of Waaheen with a million dollars pledged by President Bihi immediately after the market fire and additional funding of 8 million dollars has been pledged by Somaliland businesses. In addition, President Bihi has accepted around 12 million dollars from the World Bank, which has been frozen by Somalia’s government.

Sahamiye Foundation has now completed distribution of cash transfers to traders affected by the market fire. $313,700 was sent to 761 women traders contributing to increased market activity and lower grocery prices. Government distribution is scheduled to commence tomorrow. pic.twitter.com/7YWoBlMc9H
— Ismail Ahmed (@Ismail_WR) April 15, 2022

Sahamiye Foundation, founded by World Remit founder Mr. Ismail Ahmed has distributed 313,700 US dollars to 761 female traders affected by the Waaheen fires.

Mr. Ismail Ahmed thanks the Mayor of Hargeisa for taking action against local government workers for allegedly charging a percentage to the traders in exchange for verifying their identities as business owners who were affected by the Waaheen fires. It is unclear if guardrails and oversight mechanisms have been established by the Somaliland government to keep corruption at bay and ensure that funds go to those affected by Waaheen Fires.

The Mayor of Hargeisa has taken swift action against rogue tax collectors who defrauded fire victims we helped by collecting $10-$40 from each one. Whistleblowers who alerted us and provided evidence used to prosecute them will receive rewards to encourage others. pic.twitter.com/G7rwp758qv
— Ismail Ahmed (@Ismail_WR) April 11, 2022

Corruption in the form of a registration fee or changing the amount intended for aid recipients is a common practice in Somaliland.

Besides the efforts to replace the loss of capital for small business owners of Waaheen, the Somaliland government is working to build out new temporary markets while clean-up and rebuilding activities are being scoped out by the Ministry of Public Works and Housing in close coordination with Hargeisa Municipality.

Hargeisa Prison Revolt Leads to Multiple Reporters’ Arrest

By

Staff

-

April 13, 2022

0

According to law enforcement sources who spoke on condition of anonymity, prisoners in Hargeisa prison revolted following an objection to a prisoner who was arrested on blasphemy charges, sources add that the block where the revolt started houses mainly terrorism suspects.

Hours later government officials including the commander of Somaliland’s custodial corps spoke to the media and stated that no inmates were harmed and that some corrections officers have suffered minor injuries and that the situation has been brought under control.

Local reporters who covered the unfolding and chaotic scene were taken into custody during live streaming of the event whereas others were later arrested. Although no charges were filed against the 10 reporters from multiple media outlets, law enforcement sources stated that the reporters were either broadcasting false information or transmitting operational detail of an active law enforcement event. It is unclear what laws were broken and if charges will be brought against the reporters.

Opposition parties and the Somaliland Journalist Association have condemned the arrest of the journalist and demanded their immediate release.

This is a developing story and we will update as we know more.

Somaliland Should not Fall for Villa Somalia’s Crocodile Tears to Exploit Waheen Market Fire

By

Staff

-

April 4, 2022

0

Using the devastating fire at the Waaheen market in Hargeisa, Villa Somalia has seen yet another opportunity to lie and exploit the tragedy and the gullibility of the government of Somaliland to advance a narrative of a savior that is so moved and is ready to infuse almost 12 million dollars to help the recovery and the potential visit of Somali Federal Government ministers to Somaliland. This is beyond despicable and fits in a larger pattern of Villa Somalia highjacking narratives to its advantage, but Somaliland should not fall for the crocodile tears and we must separate sympathy calls from cold and calculated moves by Villa Somalia to exploit our fiery tragedy.

Some simpletons may wonder why Somaliland should categorically reject a delegation from Somalia if it’s welcoming similar delegations from other Somalis in the region, such as Djibouti and Ethiopia. The answer is simple: only Somalia hosts a sham election of imposters who claim to represent the people of Somaliland in Mogadishu while denying the will of the people of Somaliland, only Somalia, especially under Farmajo, has spent millions to destabilize and sow discord among the people of Somaliland. This unhealthy and fatalistic pursuit of keeping Somaliland under its thumb set the Somali government, not the people, apart from anyone else in the world. This simple yet profound difference is why the Somaliland government and its people should remain vigilant of false narratives from Somalia and especially when trying to exploit one of the biggest tragedies in Somaliland’s modern history.

As President Bihi said at the Heritage Foundation when asked about what makes him proud about Somaliland, our resiliency is our greatest asset that has sustained us for more than a quarter of a century of international isolation and will get us through the tragedy of the Waaheen market fire but while resiliency is our strongest suit, gullibility and falling for every trap set by Somalia, especially under Farmajo has been our Achilles’ heels and the supposed offer of help from Somalia should be viewed with a healthy dose of skepticism.

Somaliland government has been criminally slow in setting the record straight, particularly about the truth of the World Bank funds — 12 million dollars — that Somalia is claiming to release and has given Somalia the ability to exploit and repackage narratives to their advantage. This lack of clarity and communication must change, and keeping the public informed is a priority that will help shut the door and preempt the Villa Somalia squatters from exploiting our consistent achievements or occasional tragedies.

Somaliland Chronicle is responsible for the content of this editorial.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Somaliland and Taiwan to Collaborate on implementing Digital Health Information Management System

By

Staff

-

March 30, 2022

0

In a ceremony attended by officials from the Ministry of Health Development and the Taiwan Representative Office in Somaliland, the governments of Somaliland and Taiwan have unveiled the implementation of the Health Information Management Efficiency Enhancement Project (Digital Health). The project which will be piloted in a limited number of health care facilities will help digitize patient and hospital management is a collaborative effort between Somaliland’s Ministry of Health Development, Taiwan ICDF, and Kaohsiung Medical University Chung-Ho Memorial Hospital.

This is one of many projects that Taiwan is working on with Somaliland since the establishment of the two countries’ bilateral ties and the second healthcare-related project. Previously, Taiwan and Somaliland have initiated the Maternal and Infant Health Care Improvement Project.

WEAPONS cannot increase human welfare, but HEALTH does
Ambassador Allen Lou

“Taiwan always has the will and ability to contribute to the international society. It is not acceptable that Taiwan has been politicalized not to join WHA and WHO activities to contribute more in the previous years. Taiwan believes that “WEAPONS cannot increase human welfare, but HEALTH does”. Taiwan will continue to safeguard the universal health values and to honor our commitments on health cooperation to benefit the people.” said Ambassador Allen Lou, Taiwan’s Representative in Somaliland.

The Deputy Minister of Health Development, Mr. Liban Yusuf Osman, who also spoke at the signing ceremony, said “The Somaliland government is committed to improving the national medical level. Under this project, bilateral health cooperation will be more comprehensive and productive”.

Computerized patient and hospital management systems have been standard in many developed countries and are attributed to the drastic reduction in medical mistakes and the case of pandemics such as COVID-19 tracing and tracking infections. Although Somaliland has higher cellular and internet penetration compared to similarly underdeveloped countries, Somaliland’s government has been slow to adopt technology to serve its citizens.

Taiwan, a technology powerhouse, is currently collaborating with the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology on the implementation of e-government, secure data exchange between government entities, and a technology innovation hub. It’s unclear if the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology will have a role in helping implement the health informatics project or have a future role such as ensuring the system is secure from cyber threats.

The lack of proper records to tally medical mistakes that occur in both public and private hospitals make it impossible to quantify the number of medical mistakes in Somaliland but there have been very public incidents where patients have been transfused with the wrong blood type or expired for lack of oxygen in Hargeisa Group Hospital. It is unclear if the sprawling Hargeisa Group Hospital is a candidate to pilot the digital health management system.

Can Somaliland Succeed Where Iraqi Kurdistan Failed?

By

Staff

-

March 23, 2022

0

When, in 2003, a U.S-led invasion ended the decades-long threat that Saddam Hussein posed to Iraqi Kurdistan, Kurds had reason for optimism. For more than two decades, they had run northern Iraq as a state within a state. They received little if any international aid—the United Nations and donor nations insisted on channeling humanitarian assistance through Baghdad—but had nevertheless managed to create a functioning society replete with schools, universities, some small-scale industry, and their own defense force. The Kurdistan Regional Government’s budget was less than one billion dollars. They based its budget on taxation, customs duties from the Ibrahim Khalil/Habur border crossing with Turkey, and some remittances.

Kurds suspected they sat upon huge hydrocarbon resources. While Iraq’s lucrative Rumaila fields were 900 kilometers south of the Kurdish capital Erbil, oil fields on the outskirts of Kirkuk lay just 50 kilometers away from the Kurdish-Iraqi green line, close enough that Kurds could see the glow from the Baba Gurgur oil field and gas flare on the horizon at night.

After 2003, Kurds confirmed what they had long suspected: Their region was relatively rich with untapped hydrocarbon. Their followed a black gold rush. The Kurdish Regional Government sold exploration and development rights over various blocs to international oil companies, and collected advances to support the profligate spending of the ruling families. Corruption abounded. Investors found little recourse in the local judiciary system that answered more to political bosses than to the law. An avalanche of international arbitration cases found against Kurdish authorities. While Kurds expected a windfall, they soon found themselves more than $20 billion in debt, a burden for a region of six million people. Investors meanwhile pulled up stakes and departed for fields less blighted by the corruption and greed of local leaders. Iraqi Kurdish leaders, accustomed to being treated as the centers of the universe by their circles of courtiers, never fully grasped that they needed the oil companies more than the oil companies needed them.

Today, Somaliland has a similar opportunity. International oil companies are increasingly convinced Somaliland has rich reserves, and Somaliland authorities are looking to attract foreign investors.

While oil was ultimately a curse for Iraqi Kurdistan, Somaliland appears well situated to manage and benefit from the windfall. Iraqi Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani and his son (and current Prime Minister Masrour Barzani) always took the attitude L’état, c’est moi. No business can operate in the region without making payments to prominent Barzanis and often taking them or their proxies on as ghost partners. Somaliland, however, has a long history of separating business and politics. In 1991, it was Somaliland businessmen who corralled political leaders to ensure a peaceful and stable system while the rest of Somalia descended into chaos. Today, the richest men in Somaliland are not the politicians but rather the country’s entrepreneurs. Some commercial monopolies or duopolies—especially in telecommunications and banking—may distort the regional economy, but they cannot prevent energy development nor, frankly, do they have any desire to. The net result will be an economy that expands rather than constrains.

Accountability also matters. While Somalia is among the world’s most corrupt states, Somaliland has a record of greater responsibility and is perhaps the cleanest country in the Horn of Africa or, for that matter, the Sahel. In 2019, for example, President Muse Bihi Abdi dismissed two ministers after the auditor general found them complicit in corruption. While critics can point to secrecy surrounding some past administration contracts and press freedom violations when journalists push too hard, the government is broadly transparent with regard to its expenditures. Most importantly, Somaliland’s history of genuinely contested elections encourages accountability. Political opposition does not hesitate to question and shine a light on any alleged impropriety.

Political stability is crucial. To win oil contracts in Somalia, companies must bribe or work through fixers, such as U.S. Rep. Ilhan Omar’s brother-in-law. Somali officials, like Iraqi Kurds, often seek to sell blocs in areas they do not truly control or maintain only a tenuous hold. Somalia President Mohamed Farmaajo likely seeks to stay in power extra-constitutionally in part so he can cash in from what he imagines could be a Somali oil boon. Cutting deals with Russia or China might put money in his pocket, but it does little to alleviate concerns over Somalia’s political instability and terror threats. Somaliland contracts, in contrast, are safe and stable and, with relatively little risk and investment, Somaliland can transport oil and gas from the interior of the country to port.

A windfall after decades of deprivation can be dangerous. Many administrations allow greed and corruption to triumph over good governance and transparency. This in turn leads major energy companies to move on to safer locales with better business environments. That successive Somaliland governments have a history of allowing business to thrive and recognize that true stability depends on the ability of the industry to catalyze development and support a middle class offers more than hope. It makes Somaliland a far safer bet than many recent oil boom examples.

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute

Breaking – China Supplied Thousands of AK47s, Ammunition, and Portable Surveillance Drones to Somalia

By

Staff

-

March 22, 2022

0

According to multiple sources privy to the military aid unveiled by China’s Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa Mr. Xue Bing, the equipment provided was more than the handful of trucks and military ambulances presented at the event, instead, the shipment included thousands of AK47s, ammunition, cellular communication surveillance equipment and portable surveillance drones to the Federal Government of Somalia.

China’s Embassy to Somalia valued the shipment, which it describes as high mobility trucks, military ambulances, and water tankers, at five million US dollars.

The People’s Republic of China has appointed Mr. Xue Bing as its Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa in late February and this is the first trip to the region and Somalia.

Although a weapons embargo is in effect in Somalia under United Nations Resolution 2607, there are exceptions for armament intended for the development of the Somali National Army. It is unclear why the shipment of weapons was not shown in the transfer ceremony or if the People’s Republic of China reported the transfer of the military equipment to the United Nations Security Council as required by the resolution. China, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, has abstained from voting on Somalia’s weapons embargo resolution.

1/3 Handover Ceremony of Chinese Military Vehicles and Equipment Aid to Somalia was held at the Port of Mogadishu today. H.E. Amb @FeiShengchao, H.E. Minister of Defense @Amohamednur and Chief of @SNAForce General Odowaa Yusuf Rage attended the ceremony. pic.twitter.com/zRmKWA2gUZ
— Chinese Embassy in Somalia (@ChineseSomalia) March 18, 2022

Shortly after the transfer of weapons by the Chinese Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa to Somalia’s top military commander, General Odowaa, and the Minister of Defense Mr. Abdiqadir Jama, sources report that Somalia’s Prime Minister has ordered the immediate seizure of the military equipment.

It is unclear why the Prime Minister has confiscated the equipment, but there has been an ongoing rift between Somalia’s President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo and Prime Minister Mohamed Roble. Farmajo’s attempt to extend his term after it expired in February 2021 plunged Somalia into further political turmoil.

China’s transfer of weapons to Somalia comes in the middle of President Muse Bihi Abdi’s high-profile visit to the United States, where he met various government officials from the Departments of Defense and State and members of House and Senate Foreign Relations Committees.

On Thursday, March 17th, high-ranking members of the US Senator introduced the Somaliland Partnership Act to require the Department of State to report to Congress on engagement with Somaliland and to conduct a feasibility study, in consultation with the Secretary of Defense, regarding the establishment of a partnership between the United States and Somaliland.

The Somali Federal Government and the People’s Republic of China found their interests aligned when Taiwan and Somaliland established diplomatic ties in June 2020, and China’s effort to court Somaliland was rebuffed by President Bihi. Somalia and China claim Taiwan and Somaliland as part of their territories.

The only response to the arms transfer by China from the Somaliland government came as tweets from the Minister of Health, Mr. Hassan Gafadhi and from the Director-General of the Presidency, Mr. Mohamed A. Bile. Both officials pointed to the timing of the weapons transfer and called China’s action provocative.

#China’s supply of Military hardware to #Somalia in a time when Somaliland President @musebiihi is visiting USA is not a coincidence but a provocation to disrupt Somaliland’s relations with Taiwan and the emerging partnership with the US. @RepMcCaul @timburchett @Taiwan_SLD pic.twitter.com/yFawfEwigb
— Mohamed Ali Bile (@BilemohamedAli) March 18, 2022

Efforts to reach Somaliland government officials for comment on China’s transfer of military equipment to Somalia and if this signals a turning point in China’s approach in ratcheting pressure on Somaliland to give up its budding diplomatic ties with Taiwan.

The former Chairman of Waddani and presidential candidate, Mr. Abdirahman Abdillahi Irro, has criticized the Somaliland government for its bilateral ties with Taiwan and stated that China would have helped develop Somaliland as it has done in much of Africa. Officials from the Waddani party, including Hersi Haji Hassan, the Chairman, did not respond to questions about their view and the party’s stance on China’s transfer of military equipment, including large quantities of small arms, to Somalia.

President Bihi and his delegation in Washington DC are defending the same set of values upon which America’s core principles and values rest: Freedom and Democracy!

By

Staff

-

March 19, 2022

0

By Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr):

A quick glance of the diplomatic brilliance showcased by the President of Somaliland and his delegation in Washington DC shows that they are defending the principles for which they speak and on which our country’s vision rest: shared values of democracy, freedom, human dignity, and the rule of law that the U.S.A’s core values and principles stand for.

Despite the fact that Somaliland is surrounded by geographically hostile, hate-breeding, and jealous countries, despite the great diplomatic and security challenges that lie ahead for President Muse Bihi and his delegation, it is truly heartwarming and amazing to see how President Bihi and his delegation are determined to remain actively involved in all major security, diplomatic, economic and developmental aspects along Washington DC political power corridors without compromising upon the sovereignty, integrity, and independence of the Republic of Somaliland.

In this historic official state visit to the United States of America, President MBA and the members of his delegation are fully engaged in exploring in Washington DC all options on socio-economic, security, diplomatic and geostrategic advancement to achieve our national goals which best meet the needs and challenges facing the people of Somaliland today.

President Muse Bihi Abdi and his delegation are defending the most important, the most imperishable thing that the people of Somaliland have been cherishing for more than 30 years: Somaliland’s full recognition and independence as a free and self-determining nation.

Mr. President, the people of Somaliland worldwide are extremely grateful to you and your delegation for the valuable work you have done on our behalf.

ALLAH bless and protect the people and country of Somaliland.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Eng. Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr) is the Former Minister of Trade & Investment and Former Presidential Spokesman.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Somaliland Partnership Act & The Solomon Islands

By

Staff

-

March 18, 2022

0

Before highlighting the interests of the United States in a fully recognised Somaliland, there are benefits that Somaliland will continue to guarantee even without any recognition. These include the fight against piracy, anti-terrorism and being a progressive democracy. Often criticised for being a “peacocracy”, Somaliland people and government will protect their interior and external peace. Their homegrown democracy stems from their pastoral roots, and that is unlike to change with or without recognition because democracy enables the competing parties to transfer power fairly and peacefully. This ensures that, unlike Somalia, Somaliland will continue to be a reliable partner in the region without causing headaches in keeping the security and peace in the volatile region of the horn of Africa.

There are, however, equally important interests that are conditional on being fully recognised by the United States. To fully understand these, one needs to look at the situation of the Solomon Islands: Once a Taiwan ally, now its police force is being trained by China. This current example shows China’s aggressive foreign policy, targeting democracies that support the US and Taiwan. China’s influence in the Horn of Africa has continued to penetrate the political establishment. As such, one opposition party in Somaliland has toyed with the idea of seeking greater ties with China in the next upcoming presidential elections. We believe China’s capture of Somaliland will be inevitable if the United States continues with its one-Somalia policy. Like the Solomon Islands, the US might need to pay more to regain Somaliland in such a scenario. It is also feasible for enemies of the United States such as Iran and Russia gradually take interest and control of the Red Sea and Bab al-Mendab.

Learning from current and past experiences and proactively recognising Somaliland will ensure that all Somaliland political parties are pro-western. Recognising Somaliland as a fully democratic and Islamic nation will prove advantageous to US efforts to quash Islamic extremism affecting the region and the Arab world. In addition, Somaliland’s most recent partnership with Taiwan will enable it to be accepted within its own defined international dominance. This is important for Africa where only a fully recognized Somaliland can show the way to economic prosperity without being indebted to China.

On 4 April 2022, Somaliland and Somalia will be separated for a period longer than their union. Notwithstanding the colonial history, the last three decades have been long enough to make these two countries different, and Somaliland’s recognition mainly accepts the reality dictated by time. While recognising a new country is a headache, Somaliland is an exceptional case that will not repeat in Africa as per the African union fact-finding mission report of 2005. This report has been ignored by Africa similar to how most African countries did not vote for UN resolution against Russia. That’s why if the US Senate is not ready to recognise Somaliland directly, it should suggest a process by the African Union to act on the 2005 report.

In the past 30 years, Somaliland has acted as a de facto peacekeeper in the region, and for that, the geopolitical interest of the United States remains unchallenged. Somaliland shares and upholds the democratic values and the security interest of the United States and its allies. Without formal recognition or a roadmap from key stakeholders within the United States political establishment, exogenous factors can undermine the security state of the region.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Daud is an Australian Somalilander and Software Engineer. Works as a principal developer in a fintech company. Melbourne, Australia. Mr. Daud is also a Non-Resident Scholar at Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, Hargeysa Somaliland

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

McCaul, Smith Lead Bipartisan Letter on Increased Engagement with Somaliland

By

Staff

-

March 15, 2022

0

Press Release 03.14.22

Media Contact 202-225-5021

Washington, D.C. – House Foreign Affairs Committee Lead Republican Michael McCaul (R-TX), Africa, Global Health, and Global Human Rights Subcommittee Lead Republican Chris Smith (R-NJ), and other bipartisan House members sent a letter to Secretary Blinken calling for increased engagement with Somaliland.

The letter was signed by:

Lead Republican Michael McCaul (R-TX), Rep. Chris (R-NJ), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), (D-NJ), Rep. Peter Meijer (R-MI), Rep. Guy Reschenthaler (R-PA), Rep. Kay Granger (R-TX), Rep. Young Kim (R-CA), and Rep. Steve Chabot (R-OH)

“We write to urge the Biden Administration to consider increasing and deepening engagement with Somaliland on issues of mutual diplomatic, economic, and security interests,” the lawmakers wrote. “Somaliland’s geo-strategic location on the Gulf of Aden, consistent support for democracy, cooperation on countering terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the region, relations with Taiwan, and growing economic potential warrants that the United States explore additional opportunities to partner with Somaliland.”

The full text of the letter can be found here and below.

Dear Secretary Blinken

We write to urge the Biden Administration to consider increasing and deepening engagement with Somaliland on issues of mutual diplomatic, economic, and security interests. Somaliland’s geo-strategic location on the Gulf of Aden, consistent support for democracy, cooperation on countering terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the region, relations with Taiwan, and growing economic potential warrants that the United States explore additional opportunities to partner with Somaliland.

Recent events in the Horn of Africa have upended feeble stability in the region and further jeopardized prospects for a peaceful resolution to multiple regional and domestic issues. With civil war embroiling Ethiopia, with Eritrean involvement; return to military rule in Sudan; delayed elections and political infighting fueling increasing instability in Somalia, amidst unabated terrorist activity by Al-Shabaab; and the worst drought the region has seen in over forty years, the U.S. must rethink our current strategy of engagement to address these immense challenges and the threats posed to U.S. national security interests.

Somaliland has functioned autonomously for three decades—it maintains its own security, its own financial system, and its own trade relations. Several countries in the region, including Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya, maintain diplomatic relations and trade with Somaliland, even though they don’t formally recognize its independence. Some appear to have increased their engagement in the past year: Ethiopia, for example, recently upgraded its diplomatic representation by promoting its representative in Hargeisa to the rank of ambassador, and Kenya opened a Liaison Office in Somaliland last year. The United Kingdom, European Union, United Arab Emirates and Turkey also have representation in Hargeisa.

Strategic engagement with Somaliland would be a critical counterweight to China’s increasing investment in the Horn of Africa. Djibouti, which has long served as the U.S.’s staging ground for U.S. military operations in the region, has become vulnerable since China operationalized their own naval base just eight miles from Camp Lemonnier in 2017. One year later, two U.S. pilots suffered injuries from Chinese-deployed lasers, underscoring the significant threat presented to U.S. operations and regional access going forward. With Djibouti’s debt to China reportedly increasing to more than 70 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), China has ample leverage to gain a further foothold in the country and could conceivably pressure Djibouti for other political and strategic advantages that further undermine U.S. military operations. It is critical that the U.S. government pursues other strategic opportunities, like access to Berbera’s renovated airport and port, to safeguard our economic and security objectives in the Horn of Africa against further Chinese investment in Djibouti. Somaliland presents a democratic alternative, which has consistently resisted China’s encroachment and could ensure a continued U.S. presence on the Gulf of Aden.

Somaliland also established bilateral relations with Taiwan in September 2020 and exchanged representation shortly after. Somaliland and Taiwan have maintained close engagement, and during the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan provided Somaliland with donated COVID-19 vaccines. The U.S. should take steps to support a deepening relationship between the Somaliland and Taiwan, as required by the Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative (TAIPEI) Act of 2019, (P.L. 116–135), which calls on the U.S. government to consider additional engagement with nations that have strengthened, enhanced, or upgraded relations with Taiwan. The federal government of Somalia, meanwhile, does not maintain relations with Taiwan.

This Administration has stated that strengthening democracy and elevating democratic partners is a top global priority. Somaliland has repeatedly demonstrated the ability to hold peaceful, credible, and competitive elections and has shown a commitment to democracy and representative government for decades. USAID has partnered with the International Republican Institute and other civil society partners to support election preparations, increased transparency and voter education and deploy election observers, in fact Somaliland’s 2021 elections were the first in the world to be secured by biometric iris scans. Hargeisa has made important progress to advance democracy and effective governance and the Administration should seek to consolidate and reward this, particularly amidst further democratic backsliding elsewhere in the region.

With these political, economic, and security imperatives in mind, we urge the Administration to increase diplomatic engagement with Somaliland officials, senior leadership travel, and consider a permanent presence in Hargeisa. Increased partnership with Somaliland should be a priority and will mutually benefit U.S. and Somaliland interests. We thank you for your attention to this important matter.

###

Investigative Reports

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

About us

Most recent

Most popular

Subscribe