Aviation Official Found Dead in Mogadishu Greenzone Amidst Somalia-Somaliland Tensions, Foul Play Suspected.

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February 17, 2024

Since its liberation in 1991 after a brutal struggle, Somaliland has showcased remarkable self-reliance, democracy, and peace in a region typically marked by turmoil. Its unique history lays a solid foundation for its legally uninterrupted independence, offering a beacon of hope in the Horn of Africa. This region is in desperate need of a role model, and the question arises: while not perfect, why does the world deny it when such a role model has been stable for over three decades?

Often, the US State Department views the failed state of Somalia as the only contrast to Al-Shabab and not Somaliland. The fight against Al-Shabab remains a critical concern for global security and, therefore, should responsibly place Somaliland in a strategic position as an unwavering ally. Formal recognition of Somaliland is a strategic necessity that can bolster efforts to combat terrorism by backing two horses against Al-Shabab instead of just one. The international community’s hesitation, mischaracterising the Somaliland case as a secession, overlooks the reality that its governance model, as a rare Muslim democracy, has already served as a deterrent against extremism.

The apparent oversight of the United States towards Somaliland’s situation has been starkly highlighted by its response to Ethiopia’s impending recognition of Somaliland. Senior US officials have voiced concerns about the potential impact on the ongoing struggle against Al-Shabab. However, there’s an alternative perspective to consider:

The progression of the accord between Somaliland and Ethiopia continues unabated. Hence, adopting a prudent strategy to normalise Somaliland’s recognition becomes imperative. This approach not only prevents Ethiopia from being isolated but also safeguards the Ethiopia-Somalia relationship from deteriorating to a level that could adversely affect the concerted efforts against Al-Shabab on both fronts.

Moreover, the ethnonationalism seen in Somalia, now even echoed by figures like Ilhan Omar, contrasts starkly with the inclusive, democratic ethos of Somaliland. Besides terrorism, Somalia grapples with clan-based politics and identity-driven conflicts, whereas Somaliland has emerged as a model of stability and governance with its constitution that forbids clan-based parties or regions. This divergence is critical, emphasising the need for recognising Somaliland to honour its democratic achievements and offer a counter-narrative to the divisive tribalism and ethnonationalism fuelling conflicts in Somalia and beyond.

To add insult to injury, the US State Department continues to spend billions on the Somalian government, even though the collapse of Afghanistan serves as a grim reminder of the consequences of favouring fake and weak governments over accountable allies. Mogadishu, with its fragile political landscape, faces the risk of a similar fate to Kabul if the world fails to act. By embracing Somaliland, the world can foster a beacon of stability in the region, setting a precedent for governance that upholds the principles of resilience and democratic integrity.

In an era where religious and ethnonational extremism looms large, Somaliland stands as a testament to the achievements possible through perseverance and a commitment to democratic values. As Somaliland continues to lead by example, it’s time for the international community to follow Ethiopia’s lead.

Somaliland Asserts Sovereign Right Over Airspace – Advances in Civil Aviation Framework

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February 17, 2024

Based on the Somaliland Civil Aviation Authority Law (Law No. 70/2017) dated December 26,
2017, the Republic of Somaliland reaffirms its unwavering commitment to aviation sovereignty
with the enactment of the emphasizing its inherent right to independently manage its airspace.
Below are a few key points related to this topic:

Historical Evolution:

Since Somaliland reclaimed its independence, in 1991, Somaliland strategically
focused on rebuilding its civil aviation infrastructure, aligning with international
standards.
Notable progress in modernizing airports, particularly in Hargeisa and Berbera,
reflects Somaliland’s dedication to self-sufficiency and international compliance.

Legal Modernization:

The Somaliland Civil Aviation Authority Law establishes robust control of the
nation’s airspace, empowering the newly formed authority with comprehensive
functions and responsibilities.
Covering strategy, policy, offenses, passenger protection, and emergency
services, the law boldly asserts Somaliland’s sovereign right to independently
regulate its civil aviation activities in line with International Civil Aviation
Organization (ICAO) standards.

International Commitments:

Somaliland, resolute in its autonomy, has issued resolutions emphasizing swift
compliance with ICAO standards and industry best practices.
Presidential Decree No. 0223/042012 underscores Somaliland’s objective to
independently align with global aviation norms, reinforcing its right to self-
determination.

Ongoing Challenges:

Despite challenges and unilateral actions by the Somali Federal Government,
Somaliland remains committed to diplomatic talks for collaborative solutions to
airspace management issues.
Ongoing discussions highlight Somaliland’s persistence in asserting its sovereign
right to manage its airspace accordingly.
Conclusion: Somaliland’s enactment of the robust legal framework underscores not only its
commitment to international aviation standards but also its inherent right to autonomously
manage its airspace. The ongoing challenges further emphasize the importance of diplomatic
dialogue for resolving airspace management issues and

Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG)
Email: somalilandsag@gmail.com Website: www.slsag.org Tell: (703) 775-0177

Italy, please don’t listen to him. Africa has already expressed itself differently.

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February 9, 2024

Dr. Jama Musse Jama

In a recent interview, the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, expressed with some nostalgia the memory of the brotherhood that once linked the Italian fascist colonizers of the Mussolini era to the African people. He spoke of a people-to-people relationship, inviting the “owners” of the arable lands and plantations, without reflecting on the period when the plantations between the two rivers in the Horn of Africa were unjustly taken from the indigenous owners and cultivated by the Italian colonialists. The latter exploited and dehumanized indigenous workers, forcing them to perform arduous and inhumane work. When has a certain brotherhood ever materialized?

He should be ashamed of himself for making such a request. As an African, he should reflect on his words and their consequences. Before speaking, it would be appropriate for him to find out more. Fortunately, today’s Italians, like many other peoples in the contemporary world, have developed a critical awareness and have dissociated themselves from the crimes committed in the past. Similarly, Africans today, along with all those who have suffered historical injustices, have worked to overcome the painful past by writing about and condemning colonialism as a crime against humanity.

I want to communicate a thought derived from my dual identity as an Italian and an African to today’s Italians.

Dear Italians, I urge you not to return to the plantations. If Italy were to return, let it be to support projects such as that of the National University, one of the most significant in the field of authentic, equal, and beneficial interpersonal relationships for both peoples, which had already started in the 1980s. This is the type of collaboration that should characterize an eventual return.

Returning to recover the land is unnecessary, as it was obtained illegally. There is no refund for properties obtained unlawfully during the fascist period nor for industries such as that of the Duke of Abruzzi, for which restitution is impossible. If Italy were to return, it should do so to compensate for what was wrongly perpetrated in that period.

As regards the “Messenger,” who acts as an exclusive representative of himself, I highly recommend reading works such as “Black Skin, White Masks” by Frantz Fanon (1967) and “Frantz Fanon and the Psychology of Oppression” by Hussein Bulhan (1985). Furthermore, it might be useful to explore texts such as Hegel’s “The Phenomenology of Mind” (1966), Mannoni’s “Prospero and Caliban: the Psychology of Colonialism” (1968), and Orlando’s “Slavery and Social Death”. (1982).

I hope this enlightens him not to distort the message, aware as an African of the horror in the words accompanying his outbursts. I am not the spokesperson for the people of Somalia, since they are capable of expressing themselves independently. However, I find myself speaking as an African and a Somalilander, who would like to convey profound disgust at the words uttered by those declaring being in the role of leader of a nation.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Dr Jama Musse Jama has a PhD in Computational Linguistics, and has extensive research publications in mathematics, ICT and the role of art and culture in development. Founder of the Hargeysa International Book Fair, and currently Director of the Hargeysa Cultural Centre in Somaliland, Dr. Jama has also a Senior Research Associate position at DPU, University College London, UK. Dr. Jama can be reached @JamaMusse or email: jama[@]redsea-online.org

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Somali Irredentism: Threat to the Security of Kenya and Ethiopia

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February 2, 2024

African borders are a complex tapestry reflecting a rich mosaic of ethnic groups and cultures that spans multiple nations.

Beneath that patchwork, there is a smoldering issue of Ethno-nationalism which is too visible in Somalia in relation to its neighbors.

As a result of the recent geopolitical development, Kenya and Ethiopia find themselves at a particular juncture where dealing with Somalia expansionism has become a critical issue to preserve their territorial integrity as well as regional stability and peaceful coexistence.

Across the continent, many ethnic groups straddle borders that separate between African nations while their identities transcend the borderlines.

Borana in Ethiopia, for instance, extend all the way across the Kenyan border, while Afar in Djibouti share blood ties with their brothers in Ethiopia. The Maasai people too, live in both Kenya and Tanzania. This is a true emblematic of the complex ethnic landscape of the continent.

In 1964, African heads of states convened in Cairo and made a solemn pledge to respect the borders that existed on their achievement of national independence. This resolution, borne out of the need for harmony among African nations, aimed to prevent border conflicts caused by ethnic affiliations. Yet, Somali Irredentism poses a serious threat to this framework of border stability.

Entrenched in the principle of inherited ownership over all territories Somalis inhabit in East Africa, Somalia has historically disputed the borders of its neighboring countries.

In the 1960s, insurgencies were ignited in Kenya and Ethiopia, with Somalia asserting claims over Somali-inhabited regions and later on in 1977, Somalia directly waged war on Ethiopia in an attempt to seize the Somali region of Ethiopia by force.

Despite African Union’s principle to respect colonial borders, Somalia elites never cease to advocate for the regaining of these perceived ‘missing territories’.

President Hassan Sheikh who recently addressed the public in protest of the MoU between the Republic of Somaliland and Ethiopia underscored this sentiment and openly declared that there are territories Somalia is supposed to reclaim (implying the Somali regions of Ethiopia and Kenya). He described Ethiopia as a traditional enemy to Somalia.

In a similar vein, Somalia-born US lawmaker Ilhan Omar has stated that her country of origin Somalia will one day search for its missing lands.

In late 2006, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, head the committee of the Islamic courts Union (ICU) that then controlled much of Somalia, declared, “We will leave no stone un-turned to integrate our Somali brothers in Kenya and Ethiopia and restore their freedom to live with their ancestors in Somalia.”

Moreover, on January 3 this year, the Somali Ministry of Interior, Federal Affairs and Reconciliation released on its official twitter account a poster featuring a map of a previously unrealized Greater Somalia, with the Somali flag drawn over all Somali inhabited areas, including parts of Kenya and Ethiopia, although it was deleted later on.

To mitigate Somali Irredentism, official recognition of the Republic of Somaliland as a sovereign and independent nation emerges as pivotal solution which could end the dream of uniting all ethnic Somalis under the Somalia administration and also upholds the African union’s pledge to respect existing borders at the time of independence as articulated in the 1964 AU declaration.

Such recognition not only realizes Somaliland’s long over-due dream of recognition, but also serves as a deterrent against further Ethnonationalism ambitions to disrupt the colonial borders agreed by the AU.

In light of the recent MoU between Ethiopia and Somaliland, Ethiopia is set to become the first country to officially recognize the Republic of Somaliland as a sovereign nation, setting a precedent for regional stability.

Kenya, with its Somali-inhabited regions, faces similar imperative to protect its territorial integrity against Somalia’s ethnic expansionism and to prevent future border disputes, Kenya must uphold the AU 1964 declaration of adhering colonial borders and support the recognition of Somaliland.

The issue of Somalia Irredentism surpasses national boundaries, threatening the stability of the region. Kenya and Ethiopia, as key players in East Africa, must take proactive steps to address this challenge, recognize Somaliland and defend the sanctity of existing borders at the time of independence.

The recognition of Somaliland serves not merely as a diplomatic gesture but as a strategic step for safeguarding the security and prosperity of East Africa. The time for action is now, as Kenya and Ethiopia chart a course towards a future defined by stability and mutual respect among nations in East Africa.

Ismail Shirwac is a diplomat based in Nairobi currently serving as the First Secretary of the Republic of Somaliland mission in Kenya

Controversial Ilhan Omar Asserts Dominance Over U.S. Policy in Somaliland-Ethiopian Memorandum of Understanding

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January 28, 2024

In a charged address at a Minneapolis hotel, Representative Ilhan Omar claimed an unprecedented influence over U.S. policy regarding the Somaliland-Ethiopian Naval Base Agreement. Omar, facing increased scrutiny due to her recent removal from the Congressional Foreign Relations Committee, stirred further controversy by referring to Somalilanders as “Somali imposters” These blatantly racist remarks, delivered with fervent nationalism, have prompted concerns about her suitability in handling international matters.

During her speech, Representative Omar boldly stated, “The United States Government will do what I tell them to do about it,” referring to the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU). The context of her removal from the Foreign Relations Committee adds an extra layer of concern, with critics questioning whether her statements are fueled by unchecked nationalism rather than a nuanced understanding of international relations.

Omar’s passionate plea for confidence in the Somali diaspora in the U.S. took on a distinct nationalistic tone. Emphasizing, “It’s the confidence that we need to have in ourselves as Somalis,” she asserted that as long as she is in the United States Congress, no other country will take Somalia’s waters, and the United States will not support actions she deems as theft.

In an unusual congratulatory note to Somalian President Hassan Sh Mohamoud for opposing the MoU, Omar proclaimed, “Somalia is Somali, Somalia is one, we are brothers, and our lands are indivisible.” Her reference to “missing lands that we should be getting back,” including the Northern Kenyan territory of NFD and the Ethiopian Somali region, echoes back to the irredentism of the dictatorial regime of Siad Barre, which contributed to the downfall of the Somali Republic.

It’s noteworthy that Ilhan Omar’s apparent adherence to the destructive Somali ideology is linked to the late dictator Siad Barre, under whose regime Omar’s father served. Barre’s brutal dictatorship was marked by egregious human rights violation that culminated in the massacre of tens of thousands of Somalilanders by the very regime whose Omar father has served, raising concerns about Omar’s ties to a dark chapter in Somalia’s history.

Omar’s controversial statements, along with her recent removal from the Foreign Relations Committee, have fueled skepticism about her commitment to diplomatic prudence and nuanced foreign policy. Critics argue that the Congresswoman’s unchecked nationalism may jeopardize the principles of gratitude and loyalty expected from a public figure who sought refuge in the United States. The ongoing scrutiny surrounding Omar’s actions and statements raises important questions about her role in shaping U.S. foreign policy.

African Union’s Strategic Role in Ethiopia and Somaliland’s MoU

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January 28, 2024

The recent memorandum of understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland, which allows Ethiopia sea access, is a significant milestone in the Horn of Africa region. This arrangement, soon to become a treaty, will formally recognise Somaliland’s sovereignty within its borders as they were in 1960, a notable development given Somaliland’s three decades of de facto international engagement. Although the concept of territorial lease is relatively new to Africa, it has a solid foundation in international law. For nations in the Horn of Africa, such agreements are more than just legal formalities; they symbolize a deep mutual respect and understanding. Furthermore, these agreements embody a commitment to shared prosperity, reflecting the objectives of the African Union.

Somalia’s characterization of the agreement as an “aggression” on its sovereignty mirrors the ongoing conflict between the two countries. Despite Somaliland gaining independence before Somalia on June 26, 1960, and the absence of a ratified Act of Union, Somalia persists in making territorial claim over Somaliland. This is despite the fact that the unlawful Somalian occupation of Somaliland between 1960 and 1991 ended following a liberation movement that stopped the Hargeisa Holocaust, also known as the Isaaq genocide – one of the gravest crimes against humanity.

The African Union’s call for calm and mutual respect between Ethiopia and Somalia is a standard diplomatic response to emerging tensions. However, this strategy will not adequately address this conflict. As highlighted by Matt Brydon, Director Sahan Research, in a recent Aljazeera interview, the conflict from the memorandum of understanding is between Somaliland and Somalia, and not between Ethiopia and Somalia. Ethiopia is only acting on the a fait accompli of Somaliland’s independence.

The international examples of Kosovo and Bangladesh’s declarations of independence show that a ignoring the root cause will not work. For example, India’s recognition of Bangladesh escalated tensions with Pakistan. However, the global community didn’t treat this as merely a bilateral issue between Pakistan and India. As more countries recognised Bangladesh, tensions decreased, eventually leading to Pakistan’s acceptance of the situation on the ground.

Efforts to stop nations from recognising Bangladesh would have been unproductive and such conflicts, particularly in the Horn of Africa, cannot remain unresolved indefinitely. This is evident in nearby Yemen, where unresolved disputes have been exploited by external forces. As Africans, it’s crucial to prevent such situations in both Somaliland and Somalia. Often, these external actors are undemocratic and do not prioritise the welfare of African nations. It’s important to ensure that such interference does not occur in our region.

Somaliland’s situation is fortunately less complex than that of Bangladesh. In 2005, the African Union’s fact-finding mission acknowledged the unique circumstances of Somaliland, suggesting it receives special consideration. All the African Union needs to do now is to act on the recommendations of this fact-finding mission. A public statement confirming that Ethiopia’s scheduled recognition of Somaliland does not breach the African Union charters and the principle of colonial borders would suffice. This would clarify that it’s within the rights of individual African states to either recognise Somaliland or resume diplomatic relations, based on their recognition in 1960.

The African Union ought to complement such statement with action by allowing Somaliland to join as an observer. This move would support stability and democracy in the region. The AU’s role should go beyond just suspending undemocratic regimes; it must also recognise and encourage the only democracy in the Horn of Africa. Importantly, the AU should reject the narrow-minded and fearmongering arguments, such as those from the US, which use Al-Shabaab as a pretext to undermine Somaliland’s aspirations. Somaliland has commendably managed to keep its territory free of pirates and terrorists without any external aid. Therefore, it is unfair to place hurdles in Somaliland’s way due to Somalia’s.

Somaliland Chronicle’s X Space Gathering on Sunday Jan 28, 2024

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January 27, 2024

portrait-01 — "The only thing that's missing is the sovereign recognition," says Saad Ali Shire, foreign minister of Somaliland.

Join Somaliland Chronicle on January 28th, 2024 for hosting the Republic of Somaliland Minister of Finance Development – Dr. Saad Ali Shire – to discuss the Advantage of the Memorandum of Understanding between the Republic of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Ethiopia.

Mark your calendars for Sunday, January 28th, 2024, at 08:00 PM Hargeisa Time or 12:00 PM US Eastern Time.

Please send your questions in advance to editor@somalilandchronicle.com to have them addressed by the guest.

Ethiopia Welcomes DP World’s Intent to Further Develop Berbera Port

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January 25, 2024

Oumer Hussein, Ethiopian Ambassador to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), said the government welcomes DP World’s desire to cooperate with Ethiopia in the development of Somaliland’s Berbera Port.

The Ambassador told state media that DP World’s desire to cooperate with Ethiopia is a welcoming approach that the government is working for.

Ethiopia “would like to cooperate on port development with not only DP World, but also with any interested companies or countries,” Ambassador Oumer said.

Such cooperation with DP World would be an “extension of [Ethiopia’s] robust partnership with the UAE and it is more rewarding than similar accords that would be concluded with other parties,” the Ambassador further said. On the trade volume between Ethiopia and the UAE, the Ambassador stated that UAE’s investment in Ethiopia has reached US$2.4 billion mark whereas Ethiopians are also investing in the UAE is also increasing. “The two governments’ strong aspiration is the driving force for the growth of Ethio-UAE diplomatic ties. In my view, the huge investment potential is still untapped,” he said.

Last week, following a “productive” meeting with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Demeke Mekonnen on the sides of World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem, Chairman and CEO of DP World, said that he was “thrilled to announce our joint commitment to enhancing the Berbera Port, a key gateway for regional connectivity.”

Calling the partnership “strategic”, the CEO further said it will “not only solidifies economic ties but also paves the way for sustainable growth.

“As we stand at the forefront of change, the DP World and Ethiopia alliance signifies a bold step towards a brighter, more connected future,” Sultan Ahmed Bin Sulayem said in his statement posted on his LinkedIn.

On 01 January, Ethiopia and Somaliland signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), to enable Ethiopia “to secure access to the sea and diversify its access to seaports.” Ethiopia said the MoU “includes provisions for the Ethiopian government to make an in-depth assessment towards taking a position regarding the efforts of Somaliland to gain recognition.”

In a televised interview aired two days ago, Somaliland’s President Muse Bihi said “the agreement specifies that Ethiopia’s imports and exports will utilize the port of Berbera.”

A tripartite agreement between Ethiopia, DP World and the Somaliland Port Authority signed in Dubai on 01 March 2018 provided DP World with a 51% stake in the Berbera Port, while Ethiopia would have taken 19%, with the 30% to remain under Somaliland’s Port Authority. The agreement also outlined plans for the government of Ethiopia to invest in infrastructure to develop the Berbera Corridor as a trade gateway. But Ethiopia has since lost its stake over what Somaliland said was failure to fulfill the required terms to complete the shareholder deal.

#Ethiopia Transport Minister in #Somaliland to look at more Port options for Ethiopia

An Ethiopian delegation led by the transport and logistics minister Alemu Sime has arrived in #Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, to look at more port options for Ethiopia.

The delegation… pic.twitter.com/1NNxf1OpvG
— Addis Standard (@addisstandard) August 9, 2023

Ethiopia has upped its interest in making use of Berbera Port. In August last year, an Ethiopian delegation led by the transport and logistics minister Alemu Sime traveled to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, to look at more port options for Ethiopia.

The delegation has met and discussed with the Somaliland government officials about making Berbera Port an additional option for Ethiopian import export trade activities.

Subsequently, in November last year, Alemu Sime said that Ethiopia was negotiating with Somaliland government to secure direct access to seaport.

“Greater Somalia” Ideology: Similarities with Fascism

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January 22, 2024