Somaliland Government Suspends Talks with Somalia

January 24, 2022

In an interview with the Voice of America, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Dr. Issa Kayd stated that the Somaliland government is suspending talks with Somalia. Minister Keyd stated the lack of seriousness on the part of Somalia as the reason for abandoning what he called the 10 year long fruitless talks with Somalia.

The decade-long Somaliland and Somalia talks have been ongoing since 2012 and a series of high-level talks between the two countries have been held in Ankara, London, and Djibouti with various state and international bodies as mediators and observers.

In addition to direct multiple hostile acts to undermine Somaliland’s peace and security, Somalia does not recognize Somaliland and regards it as part of its territory and has vigorously fought Somaliland’s development and bilateral engagements and since Farmajo took the helm has aggressively sought to isolate Somaliland.

Somalia hosts a cadre of pro-union politicians originally from Somaliland and despite having no control over Somaliland’s territory claims to hold elections on behalf of the people of Somaliland. The international community has openly supported these sham elections held in Somaliland that are purported to Represent Somaliland.

The talks with Somalia have been a major drag on Somaliland’s search for international acknowledgment of its independence and recognition and have severely damaged its case as the talks were framed by Somalia and its allies such as Turkey and Qatar as a reconciliation.

It’s unclear if Dr. Kayd, whose short tenure at the helm of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation coincides with a time when Somaliland’s International profile is on the rise, has the backing of President Muse Bihi who has attended the last round of talks with Somalia in Djibouti.

It is unclear if the halt to talks with Somalia represents a new and more assertive posture by Somaliland and if that would affect its long-standing policy of accepting ambassadors sent to Somalia. None of these foreign ambassadors present credentials of any sort to the government of Somaliland.

UK and EU Ambassadors present credentials to Farmajo

Efforts to reach officials at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation for clarification and what the next steps are were unsuccessful.

Breaking the Glass Ceiling in Somaliland

Staff

January 22, 2022

By: Ubah Ali

Somaliland, a de facto sovereign state in the Horn of Africa, has maintained a long-lasting peace through its democratic elections. Somaliland demonstrated all the characteristics of a nation-state for the last three decades. However, it still lacks international recognition. This autonomous region manifested the principles of democracy, security, state-building to show the international community and regional actors why it deserves to be a sovereign state from the Federal Republic of Somalia. Although Somaliland has a strong scene in the international community, there is an urgent need to restructure its domestic politics. The absence of women in Somaliland’s higher political positions, STEM, academia, health, and other sectors demonstrate the normalized gender inequality which is embedded in the country’s patriarchal system.

Women in Somaliland played a pivotal role in strengthening the implementation of long-lasting peace and state-building. However, their work and efforts continue to be overshadowed by male-dominated political clannism and tribalism. For example, during the civil war, women became the breadwinners of their families and of various professional fields such as nursing and thus challenged the traditional understanding of women’s role. Nevertheless, women were not invited to the tribal negotiating table. And even today, most of the women continue to do low-income jobs to provide for their families but face endless difficulties to join higher positions. When Somaliland declared its sovereignty in 1991 from Somalia, all the signatories were men who represented their traditional tribes and political clans. Thus, from the start of Somaliland, women were ignored to be a part of the historical political document, which was supposed to show the unity and the diversity of Somaliland’s community. Therefore, since the establishment of Somaliland’s independence, women faced ongoing barriers to being a part of the policy-making process. Not only that but women have also been politically tokenized by political elite parties dominated by men to show the appearance of gender equality and gender-inclusive politics.

Since 2010 women have been trying to show their visibility in the political scene through elections. But their dreams continue to be doomed by the traditional structure of the society, rising tribalism propaganda during the election periods, lack of access to financial support to mention a few. For instance, when Somaliland held its parliamentary election in 2005, only one woman managed to get a seat out of the 82 seats. The absence of women in the parliament hindered any gender-inclusive policies to be passed or implemented. Therefore, the lack of inclusive representation in Somaliland’s legislative branch paralyzed the approval of several bills that favored women’s rights including the criminalization of FGM, implementation of the anti-Rape bill, and more. Additionally, after 15 years Somaliland held its first parliamentary election since 2005, many women were eager to change the male-dominated policy-making platform. However, the previous parliament failed to approve the proposed gender quota. Members of the Parliament who debated the gender quota were men and many of them did not understand the underlying traditional challenges that women go through to make it to the top government positions.

Despite the failure of the gender quota, 28 women candidates ran for the parliamentary and local seats compared to the 770 men candidates who contested. Women candidates were economically disadvantaged and the majority of them did not receive support from their clan. Multiple women had higher levels of educational qualifications, experiences, and political competence to lead, but the clannism nature of Somaliland’s politics did not allow any women to join the parliamentary election. Although the majority of the voters were women and youth, the vast majority of women remained to cast their votes to their male political figures who represented their tribes. Hence, as long as tribal visibility and representation of ideologies are playing key factors in Somaliland’s politics, women’s voices will be limited in the political system.

Additionally, women have limited spaces in the executive branch as clan membership plays a vital role when the council of ministers is appointed. For example, currently, 23 ministries are functioning in Somaliland, and only one woman is in this council. Therefore, women continue to face ongoing discrimination to join the political discourse as the tribal identity card overrides their qualifications. Therefore, there is an urgent need to include women’s voices in the political system and power-sharing formula. Women fought hard for this country, and they deserve to be a part of the decision-making process since their constitution gave them the inalienable rights to exercise their citizenship. Somaliland should restructure the tribal democratic system that favors male politicians that continues to foster patriarchal politics.

The newly elected parliament and the president of Somaliland should put more effort into advocating for the need of promoting women’s voices in the policy-making phase. As women and girls continue to be the most vulnerable groups in society. Not only that, but women have also shown and proven their leadership capabilities both in the civil society and business sectors. Thus, including more women in the political leadership sector of Somaliland will strengthen the principles of democracy and positive peace.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ubah Ali is a social activist form Somaliland. Ali did her undergraduate degree from the American University of Beirut (political science and international law). Now, Ali is doing her master’s degree at the University of Stirling (international conflict and Cooperation).

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Why is opening political parties crucial for Somaliland?

Staff

January 21, 2022

Somaliland’s constitutional court made the verdict that political parties should be open six months before the expiration date of their current political parties. Traditionally, political parties’ elections are held along with local government elections, and parties that gather 20% qualify for partyhood. However, this year the situation has changed. The local government election was held last year, so there was a need for clarification on how political parties would now be elected.

The court has now made it clear that a direct vote will elect that political party, and those who get the majority of votes from every region will constitute the political parties. This verdict rules out any hope of extension that the current political parties were holding onto or looking for before the court’s verdict. They must now prepare for the election, either before the presidential election or after, which is a matter that I will now turn to in the discussion below.

Controversy

Somaliland is entering a critical year where at least three elections, presidential, Guurti, and political party elections are due to be held this year. The difficult part about this issue is not so much the holding of these elections on time as how the various stakeholders want them to take place.

For instance, the public wants to see new political parties enter the fray to give people choices, as the current parties have failed to provide alternative policies. Whereas the opposition parties want the election of the presidential election to take place on time, the currently licenced parties are the only ones with the right to take part in the election. The opposition parties know they are not the people’s choice and that allowing new politicians onto the political stage would completely negate their aspirations.

On the other hand, the government is not ready to hold the election on time, and some have already accused it of looking for an extended period.

The government may want to hold the Guurti and political party elections first, so the presidential election will be the last one to be held. Just to make it clear, this is also my personal opinion. I’m neither privy to this matter nor an insider, but I assume Kulmiye is not ready to go to election, and it may try to find other channels to stay in power for the foreseeable future. Additionally, the government is utilising the public mood, which is basically one of rejection of the current political parties. The majority do not see the current political leaders as alternatives to lead the nation. Therefore, there is a public push concerning political parties, and this is what the current government wants to ride on.

By contrast, the political parties see the above as something akin to a war being conducted against them. They know they have a little chance of returning if the elections are held before the presidential election, and they are ready to do everything they can to stop this from arising. For instance, recently, the Watani Party leaders traveled to Buroa to seek support and allegedly advised the support to get ready with everything they could to stop what they see as a threat. There has been an intense mood among Wadani supporters who believe that their party has an excellent chance of election on this occasion, and any move to broaden the political arena represents nothing more than a manufactured manoeuvre to prevent them from gaining that opportunity.

Of course, they do not want to see the party in which they have invested so much stumble just before it reaches the presidential gates,and they know that Mr. Cirro – the current candidate – stands no chance against other potential candidates, not even his own constituents. Consequently, Wadan is pushing for the presidential elections to be held on time; they will do everything possible in this regard.

Additionally, UCID – the country’s third party, UCID contested at least three presidential elections, and each one garnered less than 10% of the total vote. It occupies a constitutional position since three political parties are allowed, yet the party is not delivering anything. It has essentially no chance of winning an election if it runs for such because there is no voter base for the UCID party.

In my view, a party like this should not be on the political stage, and Somaliland must support Faisal’s post-political party state. Despite his usual controversial remarks, which cause hysteria, Faisal has played a vital role in the state-building stages, reconciliation, and the country’s democratisation process, for this reason, I strongly believe that Faisal should have a role in our institution after his political party. He has been an ardent supporter of democracy, though he has failed to reflect that in his party, where he has run for at least three presidential elections, and the UCID party becomes one man’s party. However, I strongly suggested that he be treated decently and given a role in Guurti once his party vanishes. At least that would work as a post-party psychological and moral treatment.

Where I stand on this matter

Although Somaliland has held its elections in difficult circumstances in recent years, which have enhanced the country’s reputation in a region where elections are otherwise a rarity, elections are costly and can be sources of conflict in a country where institutions are frail and, in particular, where clan sentiments are strong.

But, by God’s grace, Somaliland has held a number of successful elections that the international community has described as credible, fair, and free; the most recent of these was held in May 2021.

I understand the importance of holding the election of Guurti. The Guurti House is very important to Somaliland’s institution-building. It has played a constructive role in the country’s early history in terms of both establishing the state and its subsequent efforts.

Recently, however, the House lost its role. Many of its original members have died, and their posts have been inherited by family members who have neither the experience nor the ability to fulfill them. The House needs new blood, and its election is crucial. My position is that Somaliland should make the Guurti election its top priority, and should be run this year. Somaliland’s president must carry out a broad-ranging consultation on this matter and that, before his tenure expires, he ensures that the Guurti election is held. The election should not be an extensive one. A less expensive selection process could be conducted, for instance. I believe that if we studied options for holding the Guurti election it could be conducted in a straightforward manner, but it needs the nation to prioritise it. Likewise, the country needs political choices, which are currently being limited by the very existence of these three parties, so the election of the country’s political parties is also crucial and can be considered to be the most important. Why is it important? I firmly believe neither Cirro nor Faisal could be good presidents.

We have seen their leadership, and as a result, we are in a position to judge them, and where I stand on that matter is that I see both as being incapable of leading the country. Therefore, it is unfair on people like me who are not happy with current political leaders to deny the chance to see other potential and credible politicians who could lead the nation in a far more effective manner.

Since democracy is all about offering options to the public, and current parties have failed to even maintain this basic principle, they can be considered unfit for purpose. We all know if democracy is exercised at the party level; none of these leaders would have been elected as leaders, but once parties turned to man-owned parties, one ends up in the current situation. We need a complete overhaul of the political parties to establish new parties that allow democracy to grow and develop at the party level, and that will only come once we remove the current parties from the political scene and ensure that whoever comes belongs to and serves the public. Yes, it will require an immense amount of work to ensure any following

political parties are different from those we have now. I think this tweaking of the election process, where people vote directly for the parties, will actually result in massive change, and parties need people from each region who would be stakeholders in the parties’ possible futures.

The way forward

In the above discussion, we explored the importance of holding the elections and the associated challenges that need to be addressed. Somaliland needs to hold the constitution Guurti election to modernise the House to keep up with other institutions. Also, both political and presidential parties should take part in this year’s elections, but the question is how three such crucial elections can reasonably be held in such a short space of time. Somaliland’s president should convene consultations to find a consensus among stakeholders and expedite the process. What we need is the spirit and will to address these challenges. However, I’m not personally sure that I can see the spirit and determination this work requires to get done. We need to see Somaliland’s current leaders put their own interests and those around them aside and put the country first.

If you asked me how I would approach this puzzle, I would argue that political party registration in the Guurti election would represent an initial step towards piecing together this jigsaw. If Somaliland does this and takes on this ‘togetherness’, I’m sure this would work, but it needs courage and leadership from our leaders. You may suspect and accuse of being partial on this matter, but I’m neither Kulmiye nor part of this government. There is no reason I should advocate an extension. I see only that this would serve the nation’s best interests. If we agree and approach this complex matter with open minds, as I argued at the end of this year2022, we could hold at least two elections: the Guurti election, and political registration and their election.

What is the benefit of this? First, we held the Guurti election, which ultimately became undemocratic and strayed from the objectives and goals that had been established. We removed a house that had become a burden and an obstacle to the process of democratization. We managed to bring fresh blood to our growing democracy and reformed the decrepit and disfigured House spirit. We once again restored the purpose of the House. On the other hand, by holding political registration and elections this year, we would increase public choice, and perhaps this new opportunity might have allowed for a better leader than the current one, who had not previously found the opportunity to contest and be elected. This would enable voters to find a leader who is a better choice than we have now. We all know none of the current leaders represent our preferred choices, but the system forces voters to choose among those presented. So, we allow other politicians to enter the stage; we have thus addressed this issue. Just imagine what we can achieve in a short time if we work together in the spirit of honesty and openness and put the country first.

My argument is, and I believe that we can, that Somaliland will hold at least two elections by December of this year, 2022, but this can only happen if the president and other stakeholders are serious about holding vital elections. Once the political parties’ elections and Guurti are completed, nothing is wrong if we extend the six-month presidential election.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Ahmed Hassan, BA/MA, Cairo University—Agriculture and community development, Middlesex University, London, sustainable development and global governance, is a keen writer and commentator on Somaliland/Somalia and regional politics. He can be reached via @Qarrandoon

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND: THE SHINING LIGHT OVER THE HORIZON OF HORN OF AFRICA

Staff

January 18, 2022

The geographical location of the Republic of Somaliland is one of the world’s most strategically important areas. Yet the powerful influence of China, Turkey, and Russia have built in the region (for the last two decades), particularly in Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, and Somalia threatens the U.S.A/West’s ability to defend their geopolitical, security, and economic interests in whole East Africa region.

Somaliland perfectly fits the criteria of being America’s overseas strategic strongpoint to counterbalance the Chinese ever-growing economic and security influence in the Horn of Africa region. By establishing naval bases and commercial ports with special strategic & economic value along Somaliland’s long coast, America can secure its regional interests through trade routes and commercial zones that interconnect in all East African countries, jointly operated by Somaliland and American firms.

One daring political move that the U.S. government could make is starting to deal directly with the government of Somaliland, instead of going via a country (Somalia) that had exemplified as the world’s most failed state for more than three decades. The government of the U.S.A should follow examples set by other countries such as the United Kingdom, Ethiopia, Kenya, Taiwan, and the UAE in opening diplomatic and trade representative offices in Somaliland.

SOMALILAND IS THE ONLY FUNCTIONING DEMOCRACY IN THE HORN OF AFRICA!

The government of the United States of America should not ignore Somaliland’s case, hence Somaliland is the only functioning democracy in the region. By doing so it would mean undermining U.S. interests in the region and that would be a grave strategic miscalculation. It also puts the United States at a strategic disadvantage as China could leverage the United States military out of Djibouti at any time.

It is also noteworthy that the Republic of Somaliland is the only country in the region that has convincingly rejected China’s enticement. Instead, Somaliland has embraced Taiwan since it represents shared aspirations and mutual democratic values.

The U.S. government must not ignore the historical argument and plea of the people of Somaliland. America needs to assist a country that has succeeded in strengthening peace and security, democracy, respect for human rights, good governance, justice, and the rule of law for more than three decades. Hence these principles are common aspirations for both countries, Somaliland and the United States of America.

The government of the U.S.A should not turn its back on this brave, resilient and promising nation of Somaliland. The U.S.A government and other Western powers need to prevent that Somaliland feels forced into rebuilding relations with the side of the equation, in particular Moscow, Beijing, Tehran, and Ankara. Should this happen and if Somaliland slips into the hands of opponents, it would essentially mean surrendering the U.S.A/Western’s influence in this strategically important Horn of Africa region.

Further, America needs to understand that dealing with and pouring money into an undemocratic and failed state (Somalia) is counterproductive diplomatic malpractice of the 21st century. Instead, the U.S. government should reward a country (Somaliland) that has daringly rejected to be lured in China’s predatory financial enticement as well as its power display of the region.

WHY RECOGNIZING SOMALILAND COULD BE A GAME-CHANGER IN THE CURRENT GEOPOLITICAL DYNAMICS IN THE HORN OF AFRICA?

Recognizing Somaliland would let the U.S.A. build a partnership with the government of Somaliland that would give Washington a protection against further deterioration and out-maneuvering of America’s position and interests in Horn of Africa region;
Somaliland perfectly fits the criteria of being America’s overseas strategic strongpoint to counterbalance the Chinese predatory policy and its ever growing economic and security influence in Horn of Africa region;
By establishing naval bases and commercial ports with special strategic and economic value along Somaliland’s long coast, America can secure its regional interests through trade routes and commercial zones that interconnects in all East African countries;
Recognizing Somaliland would affirm American support for democratic principles and good governance by rewarding Somaliland’s meticulous and tenacious 30-year-old homegrown peace, stability, governance and democratic endeavour.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Eng. Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr) is the Former Minister of Trade & Investment and Former Presidential Spokesman.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.

Somaliland Democracy Prevailed

Staff

January 18, 2022

The Republic of Somaliland entered the New Year, 2022 a period of constitutional ambiguity, stemming from an announcement made by the minister of information Mr. Koore during a ceremonial speech saying that the terms of the existing political parties and licenses are about to expire in December 2022 according to the Somaliland constitution.

When the constitutionality of this came forth in the parliamentary debate it resulted in chaos including physical violence among the individual PMs.The current opposition parties were not thrilled by the prospect of bringing “new kids on the block” and sharing a stage with new rivals, and they vehemently defied the notion of the opening of new political parties. This created confusion and uncertainty among the opposition parties, the parliament, and Somaliland citizens. Suddenly, Somaliland was at a dangerous crossroads between the influx of democracy and lawlessness. This was a constitutional litmus test for the new and young republic. Proudly, but not surprisingly the Somaliland constitution passed the trial with flying colors and democracy prevailed.

Democracy is fragile even in those regions of the world where democracy flourished for hundreds of years including The United States of America where its democracy was threatened in January, 6th 2021 by the then outgoing president.

“…Upon exiting the Constitutional Convention Benjamin Franklin was approached by a group of citizens asking what sort of government the delegates had created. His answer was: “A republic, if you can keep it.” The brevity of that response should not cause us to under-value its essential meaning: democratic republics are not merely founded upon the consent of the people, they are also absolutely dependent upon the active and informed involvement of the people for their continued good health”

On January 16, 2022, the Republic of Somaliland and its citizens kept their republic ones again, when the Superior Court of Somaliland ruled for a group of citizens to pursue and exercise their rights to form political parties of their own, and at the same time rejected the validity of the court filing of forty-seven members parliament due to procedural irregularities. Although the Somaliland democracy is in its infancy, it has demonstrated that it has robust foundations, its constitution, and the three branches of its government.

While this constitutional debate was playing out locally, Somaliland footprints were being seen in all major world stages both in friends and faux included. The British parliament is scheduled to debate about the recognition of Somaliland on January 18, 2022, and the president of Somaliland H. E. Muse Bihi is scheduled to meet his counterpart the President of the United States, President Biden. On the other hand, Beijing is expanding its influence in the Horn of Africa, which is worrisome to both nations and to the western hemisphere regions in general.

This renders the Somaliland Republic an important geopolitical spot to the rest of the world to counter the aggression of the Chinese government and its expansion.
Somaliland has a unique form of government, a hybrid of western-style democracy, and a chamber of elderlies (Guurti). This blend of local and international systems of laws are the real guardrails of the Somaliland democracy.

This time the constitution prevailed and many times in the past in the thirty-one years of the history of Somaliland the Guurti came to the rescue. That is why the criteria and the requirement of the future Guurti should be similar to the current serving body. The individual candidate’s qualifications for the Guurti must be based on the knowledge of the customs and traditions of its community and must demonstrate the ability and skills of conflict resolution. In other words, one must be a mature individual.

Beeman, R. R. (n.d.). National Constitution CenterRichard. National Constitution Center – constitutioncenter.org. Retrieved January 17, 2022, from https://constitutioncenter.org/learn/educational-resources/historical-documents/perspectives-on-the-constitution-a- republic-if-you-can-keep-it

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Mohamed Adan Samatar is a Former State of Arizona Government Management and holds BSc, MS Agriculture. He can be reached madan.samatar01[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Open Letter to UK MPs regarding House of Commons debate: U.K. Government’s Recognition of the Republic of Somaliland.

Staff

January 17, 2022

Dear Members of UK Parliament,

Cc: The UK Government; the UK Prime Minister, Boris Johnson; Minister for Africa Vicky Ford; Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Affairs, Lizz Truss.

We write to you today regarding an important matter: the UK Government’s recognition of the Republic of Somaliland.

What is happening?

A House of Commons Adjournment Debate (titled ‘UK Government Recognition of Somaliland’) is scheduled on Tuesday the 18th of January. The British Somaliland Community has been campaigning for 30+ years for the UK to recognise Somaliland. It is a welcomed development that the UK Parliament is set to take part in this cross-party debate.

What is Somaliland and why should you care?

Somaliland was the former British Somaliland Protectorate. Its citizens (British-Somalilanders) valiantly fought alongside British troops during both World Wars. Somaliland subsequently gained its independence as a sovereign, independent country on the 26th of June 1960 as ‘The State of Somaliland’. Later, it united with the separate country of Somalia (the former Colony of Somalia Italiana), in a union that was never formally ratified or approved by Somaliland and Somalia’s parliaments or supreme courts.

This ill-fated union between the two countries ultimately failed on conception. Between 1960 and 1991, the people of Somaliland suffered repression, discrimination and a terrible genocide. In what became the ‘Isaaq Genocide’ and ‘Hargeisa Holocaust’, Somalia’s government carried out indiscriminate aerial bombardments, flattened Somaliland’s largest cities, and killed an estimated 50,000-100,000 Somalilanders. Somalia descended into anarchy and terrorism.

Somalilanders understandably chose to dissolve this failed union. They dissolved the union on May 18 1991 and re-declared their independence as the Republic of Somaliland. Through locally-owned initiatives and with no outside support, they rebuilt their cities and country.

In the 30+ years since 1991, Somaliland has been a thriving, peaceful, and stable democracy. Somaliland has fulfilled all the requirements of the Montevideo convention; it has a permanent population, a defined territory, a government, and a capacity to conduct international relations. It is often described as ‘the beacon of hope’ in a volatile Horn of Africa region.

What do your constituents need you to do?

We urge MPs to attend the upcoming ‘UK Government Recognition of Somaliland’ debate on the 18th of January, represent the voice of the 200,000 strong British-Somaliland community, and make interventions in support of UK Government recognition of Somaliland.

In addition to the above, we ask MPs to Write to the Foreign Secretary and the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, to urge the UK Government to shift its policy towards Somaliland to:

support a binding referendum within 2 years to allow Somalilanders to express their democratic will, guaranteed by the International Community;
upgrade the U.K Office in Hargeisa, Somaliland, to a dedicated UK embassy that is separate and distinct from the Mogadishu based British Embassy;
spearhead an international mechanism to remove Somaliland from financial, security & legal sanctions placed on Somalia (these are clearly inappropriate for a mature, stable and democratic country like Somaliland);
request that FCDO and Foreign Secretary to work with the AU, East African Community (EAC), IGAD and UN to recognise Somaliland as a separate and independent country from Somalia.

What has Somaliland got to offer the UK?

Somaliland has a large untapped market. It imported $20bn over the past 10 years. British companies could expand into this fast-growing export market. Particularly through Somaliland’s Berbera port – a growing trade and logistics hub that has attracted upward of $1bn of investment. Dubai’s BP World, the UK’s CDC Group, Coca Cola, Trafigura, Mott Macdonald and other international companies are already active in Somaliland.

In a post-Brexit world, Somaliland is well-positioned to unlock UK-African trade. It serves as the key gateway to the wider Horn of Africa market and its 282 million population market. This is one of the largest untapped consumer and business markets in the world. Recognising Somaliland would unlock significant opportunities for economic growth and UK-African trade.

It is now time for the UK to provide international leadership. It is time for the UK to stand up as a champion of democracies. It is time for the UK to spearhead a process whereby Somaliland is recognised as a sovereign and independent state. It is the right thing to do. It is the moral thing to do. It is in the UK’s self-interest. The world will be a better place for it.

Yours sincerely,

The British Somaliland Community

President Bihi to Visit Addis Ababa

Staff

January 16, 2022

According to multiple government and diplomatic sources, the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi will travel to Addis Ababa in the coming days. Sources add that President Bihi is going to Addis on an official invitation from his counterpart, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Mr. Abiy Ahmed.

President Bihi has visited Ethiopia multiple times during his four years at the helm, and his latest visit was on February 2020 during The African Union Heads of State and Governments Summit, where Prime Minister Abiy has set up a meeting between President Bihi and Farmajo.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed received at his office today the President of the Somaliland Administration H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi and his delegation. The two parties discussed on a number of key issues of mutual interest.

More: https://t.co/ccdeIdJ7jb #PMOEthiopia pic.twitter.com/HuT3NAU2dy
— Office of the Prime Minister – Ethiopia (@PMEthiopia) February 20, 2019

Prime Minister Abiy has changed a long-standing policy of successive Ethiopian governments that treated Somaliland separately from Somalia by allying himself with Farmajo and all but ignoring Somaliland. Ethiopia is Somaliland’s largest trade partner and holds a 19 percent stake in Berbera Port.

The Somaliland government has not issued an official statement on President Bihi’s impending visit to Addis Ababa, and no details of the agenda have emerged.

Looming Constitutional Crisis in Somaliland

Staff

January 13, 2022

By: Mahmoud Adam Jama “Galaal”

Just under one year prior to presidential elections and in the wake of growing public discontent and a huge slump in popularity, president Muse Bihi orchestrated a cunning and yet highly dangerous maneuver that put Somaliland on a costly path to a constitutional crisis. The mood in the country and the dwindling prospect of being re-elected appear to be the primary motivation for taking such a drastic and risky strategy clearly formulated to keep him in office beyond his five-year fixed term.

The two opposition political parties in Somaliland Waddani and UCID vociferously claim the president engineered the scheme in a bid to avoid contesting the presidential election scheduled for 13 November 2022 against the two current presidential candidates in order to remain in office. The move could potentially put the Republic of Somaliland on a perilous path to a constitutional crisis and civil unrest.

Background

The Somaliland constitution allows three national political parties which are currently licenced for a period of 10 years. There are two notable statutes that govern the elections as well as the process of competing for political party licences. These are Laws 91 and 14 respectively. Six months prior to the end of the ten-year political party license term, registrations for applications for political parties are opened. It’s an open field at this point as applications are being accepted from any new applicant organisation that fulfills the basic criteria and pays a $34,000.00 registration fee. It’s important to note the law waives the registration fee for the existing three political parties. Prior to now, organisations wanting to become political parties competed for their licenses through nationwide local municipal elections. The three organisations with the highest regional votes in the local election then became the officially recognised and duly licensed national political parties.

Recent developments and the current situation

Toward the end of the last parliament, the governing Kulmiye party introduced amendments to Law No 14. The house of elders “Guurti” ratified the amendments and sent the bill to the president to be signed into law. The president refused to sign the bill and returned it to parliament citing a number of legal flaws and insisting on further amendments. In his covering letter to parliament, the president asserted the bill was incompatible with constitutionally binding Presidential and Guurti elections as well as the provisions of Law No. 91. He instructed parliament, using his constitutional presidential prerogative, to make further amendments to make Law No. 14 compatible with constitutionally obligatory presidential elections and the terms of Law No. 91.

Before parliament could consider the president’s suggested amendments several significant political events occurred. First, a number of notable Kulmiye party politicians, including the author of this article, defected to the main opposition party Waddani.

Shortly after, on 16 November 2021 Waddani elected Hersi Ali Haji Hassan as its chairman at their 2^nd General Assembly.

These two events caused major reverberations in the seat of government because it expanded the Waddani party’s appeal to a broader constituency particularly in the Eastern regions of the country. In response to these developments, the Kulmiye party organised 28 members of parliament to table a motion declaring that Bill No. 14 had assented into law. This was shortly followed by the Somaliland Minister of Information’s impromptu press conference on 12 December 2021 where he told the waiting media that he was speaking on behalf of the president and that Bill No. 14 had assented into law. He asserted that new political parties were hence open for registration.

Despite the fact that the current three political parties Waddani, Kulmiye, and UCID were licensed up until 26 December 2022 and were therefore entitled to contest the 13 November 2022 presidential elections, the government bombarded the media with the suggestion that the current three parties would not be allowed to contest those elections unless they qualified as one of three organisations gaining the top three positions in a direct political party ballot.

The motion by the MP’s stalled in parliament as Kulmiye members and others supporting the government’s position failed to find the two-thirds majority required. On 13 December a cynical strategy of refusing to enter the parliament chamber to prevent a quorum and hence a debate was employed by the government’s MPs and supporters. As those MPs congregated outside parliament refusing to enter the building, the situation become heated and there were physical altercations and clashes between opposing MPs.

Armed police entered the parliament compound and attempted to arrest an opposition MP. The MPs resisted the arrest of their colleague and asserted the parliament immunity privilege as defined in the constitution. As MPs struggled to prevent the arrest, the situation quickly become volatile and highly dangerous culminating with police discharging live rounds. As a consequence of the apparent boycott by MPs supporting the government, parliament remained without a quorum of members and was therefore closed for twelve days.

On 21 December 2022 forty six parliamentarians supporting the government’s position lodged a petition with the Supreme Court requesting a legal opinion on the basis that the dispute over Bill No. 14 had caused an impasse. The opposition and legal experts contended that the Court’s legal opinion could not be sought as the bill had not been debated in parliament and there was no specific clause/s which the court was being asked to define or provide an opinion on. It was further argued that it was the parliament’s duty to decide on whether or not the bill had assented into law and not the courts.

Obstructing the duties of parliament by preventing a quorum, is of course a questionable and an unparliamentary maneuver intended to prevent debate and a democratic vote in the house. Deploying such tactics and then seeking a judicial remedy is a clear abuse of process and a breach of established general rules and principles. The Court’s acceptance of the petition and failure to thus far reject it is therefore of serious concern and may create the perception that even the highest court in the land has an ad hoc attitude to the legal process.

Despite the lack of grounds for a judicial remedy, the government and proponents of the petition display a remarkable degree of confidence in the outcome of the case. Notwithstanding the legal and ethical duty not to prejudice ongoing proceedings, parliamentarians aligned with the Bihi administration and even the president himself continue to make public pronouncements on the outcome of the case. Such action not only undermines the public and international community’s confidence in the independence of the Supreme Court but also brings to question the separation of power issues between the three main organs of government, the executive, judiciary, and legislative. The fact the Chief Justice/Chairman of the Supreme Court is appointed and may be dismissed by the president does not help to quell this concern or indeed inspire confidence.

The president’s scheme to avoid contesting the presidential election against the current political parties is illegal and potentially very damaging. It is an obvious attempt to deprive legitimate opposition candidates of their inalienable rights.

The law prescribes the next presidential election to take place on 13 November 2022, six weeks prior to the license expiry of the current political parties. Contrary to the government’s narrative, even the amended and disputed version of Law No. 14 does not preclude the current opposition from contesting the 13 November 2022 presidential election – providing the election is held on time.

The relevant provisions in the amended Bill are as follows;

License Period of Political Parties

The validity of a national political party’s license shall be a period of ten (10) years, starting from the date the license is issued and cannot be extended.

A political party may obtain a license by participating in direct elections held for organisations and political parties and then becoming one of the three parties with the highest percentage of votes in the regions.

Political parties whose license period has ended will not be permitted to participate in presidential, parliamentary or local elections, and will remain temporary parties until direct election which yield national political parties are held.

Registration of organisations and parties which will participate in direct elections, will be take place six months prior to the end of the political parties’ license period.

As is evident, the above clauses contain nothing which can legally prevent the opposition from participating in any election which takes place before 26 December 2022.

It’s abundantly clear that President Bihi has lost the confidence to race for another term. It’s also obvious the creation of a false and misleading narrative with respect to the eligibility of the opposition right to contest the next election is essentially a crude attempt to create a constitutional crisis with a view to winning an extension to his term in office.

The concern is that continued political meddling will undermine the credibility of the judiciary and cause disenfranchisement of a large number of citizens. Such action could have damaging medium and long-term consequences on community cohesion and everything that entails. It will also leave an ugly stain on president Bihi’s legacy.

In spite of the political damage the government’s ill-advised scheme to muddy the waters may cause, it may still be unsuccessful in achieving its ultimate goal of illegally disqualifying the current opposition from presidential elections.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Mahmoud Adam Jama “Galaal” served as the Republic of Somaliland Ambassador to Ethiopia. He also served as State Minister for National Planning and State Minister for Health. He is now a member of the opposition Waddani Party.

Somaliland Declares Emergency Drought Situation and Asks for Humanitarian Assistance

Staff

January 13, 2022

According to a statement from the newly formed dought committee appointed by the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi and headed by the Vice President HE Abdirahman Abdallahi Ismail Saylici, Somaliland is facing a severe drought affecting the country’s pastoral heartlands of Togdheer, Sool, Sanaag with partial effect to Marodijeh, Sahil and Awdal regions.

The statement attributes the drought to lower than expected rainfall in the main rainy seasons known in Somali as Gu and Dayr and that approximately 810,000 people are currently facing an acute shortage of water and food and the numbers could rise sharply if the current drought conditions persist.

Somaliland-drought-1 Download

Somaliland government has allocated 3 million US dollars for those affected with water trucking, maintaining existing water wells, and ensuring adequate emergency food supplies are available as well as the production of Rapid Drought Situation Assessment Report.

Permanent water infrastructure outside of main cities is nonexistent in Somaliland and low rainfall due to climate change has ravaged Somaliland’s rain-dependent pastoralist communities in the past few years.

The drought emergency declaration comes at a time when there is a sharp rise in the prices of food and other essential provisions in Somaliland. The government disputes that food prices increases are the result of service charge increase at the port currently managed by DP World.

The statement concludes with an appeal “I, therefore, call upon the private sector, donors, international partners, and friends of Somaliland, to extend assistance to people affected by the drought to complement the government’s ongoing efforts in addressing the current crisis.”

The appeal for humanitarian assistance was sent to donors and aid agencies with the below assessment report on the drought situation in Somaliland.

SOMALILAND-DROUGHT-REPORT-1 Download

President of Somaliland Will Visit the United States of America – Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation

Staff

January 13, 2022

According to multiple sources present at the confirmation hearing of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Dr. Essa Kayd Mohamoud, the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi will visit the United States in the coming weeks.

This news comes shortly after the conclusion of a visit by a US Congressional staff delegation from the Senate Foreign Relations, House Foreign Affairs, and House Appropriations and Conservation Committees to Somaliland on what was described as a fact-finding mission.

In addition to the Congressional Staff delegation’s visit, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Dr. Essa Kayd Mohamoud was in the United States late last year as his first foreign visit where he had met with numerous current and former high ranking government officials and it is unclear if paving the way for President Bihi’s visit is a direct result of the delegation’s visit and meetings in Washington DC.

President Bihi’s visit comes at a time when the United States has shown a heightened interest in Somaliland as of late despite the failure of a monumental amendment in the National Defense Authorization Act requiring the Departments of State and Defense to work directly with Somaliland on matters pertaining to security submitted Senator Risch.

Somaliland’s global stature has been on the rise following a string of diplomatic successes and a boost to its democratic credentials following the successful nationwide one-person-one-vote Parliamentary and local council elections with minimal outside help and for rebuffing Chinese overtures to cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan.

The United States has been in a race to turn the tide of rising Chinese influence in Africa and particularly in the strategically important Horn of Africa where the People’s Republic of China has its first overseas military base in Djibouti.

Officials at Somaliland Presidency and Foreign Affairs and Cooperation Ministry did not respond to questions relating to the President’s visit to the United States.

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Investigative Reports

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