Investigative Reports

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Clarifying Historical Realities: Somaliland’s Right to Unilateral Agreements

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Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG)

For immediate release – January 12, 2024

In the pursuit of an accurate portrayal of the historical and political landscape in the Horn of Africa, it is imperative to address recent tensions between the Somalia Federal Government and Somaliland, specifically regarding theMemorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Somaliland and Ethiopia. The following points elucidate Somaliland’s legitimate right to engage in agreements independently and unilaterally:

I. Unratified Union: It is crucial to acknowledge that the Somali Republic originated from the envisioned 1960 union of two distinct territories – former British Somaliland and former Italian Somalia. However, the Act of Union between the two governments was never legally jointly ratified by the Somaliland and the Italian Somalia parliamentary bodies. The Somaliland legislature agreed to 27 articles, but the Somali-Italian legislators never ratified these agreed-upon articles. Instead, they independently drafted and signed two separate articles, leading to an illegitimate union. Hence, in 1991, Somaliland emerged from the aftermath of genocide, a fact recognized by the United Nations in a 2001 report investigating Somalia’s genocide against Somaliland.

II. Sovereignty Reclaimed: Somaliland, in response to theatrocities committed against its people, reclaimed its sovereignty, establishing a distinct trajectory separate from former Italian Somaliland. Simultaneously, the Italian Somaliland formed the Federal Republic of Somalia, and both regions pursued independent paths.

III. Non-Participation in Federal Government Formation: The people of Somaliland did not participate in the process leading to the formation of the Somalia Federal Government. This decision, according to Somaliland leadership, was a precaution against a recurrence of the deceitful political maneuvering that occurred in Mogadishu in 1960. This non-participation underscores Somaliland’s commitment to self-determination and unique governance aspirations.

IV. Commitment to Self-Determination: Somaliland was never part of the process of forming the Somalia Federal Government, emphasizing its dedication to self-determination and distinctive governance aspirations.

V. Democratic Governance Structure: Somaliland operates under a governance structure consisting of a directly elected government, parliament, and independent judiciary. This unique political system reflects an unwavering commitment to democratic principles, ensuring effective checks and balances within the state apparatus.

In conclusion, the Somalia Federal Republic must adopt a realistic perspective and recognize Somaliland as an independent country. While maintaining open channels of communication, both Somaliland and Somalia can collaboratively establish the groundwork for enduring peace and mutual prosperity in the region. Acknowledging each other’s sovereignty and fostering effective communication can pave the way for resolving long-standing disputes in the future.

Somali President’s Desperation Escalates: Issues Threats to Ethiopia and Somaliland over MoU, Takes Off for Eritrea

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In a recent speech, President Hassan Sh Mohamoud of the Federal Republic of Somalia asserted that his country is ready to defend its sovereignty using every available means. This declaration directly corresponds to the recent Memorandum of Understanding between the Republic of Somaliland and the Federal Government of Ethiopia. The agreement encompasses the establishment of an Ethiopian naval base in the Red Sea, as well as the recognition of Somaliland as Africa’s 55th state and the initiation of significant economic cooperation between the two nations.

“Do not push us. Do not push us into knocking on doors we have not knocked on before. We will defend our state, cooperate with anyone to defend it.”

Hassan Sh Mohamoud, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia.

The Somali government has issued multiple statements objecting the MoU and accusing Ethiopia on infringing on its sovereignty and territorial integrity. In addition to the Somali President’s hawkish and hinting of use of force to stop the deal between Ethiopia and Somaliland, other government officials including the spokesman for Somalia’s Ministry of Defense have threatened to wage war on Somaliland and Ethiopia.

The potential Ethiopian naval base in Somaliland has sparked outrage from the Somali President. Framing it as an “existential threat” and rushing laws to void the memorandum of understanding between the two neighboring countries requires a closer look. Despite lacking international recognition, Somaliland has functioned as an independent entity since 1991, raising questions about the “true nature” of the perceived threat by the Somali government and its allies, including Egypt and Djibouti. The Somali government’s anxieties seem focused less on immediate territorial violation and more on the potential Ethiopian recognition of Somaliland. This recognition could effectively erase Somalia’s territorial claim, granting Somaliland the coveted 55th seat in the African Union, solidifying its independence and providing Ethiopia access to the strategic Red Sea.

Although the President Hassan Sh Mohamoud has stopped short of specifying any action that he intends to take against Somaliland and Ethiopia, he evoked memories of the 1977 war between Ethiopia and Somalia and the provisional border between the two countries.

A concerning element of Somalia’s latest tantrum is subtly stoking a potent mix of nationalism and religious extremism by framing the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) and the potential Ethiopian naval base in Somaliland as issues that warrant opposition from all Somalis by any means necessary. This narrative persists, even as Somalia’s own security is currently guaranteed by the presence of tens of thousands of foreign troops from the African Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS).

ATMIS (African Transition Mission in Somalia) has thousands of troops deployed in its mission to transition the security responsibilities of Somalia to its own forces by the end of 2024. ATMIS troops are drawn from neighboring countries including Ethiopia along with Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, and Djibouti. Ethiopia’s role in stabilizing Somalia is seen as crucial for the stability and security of the region, as well as for its own national interests, and has had thousands of troops in Somalia that are mainly deployed in Sector Three, which covers Bay, Bakool and Gedo regions of Somalia and have been critical to Somalia’s fight against Al-Shabaab terror group.

Earlier today, the President of the Federal Republic of Somalia traveled to Asmara for a meeting with Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki. The purpose of this visit remains uncertain, raising questions about whether the Somali President is pursuing an alliance with the Eritrean leader to counter the Ethiopian-Somaliland Memorandum of Understanding and potential bilateral and economic cooperation.

Somaliland Minister of Defense Resigns in Protest of MoU with Ethiopia

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In a statement, Mr. Abdiqani Mohamoud Aateye, the Minister of Defense has resigned his post in protest of the Memorandum of Understanding that Somaliland has signed with Ethiopia for naval base. Mr. Aateye was appointed by President Bihi when he took office to the Justice portfolio and later reassigned to the defense.

In his resignation press interview, Mr. Aateye has echoed the inflammatory rhetoric of Somalia’s federal government, labeling Ethiopia the “archenemy” of Somalis, and accused Ethiopia of occupying Somali territories, specifically alluding to Ethiopia’s Somali region. Furthermore, Aateye inaccurately portrayed the Memorandum of Understanding between Ethiopia and Somaliland for the naval base as a permanent land concession, misrepresenting it as opposed to its actual nature as a lease.

Aateye, a telecommunications engineer with no prior public service experience, falls in line with a pattern seen in many of President Bihi’s appointments. The lack of relevant background raises questions about the rationale behind such selections.

Inside sources within the government who spoke on condition of anonymity stated that Aateye had a close relationship with the government of Djibouti, particularly with President Ismail Omer Guelleh. While multiple social media posts by the now-former Defense Minister hinted at these ties, Somaliland Chronicle has been unable to independently verify these allegations. Its unclear if Mr. Aateye’s objection to the Ethiopian naval base in his native region and his alleged ties to the President and government of Djibouti are related.

Mr. Aateye who hails from the Selal region which is where the potential Ethiopian base will be located as disclosed Mr. Redwan Hussein, National Security Affairs Advisor to the Prime Minister of Ethiopia in an interview, was widely criticized for the disasters withdrawal of Somaliland forces from Lasanod where the Ministry of Defense issued multiple confusing statement on the unfolding disaster.

So far, the government of Djibouti has not publicly come out against the MoU signed by President of the Republic of Somaliland Muse Bihi Abdi and the Prime Minister of Ethiopia in Addis on January 1st for potential naval base in the Red Sea for Ethiopia in exchange for recognition of Somaliland and other commercial interest concessions between the two countries.

Although details have far from finalized between Somaliland and Ethiopia, the historic deal brewing between Somaliland and Ethiopia could potentially reshape the Horn of Africa. When finalized, it might pave the way for Somaliland to shed its 32-year limbo of unrecognition to become Africa’s 55th state, finally securing the coveted international recognition it has long sought. This, in turn, could grant Ethiopia, currently landlocked, a coveted foothold on the Red Sea via a naval base in Somaliland.

Nine Pharo’s Students Awarded Ethiopia’s UnderGrad Scholarships

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This week, the Pharo Foundation education team in Somaliland were delighted to celebrate a group of their graduates from Sheikh Secondary School, who have been selected as recipients of the Ethiopian Undergraduate Scholarship Awards.

Each year, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education offers a limited number of scholarships to citizens from Somaliland. This academic year, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education has granted 70 undergraduate degree scholarships for Somaliland. Of these, Pharo Foundation is delighted to see nine of their own students from Sheikh Secondary School make the cut.

This is a much sought after opportunity only awarded to the very top-performing students in Somaliland. To have nine of Pharo students selected is testament to the hard work of their students and also the efforts of its school in providing a solid educational basis.

In addition to the scholarship the students will be receiving from Ethiopia’s Ministry of Education, Pharo Foundation is also glad to be able to offer some financial support for living expenses.

In previous years, it was found Somaliland students attending Ethiopian universities faced various challenges, with the most significant being related to inadequate food quality.

This prompted some students to return home. To prevent such issues for this most recent group of students, the Foundation has decided to offer financial support for living expenses.

Each student will receive a capped amount of USD 7,200 for the entire academic program. This support will be provided at a rate of US$150 per month for a four-year program or US$100 per month for a six-year program.

By supporting these students in the next step of their educational journey we are further committing to our mission of proving high-quality and affordable education.

And with the nine students going on to study subjects such as Hydrology, Medicine, Engineering and Computer Science, the Foundation believe they will be well equipped to give back to the Horn of Africa as productive citizens in a rapidly changing world

Guest article

leaders of Somalia & Somaliland Meeting in Djibouti

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In resuming talks between Somalia and Somaliland after 11 years, the governments of Djibouti and Somalia’s president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, and Somaliland’s president, Musa Bihi Abdi, are meeting today.

A team headed by President Bihi arrived in Djibouti to meet with the President of Somalia, according to a statement from the Somaliland Presidential Office.

“A delegation flew to the Republic of Djibouti on an official working visit, under the direction of HE. Muse Bihi Abdi, President of the Somaliland Republic”

According to a statement from the Somaliland Presidential Office, the goal of this official visit is to carry on the presidential-level negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia.

Dr. Saad Ali Shire – the Minister of Finance Development; Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Diriye (Toorno); Mr. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed – the Minister of Interior Affairs; Mr. Ahmed Adan Buxane, the Minister of Education and Science; and Mrs. Edna Adan Ismail – the Special Envoy of Somaliland overseeing the dialogue between Somaliland and Somaliland, will accompany him.

Minister of Information Daud Aweis stated in a statement that President Hassan’s visit is intended to “resume talks between the Federal Government of Somalia and Somalia and solve the conflict in the country.”

He said that the President is accompanied by his Envoy for the negotiations with Somaliland, Abdikarim Hussein Guled, the Minister of Interior of Somalia, Ahmed Mo’alim Fiqi, and the Minister of Commerce, Jabril Abdirashid. “The talks are being hosted by our sister country, Djibouti,” he said.

The presidents will talk over a wide variety of topics, including debt relief, the management of national projects, resource allocation, crises, and the recent Red Sea tensions, according to trustworthy sources.

This time, Somaliland will be discussed without SSC Khatumo present, and it is anticipated that the presidents would talk about peaceful resolutions to the disputes in the Sool area.

After winning reelection in May 2022, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud designated an ambassador to oversee Somaliland matters in order to continue resolving this long-running problem.

In contrast to other parts of Somalia, Somaliland has maintained peace and stability while working for international recognition for more than 30 years.

After Somaliland declared its independence, 11 years have passed since the initial talks between the Transitional Government of Somalia and Somaliland. It has now been 32 years since the fall of the Somali government in 1991.

Heritage Institute’s 2023 conference run from December 19-21 in the city of Djibouti. The theme for this year’s conference was “Fostering a Culture of Peace in the Horn.”

Recently, the 7th Heritage Institute gathering came to an end in Djibouti City, bringing together intellectuals from Somaliland, Djibouti, and Somalia as well as politicians from such countries. The politics, economy, security, stability, and cohabitation of Somalis were examined in those forum discussions.

Although the government of Somaliland did not formally attend the 7th Heritage conference, it appears that its representation was done by the opposition leaders in an indirect capacity.

However, it might be argued that this encounter between the two presidents was brewed during the just concluded annual Heritage conference. The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies appears to be keenly interested in the dialogue between Somalia and Somaliland.

There have been special sessions at Heritage conferences in the past to address the Somaliland problem.

Because of their close ties, it is challenging to verify Heritage’s independence from the Somali government. In addition, the general consensus is that the institution is a UN vehicle, fully financed and pursuing UN objectives. It suffices to have a reasonable doubt about its lack of independence given that the prime minister of Somalia was the conference’s keynote speaker.

However, if we examine this matter in the context of the ongoing Red Sea situation, one may argue that it is a ploy by Ismail Omer Geleh to demonstrate his power in the region over Somalia and Somaliland, which are close to the problem-ridden area – the Red Sea maritime route. Any meaningful input from those two nations on the unrest in the Red Sea must go via me.

How, when, and in what manner Somalia will swallow the bitter pill of Somaliland’s independence would be the sole verdict and the last call that the people of Somaliland would accept and anticipate hearing from any encounter with Somalia politicians.

Guest article

Concerned Over Tensions in the Red Sea, Somaliland Asks for Collaborative Solutions

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Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has voiced serious concerns over the Red Sea tension, citing its detrimental effects on the regional and global economies.

The Ministry said in a news release on Tuesday Dec 26, 2023 that the security of the Red Sea, the stability of the surrounding region, and the lives of millions of people who depend on commercial ships passing through the area are all at risk due to the recent increase in tension in the area.

Somaliland government is still keeping an eye on the worsening Red Sea situation. Millions of people relying on the crucial trade routes in this area for their livelihoods are at risk, as well as marine security and regional stability, according to the statement.

In order to terminate the dispute and preserve international law, the statement further urged the parties to give priority to cooperation and peaceful solutions.

“We implore all sides to the conflict to give diplomacy, communication, and a peaceful conclusion first priority. We support a cooperative strategy that puts an emphasis on collective security, upholds international law, and deals with the underlying causes of the political unrest and conflict in the area.”

Part of the statement said, “We call on regional and international actors to play a constructive role in facilitating de-escalation and supporting diplomatic efforts.”

To guarantee that the Red Sea remains a secure channel through which all ships can sail without incident, Somaliland has pledged to accept friends who wish to take part in maritime security initiatives.

“To ensure that the Red Sea remains a safe and prosperous waterway for all, our government remains steadfast in welcoming partners who wish to engage in our maritime security efforts,” the statement said in its conclusion.

This occurs one day after Musa Bihi Abdi, the president of Somaliland, met with business leaders to talk about the negative effects of Red Sea tensions on the local economy and the region as a whole.

The purpose of the discussion was to develop methods to deal with the economic effects of the growing difficulties in transshipment across the Red Sea as a result of the Houthi group’s attacks and blockade of commercial ships at Bab Al-Mandab, Yemen.

It gathered ministers, business experts, businesspeople, and other government officials from the Chambers of Commerce in Somaliland.

Both parties concluded throughout the talks that a thorough plan was required to deal with persistent problems that could endanger communal life.

Leaders in business actively gave recommendations and concepts to address new economic issues.

Among these recommendations is the creation of a joint committee made up of businesspeople and government representatives whose goal would be to create long-term solutions for problems pertaining to commodities and trade at the port.

In addition, the leaders stressed the necessity of working together to increase domestic output in order to achieve self-sufficiency and less reliance on other nations.

Guest article

Cabinet Meeting Chaired by President Bihi Approves Somaliland Budget for 2024

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During their 122nd meeting on Wednesday, the Council of Somaliland Ministers approved the 2024 Annual Budget, placing a strong emphasis on the nation’s elections and defense. President Bihi presided over the meeting.

The Somaliland Ministry of Finance Development has published the country’s yearly budget for 2024, which comes with a total of 3,432,316,337,448 Somaliland shillings in shillings.

It consists of World Bank projects, independent institutions, local and provincial government budgets, and the central government budget.

Dr. Saad Ali Shire, Minister of Finance Development, carried out his obligations as specified in Article 55, Paragraph 1 of the Nation’s Constitution and Article 5 of the Financial Management Act No. 75/2016 by presenting the budget estimate to the council.

He outlined the main topics and anticipated revenue sources for the national budget for 2024. President Muse Bihi Abdi cast his vote in favor of approving the year’s budget estimate following a protracted debate and review by the ministries.

This budget, which will be delivered to the Somaliland House of Representatives for its constitutional obligations, is the 33rd budget since Somaliland declared its unilateral dissolution of the union with the Somali Republic thus resuming its sovereignty in 1991.

The following ideas serve as the foundation and focal points of the 2024 budget: rebuilding the nation’s defense and security infrastructure, providing the cost of election, refining revenue and expenses, controlling inflation, and promoting judicial service

Piece first published on SII

Career Opportunity with DP World Berbera, Somaliland

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Head of Technology and Digital Transformation – Horn of Africa

An exceptional career opportunity within DP World Horn of Africa, under the Sub-Saharan Africa Region. If you possess the relevant background and profile that aligns with the Head of Technology and Digital Transformation role apply without delay

JOB DESCRIPTION

1.  Strategic Leadership:
•   Develop and execute a comprehensive digital and technological strategy aligned with the overall business objectives.
•   Provide visionary leadership, fostering an environment of innovation and continuous improvement.
2.  Digital Transformation:
•   Drive the transformation agenda, ensuring the adoption of emerging technologies to optimize operations and customer experiences.
•   Enhance digital capabilities within the workforce through tailored training and development programs.
3.  Technology Integration:
•   Implement integrated technological solutions that enhance interoperability and efficiency across multi-company, multi-site operations.
•   Optimize the use of data, analytics, and artificial intelligence to inform decision-making and strategy.
4.  Stakeholder Management:
•   Collaborate with cross-functional teams, stakeholders, and external partners to drive the technology and transformation agenda.
•   Ensure that technology initiatives align with the organizational culture, values, and objectives.
5.  Risk Management:
•   Identify, assess, and mitigate risks associated with technology and digital transformation initiatives.
•   Ensure compliance with industry regulations, standards, and best practices.
 

  • Job Identification:             8819
  • Posting Date :               12/25/2023, 11:49 AM
  • Apply Before:                01/08/2024, 11:48 AM
  • Degree Level:                Master’s Degree
  • Job Schedule:                Full time
  • Location:                  BERBERA, Sahil Region, Somaliland

You don’t need to have an account:       APPLY NOW

Early Childhood Education Program in Somaliland

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Policy and Research Contributions from Pharo Foundation

Pharo Foundation’s Somaliland Early Childhood Education (ECE) Program hhas been a transformative force in shaping Somaliland’s education landscape, well beyond the mere provision of its teaching, into ECE policy and research. Pharo Foundation started the first-ever ECE centers in Somaliland public schools in 2016, allowing children from poor and middle-income families to access quality ECE. We now run 18 ECEs across the country, which cater to more than 1,000 children. Yet from a policy standpoint, we have also co-created the Somaliland National ECE Curriculum with the Ministry of Education, ensuring that all ECE centers follow the same standards and guidelines. From a global research point of view, we are also contributing to the production of global knowledge on ECEs, through the data we collect, as we have conducted the first study in Somaliland that provides evidence of the positive impact of ECE on Somaliland children.

Somaliland is a region that faces poverty and a lack of early childhood education opportunities for many children. Private kindergartens are too expensive for most families, and public schools do not have enough ECE centers. Our Early Childhood Education Program aims to address this gap by partnering with public schools and establishing ECE centers within them. However, the national diffusion of this approach to early years learning was always the ultimate aspiration for us. Hence as part of our mission to support early childhood education (ECE) in Somaliland, we have been working closely with the Ministry of Education and Sciences (Mo&ES) to develop a national ECE curriculum. Our collaboration started in 2015 when we funded the Horn Youth Services Foundation to create a provisional ECE curriculum. Pharo Foundation also trained the first cohort of 28 ECE teachers, who were ready to educate and nurture young Somali children. In 2022, we partnered with the Mo&ES to finalize the national ECE curriculum, which was written in English and made available for all ECE providers. In 2023, we translated the curriculum into Somali. We have been on the front lines of providing early childhood education to children across Somaliland as it is essential for their development and academic success.

Meanwhile, existing research has shown that ECEs can have a lasting impact on children’s educational and social outcomes, particularly children who come from lower socioeconomic backgrounds. One such study is the High/Scope Perry Preschool Study.  This study is a “scientific experiment that has identified both the short- and long-term effects of a high-quality preschool education program for young children living in poverty.”

The High/Scope study followed 123 low-income African American children from ages 3 to 40. Half of the children received early education which was based on the High/Scope curriculum while the other half did not receive any preschool education.

Following the children, until they were 40, the study collected data on the effects early education had on their lives outcomes such as educational status, income, health and even on their behaviours.

The study found that “The program group significantly outperformed the non-program group on highest level of schooling completed,” and that more program groups were economically performing better.

The High/Scope Perry Preschool Study provides strong evidence on the importance of early education and its everlasting impact. The study concludes that “high-quality preschool programs for young children living in poverty contribute to their intellectual and social development in childhood and their school success, [and] economic performance.”

However, there has been no evidence of the importance of early education in Somaliland. Hence Pharo Foundation decided to carry out a quasi-experimental study to measure the impact and effectiveness of our Early Childhood Education Program in Berbera, Somaliland. The study used the International Development Educational Learning Assessment (IDELA), a standardized tool that measures the outcomes of a child’s learning and development in the areas of emergent literacy, emergent numeracy, social-emotional development, and executive functions.

In this experiment, 85 students in a control group were compared with 80 students in the treatment group, measuring their IDELA scores at the beginning and end of the program. The results showed that the treatment group had scored higher in tests. Relative to the comparison group, enrolled children demonstrated a 15 p.p. increase in average scores (equivalent to a standard deviation), with the largest gains occurring along the emergent literacy dimension. Although this effect is derived from a small sample in a single school (in its first year of operation), its magnitude is larger than those documented in much of the education research literature. We expect to release a detailed summary of findings in 2024.

YEMEN | America’s New Threat?

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While largely neglected for the past decade, the situation in Yemen and the Red Sea has suddenly received considerable attention. But while Houthi attacks pose a danger to international trade, tackling that problem threatens to reignite the war in Yemen, thus making the world’s worst humanitarian crisis even worse. So, what should be done about the situation? Is it really such a threat? And should other Red Sea and Aran states be getting involved?

In December 2023, the United States announced the creation of a new naval task force in the Red Sea: Operation Prosperity Guardian. This will tackle the rising threat posed to shipping by the Iranian-backed Houthi Movement based in Yemen. However, the mission faces many challenges. Quite apart from limited international support, there is a danger that it could undermine efforts to resolve the civil war in Yemen. In addition, it could destabilize relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which have been recently improving. So, what exactly is the threat all about?

Yemen is one of the most war-torn countries in the world. Having emerged as two separate countries, the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) and the People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen), they merged in May 1990 to form the Republic of Yemen. For many years, this was ruled by Ali Abdullah Saleh. However, in 2012, he was forced to resign after mass protests erupted as part of the Arab Spring. This sparked a brutal civil war as the northern-based Houthi Movement seized power in much of the country. This, in turn, led to a Saudi Arabia intervention. But since 2022, the level of fighting has dropped significantly, and there are hopes that a peace agreement may be found. And it’s this that is causing so much concern. Many fear that the new US-led naval mission, Operation Prosperity Guardian, while crucial for protecting the international economy, may upset the delicate search for peace, plunge Yemen back into conflict, and re-ignite Saudi and Iranian tensions – thus aggravating the situation in the broader Middle East.