The Two Colonels & their Cronies Failed Somaliland

August 9, 2023

Niccolò di Bernardo dei Machiavelli, an Italian diplomat, author, philosopher and historian who lived during the Renaissance, wrote in his best-known book, the prince, “A prudent man should always follow in the footsteps of great men and imitate those who have been outstanding. If a man’s prowess fails to be compatible to that of great men, at least it must have an air of greatness. Man, if he is prudent, should behave like those archers who, if they are skillful, when the target seems too distant, know the capabilities of their bow and aim a good deal higher than their objective, not in order to shoot so high but so that by aiming high they can reach the target.”

In sum, good leadership consists of three fundamental aspirations and availabilities: creating vision, embracing commitment to that vision and managing progress toward the realization of the
vision.

One way of monitoring if government’s high ranking officials, they be presidents, parliamentarians, or ministers, are maturing and developing as good leaders, is to check whether or not they have the instincts to understand that they should be more mindful of pacing themselves to take the time to self-evaluate and learm from their mistakes.

When leaders self-evaluate themselves, they come to find out in where they are weak and where they are strong. Self-evaluation enables leaders to admit their mistakes, which in turn enables them to learn new experiences that show something they didn’t do it right, reveal somethings they haven’t done, discover the true level of their skill, and make them know what matters most to the public and what doesn’t. That is, knowing where one is right or wrong, sounds to be the most important experiences that any leader can acquire and accumulate in leadership role.

Oddly enough, Somaliland leaders don’t have a learning behavior of that sort, whether they are the mujahids the two Colonels, the ministers, the parliament members, the Guurti, or the judicial authorities, the three most powerful branches of S/land government. They neither follow in the footsteps of great men, nor they are able to demonstrate that their leadership skills have even an air of worthiness to lead.

In view of this weakness in Somaliland current government institutions, riding on today’s incumbent leadership character is like trying to make something out of nothing.

The common vice of today’s Somaliland leadership is the disregard for the difference between who builds up Somaliland and who destroys it; who divides its people and who unites them; who stirs up conflicts in the communities and who has the concern to calm and cure conflicts before they turn into clashes and confrontations; who leads S/land with naive outlook and attitude that might put the nation in irresistible troubles and who has clearly identified vision and the plan to achieve the vision that can get S/land to where it has never been; who always has the agenda that devices wicked plans and who has the heart that sows harmony among S/land societies; who has the feet that are quick to shed blood of innocent people and who has the spirit for healing the wounds people suffer from, without distinction and discrimination.

Having an open mind that can seek other people’s opinions is one way of knowing if an individual can be a leader. Having problem-solving skills like the late great elder Haji Abdi Warabe is also a sign of being a leader. Showing positive attitude is still another trait that displays the eligibility of being a leader. Referring back to one’s background, as to who one is personally, and how are his skills towards changes and challenges, his approach to handle conflicts, and his behavior with regard to social and political role and responsibility is providing the best way to figure out if a person could be a responsible leader.

It is unlikely that a person who lacks those leadership qualities can become a leader at any rate, for any nation, where people refer to a person’s level of knowledgeability when choosing a leader.

Somaliland is not a country where a person’s knowledgeability is respected or reckoned with. The person who is respected and whose manliness is reckoned with is the one who doesn’t get lazy at being not only prominent figure, but a predator of every kind and shape.

The disregard for leadership qualities mostly comes up when communities fail to check and make sure the true character of the person who can be a leader and who can’t. Of course, failure by Somaliland communities to give attention to elect the right person into the position of public trust has put our nation into leadership and political crisis.

In fact, leadership and political crisis that Somaliland people suffer constantly include poor judgement, poor leadership preparation, incapacity to predict the future, resistance to listen to public voice, lack of learning behavior, inability to manage differences that arise when two sides disagree on certain issues

The two Colonels in power are not really above those weaknesses in today’s Somaliland leadership role. They are below those crises, without doubt.

Contrary to how some people think, Somaliland leadership crisis is not only when those who are in control show the tendency to run and rule the country according to their own outlook, but it is also when those in power become unfit for the job they have for the people and become unable to lead the country in the right and required way. More importantly, Somaliland poor leadership turned out to be a disaster as the two Colonels took decisions that threaten S/land’s peace and stability

Most people say that the two Colonels and their cronies have failed in leading this nation aright; a thought that simply shows the fact that leaders cannot be prefect. In that people may have a point, but there are points that most people fail to notice. The points which need to be clear to everybody are such that the two Colonels and those that always rally behind them have already made up their little minds and determined to stay in power at any cost, even if the consequences of their staying in power might ultimately result in an irreversible catastrophe that will, in turn, cause S/land’s sudden crumble and collapse.

The two Colonels and their cronies have succeeded in formulating a chain of conspiracies that enabled them to stay in power as long as they want, without public consent.

The two Colonels believe that Somaliland people can be governed by force and that use of power is only what really works well, when it comes to ruling this nation. They think that governance is being scoped always by brutality. They don’t know that persuasion is better than use of force. Punishing and brutalizing people instead of treating them fairly and paying attention to what they need or say is totally what the Colonels have grown to accustom.

The two Colonels and their father of tribalism, Saleebaan Gaal, never shy away to keep Somaliland people in crisis and conflicts; they never shy away to create what pulls Somaliland people apart; they never shy away to divide Somaliland people into foes and friends; they never shy to do what even women shy away to do.

Mr. president and his colleagues in his administration never shy to arrest citizens who speak In their minds like Bushaare Baanday, the freelance journalist, who had been caught by S/land security forces in Wajaale, and every other body who tries to tell something about the Colonels’ conspiracy theories to prolong their pennaceous ruling behavior.

The two Colonels never shy away to detain any citizen who uses to criticis their foolish actions for a considerable time, without taking into account the fundamental principle of our system of justice that every person accused of a crime is presumed to be innocent unless and until his or her guilt is established beyond a reasonable doubt.

How did the Colonels set out their strategy, the roadmap to prolong their rule?

The Colonels’ first conspiracy began with the initiative to open new political associations even though Somaliland election system doesn’t accommodate a process in which new political parties’ election can be held separately from local council elections.

But president Muse Bihi did not see that the lack of consolidated election laws for presidential and newly registered political parties will create a conflict over holding the election without a law. Mr. president and his hotchpotch administration decided to be out of legality and proceeded to form the committee for registration of new political organizations and approval of political parties.

Of course the president had three main goals in opening new political parties. The first goal was to make Waddani’s growing popularity to gain more fans and votes from Eastern Somaliland constituencies less powerful and less effective. The second goal was to eliminate Ucid party out of the political scene. And the third aim was to replace both parties, Waddani and Ucid, with the new parties, an option still standing to be utilized by the ruling junta, should things go as planned.

Parallel to this unconstitutional move, the president secretly intervened in the former National Electoral Commission Members headed by Riyo Raac and influenced them to resign individually in return of undisclosed reward, bribery to put it in its proper context. The NEC resignation prompted the need to form new NEC that required a considerable time to learn election formalities and acquire the skills for holding elections and voter registration process.

In fact, president’s initiative to open new parties and pressure the already existed NEC to quit was a conspiracy to undermine the timeline in which presidential election that was supposed to be held on 15 Nov 2022.

After that mission was successfully fulfilled, the parliament’s upper house, the Guurti, proceeded to extend Bihi’s mandate by two years without prior agreement between opposition parties and ruling party. The extension was absolutely undemocratic, not authorized or approved by Somaliland’s supreme laws. The extension can be also interpreted probably as a collusion between Muse Bihi and Saleebaan Gaal, that only meant that no more presidential election will take place in S/land in the years to come.

The argument over the constitutionality of opening new parties between president Bihi and opposition parties escalated peaceful demonstrations in which Somaliland police forces killed armless protesters in Erigavo, Burao and Hargeisa; a well-organized assault at opposition supporters which would have been escalated to civil war if the leaders of parties didn’t show up to cool down the peoples’ anger and agony.

On the other hand, the war in Lasanod is believed to be a project that meant to manipulate Muse Bihi’s chances to stay in office. The warring strategy which keeps Somaliland forces to be stationed in and around Goojacade and controls their strength to recapture Lasanod city while they are under constant attack by the local armed militias and their allies just proves that Lasanod war is a conspiracy to prolong Muse Bihi’s term.

If those who are in power, at their own discretion, disregard the elements of what basically structures shared values, the building blocks that protect and preserve the nation’s constitution; if those who are in power abandon and ignore the nation’s supreme laws whenever they want and no other legal institution has the power to return them to the nation’s social contract, what else can set out how all the elements of government are organized and how power is carved up among different political units?

Somaliland truly suffers painful effects of lawlessness. The laws that are made and meant to regulate how democracy deals with political conflicts are no longer in use. The reason for this to happen is that the head of the incumbent administration is tempted to take the law into his own hands, since other institutions that are supposed to protect national law are not doing their jobs.

All above versions show that Somaliland people see two different attitudes in the ruling party leadership and opposition parties’ leadership: Belligerent attitude and pacifist attitude.

All of us know that Muse Bihi always takes belligerent attitude towards political conflicts and refuses to negotiate with opposition parties over the form of any joint decision which they might take to manage and resolve the dispute between them.

The questions are: Who is a threat to Somaliland’s hard-earned peace and stability? Who wants to lead this nation into war? Who wants to go by his own little mindset and be out of legality? Who wants to lead this nation with lies? Who want to lead this nation according to his foolish outlook? Muse Bihi or Abdirahman Cirro or Faisal Ali? Who cares? That is what the lack of public outcry means.

Failure to stop the wrongdoers, the useless Guurti that always endorses whatever the arrogant and ignorant Colonels suggest, from taking further actions that will surely put Somaliland’s hard-earned peace and stability into risk, will mean the end of S/land state.

The author of “HALLOWGII XORIYADDA IYO HALGANKII SNM” –

a paperback that is in the pipeline for publishing
By: Jama Abdillahi Ismail (Falaag)
Somaliland, Hargeisa

Guest article first appeared on SII

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

US East Africa’s Policy: Dismissing Somaliland’s Democracy, Sudan’s Failure, & Eritrea’s Threat

Editor II

July 23, 2023

China and Russia have recently increased their engagement with Eritrea, a small but strategically located country in East Africa. Meanwhile, American influence in the region is amid a yearslong slide. Despite the obvious risks, the United States has failed to muster a committed response and has even taken some counterproductive measures that demonstrate a lack of strategic thinking. If these trends continue, a vital region may fall under the conclusive influence of Washington’s primary geopolitical competitors

A Long and Deepening Friendship

Eritrean President Isaias Afewerki recently made a four-day state visit to China, where he was feted with a red carpet and a 21-gun salute. This warm reception reflects his long relationship with Beijing, which predates Eritrea’s independence from Ethiopia. In 1967, Afewerki and others from what was then northern Ethiopia traveled to China for military training. Almost 30 years later, the same group would lead the insurgency that won Eritrean independence. Afewerki is reportedly a devotee of Mao Zedong and admires the Chinese Communist Party. He has visited Beijing five times since 1994, and shares China’s goal of reorienting the global order away from the US and the West.

The Eritrean government’s China policy reflects Afewerki’s sympathies. The ruling People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ) started participating in exchanges with the CCP years ago, and Eritrean dignitaries regularly visit Beijing. Three senior officials—Foreign Minister Osman Saleh, Head of the PFDJ’s Economic Affairs Hagos Gebrehiwet, and Presidential Adviser Yemane Gebreab—account for at least 15 total visits to China since 2010. The Sino-Eritrean relationship even survived the revelation that China sold weapons to both sides of Eritrea and Ethiopia’s vicious border war from 1998 to 2000.

Beijing reciprocates Asmara’s enthusiasm. Since Eritrea’s independence, four of five Chinese foreign ministers (excluding the newly emplaced current minister) have visited the country during their tenure. Since 1997, 16 Chinese medical teams have worked in Eritrea. China is Eritrea’s largest investor, contractor, and trade partner, and Chinese companies built some of the country’s most important infrastructure. This work includes an upgrade to the primary port of Massawa and a road that links Massawa and Assab, the site of another port

Russia’s Recent Engagements

Shortly after his visit to Beijing, Afewerki jetted off to Moscow for discussions with President Vladimir Putin. Russia’s ties with Eritrea are much less extensive than China’s, in part because the Soviet Union’s 1991 collapse severely curtailed Russia’s Africa outreach. But like Afewerki’s visit to China, this trip to Russia is part of a broader campaign to deepen ties. Four months before Afewerki’s Moscow trip, Sergei Lavrov made the first-ever visit to Eritrea by a Russian foreign minister. Both Lavrov and Putin have urged Afewerki to attend the July Russia-Africa Summit in St. Petersburg, though it is unclear if he will do so. Eritrea was also the only African country to vote against two United Nations resolutions condemning the Russian invasion of Ukraine. And Eritrea, along with China, Russia, and a rogues’ gallery of other states, founded the anti-Western Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations in 2021.

Eritrea is only about the size of Virginia, with a population of around six million people. But Asmara punches above its weight in geopolitical significance because of where it sits. It has nearly 1,400 miles of Red Sea coastline and shares a maritime border with Yemen and Saudi Arabia. It holds a commanding position on the Bab al Mandeb Strait, a global shipping chokepoint, and its islands pepper the Red Sea approach to the strait. Assab is closer than any other port to the heart of the Bab, and much of Eritrea may be mineral rich.

The Implications for the US

Alarm bells should be ringing in the Pentagon and State Department. If China develops a base—or possibly even dual-use infrastructure—in Assab or Massawa to complement its base in neighboring Djibouti, it would be able to blockade the Bab al Mandeb Strait. If a confrontation with China were to occur, such a closure would force America’s Sixth Fleet to waste precious days steaming from the Mediterranean Sea around the southern tip of Africa to get to the Indian or Pacific Oceans. Beijing could also cut off access to the Port of Djibouti, which is critical for the operations of the nearby US military base, and which is used by five of the Department of Defense’s eleven combatant commands.

Eritrea has recently begun to grant basing rights to foreign powers. The United Arab Emirates—another country rapidly deepening ties with China and Russia—operated a military base at Assab for years as part of its Yemen operations, and made improvements to the airstrip there. Several years ago, the UAE began dismantling parts of the base. However, it is unclear whether it fully withdrew or still maintains a presence there, particularly as the original lease was for 30 years.

Russia also wants a base in the region to bolster its ability to project power into the Red Sea with the potential to cause problems for the US. In 2018, Moscow signed an agreement with Asmara to establish a logistics base, but nothing appears to have come of it. However, Lavrov may have revisited the topic in his January visit to Asmara, and there are rumors that the Wagner Group already has an undefined presence in Eritrea. (Notwithstanding the recent Moscow-Wagner split, Wagner’s Africa operations are of such value to Moscow that they are likely to continue in some form.) Moscow also tried to secure its own base in Djibouti but was rebuffed, and has long pressed the Sudanese government for basing rights in Port Sudan on the Red Sea

Eritrea’s increased closeness with two of Washington’s primary competitors comes amid years of decline in American influence in the Horn of Africa. Eritrea’s eastern neighbor is Djibouti, which hosts an American military base. As of 2017, Djibouti also hosts China’s first overseas military base, a hardened encampment with a pier large enough to support a Chinese aircraft carrier and nuclear submarines. Chinese companies have built or begun managing two of the Djibouti seaport’s four commercial terminals and have constructed much of the country’s recent infrastructure, which contributes to Djibouti’s heavy Chinese debt load.

To Djibouti’s east sits Somalia, which is wracked by conflict and corruption despite the billions of dollars that the US and others have showered on Mogadishu for a decade. Its foreign minister, Abshir Omar Jama, recently visited Moscow for talks with Lavrov. They reportedly discussed military cooperation, raising the specter of Wagner mercenaries being stationed in Somalia.

To Eritrea’s west lies Sudan, which has over 500 miles of Red Sea coastline. Civil war broke out there in April, derailing years of American efforts to help cement a civilian-led government. Meanwhile, Russia has a strong presence in the country, primarily through Wagner.

America’s Non-Response towards Somaliland

The US faces the increasing likelihood that thousands of miles of Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, and Indian Ocean coastline will become progressively more inhospitable. Two of the three countries—Eritrea and Djibouti—that command the Bab al Mandeb Strait could fall irretrievably into the Chinese camp. Yet Washington’s response has been either apathetic or ineffective. In Sudan, the US spends most of its diplomatic energy supporting doomed ceasefires. And despite years of warnings from senior US military officers, Washington has failed to halt or even impede China’s growing influence in Djibouti.

Meanwhile, the US has allowed one of its most promising relationship in the whole region to cool. Washington has slowed its engagement with pro-American Somaliland, with its recently renovated Berbera seaport and airport, over delayed elections and a territorial dispute in its east. Those concerns are legitimate. However, the US is losing out in an important part of the world, and tightening relations with Somaliland is one way to ameliorate that problem. Washington should not let concerns about Somaliland’s delayed elections or violence in the east, which are ancillary to American interests, derail its pursuit of core interests.

Eritrea’s increasingly close relations with Beijing and Moscow likely mean that the situation in the Horn of Africa will soon get even worse for Washington. The warning signs are obvious. But whether Washington is paying sufficient attention—or has a workable plan for addressing the problem—is much less clear.

About the Author

Joshua Meservey is a senior fellow at Hudson Institute, where he focuses on great power competition in Africa, African geopolitics, and counterterrorism. He was previously a research fellow for Africa at the Heritage Foundation. Before joining Heritage, he worked at the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center and at the US Army Special Operations Command, where he helped write an Army concept paper. He also worked at Church World Service (CWS) based out of Nairobi, Kenya, and traveled extensively in East and Southern Africa interviewing refugees. He is a returned Peace Corps volunteer who served in Zambia and extended his service there to work for the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention.

Source: Content first published by Hudson Institute under different title

Somaliland Office in Taiwan Rejects Sexual Misconduct Allegations

Editor II

July 22, 2023

The Republic of Somaliland Representative Office in Taiwan has rebuffed a former employee’s claim of unfair dismissal, telling CNA Thursday that the worker was fired due to “persistently breaching” her employment contract.

The woman, identified only as “A,” started working as a special assistant to Somaliland’s representative to Taiwan Mohamed Omar Hagi Mohamoud in May 2021, Kuomintang (KMT) Taipei City Councilor Chang Szu-kang (張斯綱) told reporters at a press conference Thursday. At the press conference, “A” alleged that Mohamoud held her responsible when one of his personal employees, a Filipino worker, left their job without warning. “A” said he checked her phone multiple times, and despite not finding relevant evidence on it, dismissed her in August 2022.

When she was fired, a co-worker went through her possessions, stating it was for official purposes, she said, adding that the co-worker repeatedly hugged her without her consent. The woman filed a case of sexual misconduct against that co-worker, which was turned down by prosecutors. She then asked a court to send the case to trial, but that appeal was also rejected by the court.

She also filed a civil lawsuit against the Somaliland office regarding her dismissal, but this was thrown out on June 29 by the Taiwan High Court after Mohamoud claimed diplomatic immunity. “The cases filed by the petitioner, which involved allegations of sexual harassment and wrongful dismissal, have all been brought before the court and prosecutors have decided not to bring charges in both cases,” the Somaliland Representative Office said, when asked for comment by CNA.

The office said it terminated its contract with the former employee because she “persistently breached contract terms and ignored multiple warnings.” In the press conference, the woman also alleged that the office initially did not want to give her overtime pay and labor and health insurance and only agreed after she made multiple requests.

Source: Focus Taiwan

The Impact of Postponing Political Elections in Somaliland

Staff

July 16, 2023

Somaliland, a self-declared independent state located in the Horn of Africa, has been striving for stability and democratic governance since its separation from Somalia in 1991. With its own government, military, currency, and legal system, Somaliland has emerged as a unique entity in the region. One of its notable achievements has been the successful organization of free and fair elections, setting an example for other African nations. However, the recent decision to postpone political elections in Somaliland, due to a disagreement between major political parties regarding the sequence of elections, has raised concerns about the potential consequences for democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. This essay aims to analyze the impact of postponing political elections in Somaliland, exploring the reasons behind the decision, its potential consequences, and the importance of open and transparent communication in addressing public concerns.

Somaliland, situated in the northwest of Somalia, has a population of approximately 4.5 million people. Since its declaration of independence, Somaliland has made significant strides in establishing democratic institutions and holding regular elections. These elections have been widely regarded as free and fair by international observers, showcasing Somaliland’s commitment to democratic principles and transparent electoral processes. In a region often plagued by political instability and electoral irregularities, Somaliland stands as a beacon of democracy, setting an example for other African nations.

However, the recent disagreement between the major political parties in Somaliland regarding the sequence of elections has resulted in the postponement of political elections. The ruling party and the opposition have divergent views on whether the presidential election should take place first or be followed by the party elections that determine the three major political parties participating in formal politics for the next decade. This disagreement has created a contentious political environment, jeopardizing the stability that Somaliland has worked hard to achieve.

To fully understand the impact of postponing political elections, it is crucial to delve into the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The ruling party believes that holding the party elections first is essential for maintaining stability within the political landscape, while the opposition argues that the presidential election should take precedence to ensure a legitimate mandate for the elected government. This disagreement not only highlights differing visions for the future of Somaliland but also exposes potential power struggles and political maneuvering that can undermine the democratic process.

The consequences of postponing political elections in Somaliland extend beyond the immediate concerns of democracy. Political stability is closely linked to the timely organization of elections, as they provide a legitimate framework for governance and a peaceful transition of power. The disagreement between political parties has created uncertainty and a power vacuum, increasing the potential for political tensions and instability. This volatile situation can lead to protests, violence, and a loss of public trust in the democratic process.

The violent clashes in August, as well as the opposition’s threat to no longer recognize the government led by President Muse Bihi, highlight the potential consequences of the current political impasse. Increased political tensions can further escalate into social unrest, jeopardizing the hard-earned stability of Somaliland. It is essential to recognize that the consequences of postponing elections extend far beyond the political realm. The overall socio-economic development of Somaliland is at stake, as political instability hampers progress and discourages investment and international partnerships.

Moreover, the postponement of elections raises questions about the government’s commitment to upholding democratic principles and respecting the will of the people. Open and transparent communication becomes crucial in addressing public concerns and ensuring public trust. The government must take responsibility for effectively communicating the reasons behind the decision and engaging in dialogue with all stakeholders. Clear explanations should be provided to regain public confidence in the electoral process and demonstrate a commitment to democratic values.

In addition to the government’s responsibility, civil society organizations and the international community play crucial roles in supporting transparent communication efforts. Civil society organizations can act as intermediaries, fostering dialogue between the ruling party and the opposition, and amplifying the voices of the people. The international community, as a trusted partner of Somaliland, should encourage political elites to find a consensus path forward and offer to mediate if necessary. By volunteering to serve as guarantors for any resolution that emerges, the international community can reinforce public confidence in the electoral process and support the stability of Somaliland.

Somaliland’s hard-earned stability and international recognition are at risk. The postponement of elections and the ongoing political dispute threaten to undermine the region’s democratic trajectory. To mitigate these challenges, it is essential for Somaliland’s political elites to prioritize the interests of the nation above their individual party agendas. A consensus must be reached on the sequencing of elections, ensuring a fair and inclusive process that upholds democratic values.

In conclusion, the postponement of political elections in Somaliland due to a disagreement between major political parties presents significant challenges to democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. To fully understand the impact, it is necessary to explore the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The consequences extend beyond the immediate concerns and raise questions about the government’s commitment to democratic principles.

Open and transparent communication, along with mediation efforts by the international community, can help address public concerns and foster a path forward. By finding a consensus and rescheduling the elections, Somaliland can safeguard its hard-earned stability, preserve its democratic reputation, and continue its progress toward international recognition.

PLEASE NOTE: Due to the non-secure nature of e-mail, the confidentiality of such communications cannot be ensured. Please use discretion when sending information that is sensitive in nature.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Sayidcali Ismail AhmedSayidcali Ahmed is a MasterCard Foundation’19 scholar currently studying at Westminster College (USA), double majoring in Political Science and Global and Transnational Studies. He works for the senate of the Student Government Association and as a treasurer of the Global Development and Progress Club. Ahmed also serves as a resident advisor and Math tutor. In addition, Ahmed is a fellow of The Public Policy & International Affairs Program at Princeton University. After graduating from Westminster College, Ahmed plans to pursue a career in public policy, especially in Education Policy and Analysis (EPA), to participate in policy development, research, analysis, and organizational leadership in developing countries and worldwide.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

The Late Journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed Buried in Hargeisa, Somaliland

Editor II

July 15, 2023

May Allah Almighty rest in peace, the funeral was held today in Hargeisa for the late journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed, who passed away yesterday in a hospital in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The burial service of the late journalist Madar Abdi Ahmed was held this evening at Baqiic graveyard on the edges of Hargeisa, and was attended by Somaliland government officials, the media community and a large number of the public.

Journalists and officials who attended the funeral described the deceased’s personality and the role he played in the growth of the Somaliland media, particularly radio and television, as a leader.

He has been described as a gifted person with good manners, tolerance, patience, determination, talented, and polite who stood by anyone who needed advice and assistance, according to journalists from various parts of the country’s media.

The deceased was described as a person who was blessed by Allah Almighty for reaching out to people who needed help and assistance by the Ambassador of Somaliland to Djibouti, the Chairman of the Somaliland Civic Services agency, and the Chairman of Sagaljet Company, all of whom knew the deceased during his time in the media and before.

His Days in the Arena of Somaliland Media

May Allah Almighty rest in peace on the late Madar Abdi Ahmed in the Hereafter, he was born sometime in 1979, grew up in, received his schooling from Middle School to University level in Hargeisa.

Before the establishment of Somaliland National Television (SLNTV), the late Madar, considered one of the veteran journalists who have been in the country’s media for quite a while, began his career at Hargeisa TV, which was the first television station in the country, as a correspondent reporting daily news and preparing historical programs that aired on that television which was later called Somaliland Space Channel. He also worked on Horn Cable TV for several years.

After that, he worked at the Somaliland Ministry of Information and, more precisely, at the Somaliland National Television. There, a number of seasoned journalists who had previously worked for private media outlets congregated with the intention of enhancing the production of government media.

The late Madar will be remembered and will go down the history for a remarkable series of programs that he prepared about the massacre of the Somaliland people by the government of late Siad Barre, one of which was the ethnic cleansing that took place on the Jazira Beach in the outskirts of Mogadishu in 1989. The deceased had an interview with the only person who survived from that massacre

Late in 2013, the late Madar established a media outlet in Hargeisa called Himilo Media Group, including its newspaper known as Himilo after taking over the ownership from Ahmed Sandoon, who owned the name of the newspaper that used to appear in 1998 – 2002.

Guest article first published on SII

Parliament Prepping Somaliland for Petroleum Production

Editor II

July 8, 2023

Genel is looking for resources of more than two billion barrels of oil in Somaliland, an extremely promising onshore exploration province.

Genel received an exploration license for Somaliland’s onshore blocks SL-10-B and SL-13 in August 2012. In November 2012, Genel expanded its presence by purchasing a 50% participating interest in the Odewayne Production Sharing Agreement, which includes blocks SL-6, SL-7, and SL-10A. Onshore Somaliland is a relatively unexplored region with few drilled exploration wells. The blocks are roughly the same size as the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in total.

Genel announced in December 2021 that it had signed a farm-out agreement with OPIC Somaliland Corporation (‘OSC’) for the SL10B13 block. OSC would receive all of Genel’s future capital investment from Taiwan’s CPC Corporation, a state-owned company. OSC was granted a working interest in the block worth 49 percent under the terms of the agreement in exchange for a cash premium and a cash consideration equal to 49 percent of all Genel’s previous back costs. Genel recently held a 100 percent working revenue, and will go on as administrator.

On the highly prospective SL10B13 block, preparations for the drilling of a well are currently underway. The possibility to be penetrated has been recognized, concurred with our accomplice, and an ideal well area chose to best objective the stacked Mesozoic supply targets with individual planned asset gauges going from 100 to 200 MMbbls.

The geotechnical review has now finished as Genel progress towards development of the well cushion. Tendering for the rig and well services has begun, and assessments of the impact on society and the environment are currently underway.

The planned SL10B13 region is c.150 kilometers from the port at Berbera, offering a course to global business sectors.

Somaliland is a country rich in various natural resources such as oil. In recent times, the government has been making efforts to attract both national and international investors.

The Somaliland parliament’s endeavors to set up the country for oil creation are still in their beginning phases. However, the parliament has made significant progress and is well-positioned to attract investment and develop a sustainable oil and gas.

Among these efforts is the Petroleum Exploration and Production Act which was approved by Parliament last year. This rule applies to oil companies, contractors, subcontractors and their employees. The Act governs both offshore and onshore oil operations, but gives the ministry the authority to make regulations and guidelines specifically for oil operations.

The Somaliland parliament must also take into consideration the potential risks associated with petroleum production, such as corruption and environmental damage. To moderate these risks, the parliament ought lay out a number of safeguards, for example, a requirement for oil companies to publish their financial reports and restriction on oil drilling in sensitive environmental areas.

Given the fact that the parliament is a replica of Somaliland people in general, in addition to the steps listed above, it should also pursue building “public awareness” of the potential benefits and risks of petroleum production. Public workshops, consultations, and information about the petroleum law and the government’s plans for the oil and gas sector must be made public by the parliament.

Somaliland Petroleum Exploration and Production Act

The law mentions different licenses that can be applied for by the companies doing oil operations, such as;

1. Preliminary survey permit

Oil companies that take this license can conduct research and exploration of the country’s oil. After the company’s application, the Ministry of Energy and Minerals will issue a preliminary exploration permit for a period of 90 days. The license is not exclusive to anyone, the Ministry will issue it to anyone who meets the requirements for the license.

When the company receives this license, it does not mean that it has a special privilege that it can later enter into the contract for drilling and oil production. The exploration company must share oil data and information with the Ministry free of charge.

2. Exploration and Production Sharing Agreement.

At the time of the exploration and production sharing agreement, the ministry openly broadcasts the agreement to the national and international media. Stakeholders who applied for the contract will pay a fee or amount of money determined by the ministry. After a period of six months, the Council of Ministers decides the winner, if there is no request, the Minister of Energy and Mines can open negotiations with private companies.

This license or agreement between the Ministry and the oil company consists of two phases; In the first phase, oil exploration, the duration of this agreement cannot exceed 10 years, while the second phase of oil production cannot exceed 30 years. If the license holder wants to renew the first phase of this agreement, he must apply (3) three months before the expiration of his license, while the second phase must apply for his renewal (5) five years before the expiration of the license. The Act states that the Ministry shall issue regulations governing the payments to be made to the applicant.

The law gives the power to approve oil contracts to the Cabinet, while the Ministry of Energy and Minerals can revoke licenses from companies if they violate this law, or if the company goes bankrupt or goes into debt or opens a lawsuit that could lead to bankruptcy.

Rights and Obligations of the Licensee.

The licensee’s rights and obligations are detailed in the agreement between him and the government. However, the Act gives companies general rights and obligations.

Licensee’s Rights

- - Oil companies have entered into a partnership in the field of oil exploration or drilling, the agreement
- - The company can export the fuel according to the agreement
- The company can construct buildings at the fuel station with the permission of the Ministry.

Obligations of Licensee

1) The company must share with the Ministry within 48 hours the information it receives about the fuel during the execution of fuel operations.

2) The company must protect the data and information of the fuel, it is the duty to provide regular information to the Ministry.

3) The company must protect the safety of the environment and the health of the workers.

4) If the company finds other minerals or other natural resources at the oil field, it must notify the Ministry.

5) The company must pay all taxes.

6) If the company is going to end the oil operations, it must submit the closure plan to the Ministry one year before the expiry of its license.

7) The company, contractor and subcontractor must have insurance.

8) The company can transfer its operations after receiving permission from the Ministry.

9) The company should train its local employees.

10) Gas release permit is approved by the Ministry.

Role of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals.

Apart from the above-mentioned ministerial roles, the Ministry supervises the company’s oil operations by appointing an inspector who has the power to enter the oil field. The law obliges the licensee to facilitate inspection activities and to provide the inspector with the information he requests.

The ministry decides where to bury fuel waste and is responsible for the safety of workers and the fuel site in the event of an emergency.

The Act empowers the Ministry to suspend the license if the company does not carry out oil operations in the proper manner, and it also provides for the punishment of the company that does not have a license to carry out oil operations which is (3) three years of imprisonment or one million US dollars or both, if there is fuel sold or used the company will pay the eligible compensation.

The law punishes those who obstruct oil operations. If the company does not submit the information to the Ministry of Petroleum, it will pay a fine of 50,000 US dollars, while if it does not submit the closure plan, it will be fined 20,000 US dollars

Guest article first published on SII

BBC Africa Daily Caught up with Dr. Edna of Somaliland

Editor II

July 7, 2023

Over the past six decades, Dr. Edna Adan Ismail has been a nurse and midwife. She has spent her life fighting for maternal health care rights in Somaliland and campaigning against Female Genital Mutilation- a practice which involves the partial or total removal of genitalia. It leaves many women and girls with infections, pain and complications in child birth. She’s been in the news recently because she was awarded The Templeton Prize and prize amounting to almost $1.4 million. The award honors those who “harness the power of the sciences to explore the deepest questions of the universe and humankind’s place and purpose within it”. So today Africa Daily’s Alan Kasujja caught up with Dr Ismail while she was on a trip in London to talk about her life, legacy, maternal healthcare and how it feels to win over a million dollars

Alan Kasujja – Host

Alan Kasujja is a Ugandan journalist who’s been lead presenter on the BBC World Service’s Newsday program since 2012. In January 2021, he launched Africa Daily, a podcast that provides context to major African stories. He has covered stories globally and across Africa and has presented documentaries on Africa’s transformation for the BBC.

BBC Africa Daily is a daily news podcast from the BBC World Service, hosted by Alan Kasujja. It is a 15-20 minute show that covers the most important stories from Africa for Africa. Each episode sets the scene for a deep dive into one story in particular. The podcast also features interviews with experts and journalists, and it is available on all major podcast platforms.

Guest article first published on SII

US State Dept. One Somalia Policy – Mirage Diplomacy With No Formulation

Editor II

July 6, 2023

Ego and vanity can be corrosive to successful foreign policy. Against the backdrop of the Benghazi debacle, Secretary of State Hillary Clintonflailed for any success
to which she could stake her legacy. She found it in Somalia. Two decades after the Black Hawk Down debacle, the international community had created a framework for a new Somali government. The country was unprepared logistically and socially for one-man, one-person elections, so Clinton threw her support behind an appointed Transitional Federal Government.

A decade on, Clinton may be gone, but many of her top aides refuse to back down from blind support for a Mogadishu government that has repeatedly failed to govern responsibly.

While the unrecognized Somaliland state embraces one-man, one-vote elections, attracts international investment due to its anti-corruption efforts and business-friendly attitudes, and casts its lot unambiguously with Western democracies and Taiwan, Somalia does the opposite: It is among the world’s most corrupt states. Despite billions of dollars in U.S. support, it has failed to hold one-man, one-vote elections. Donald Yamamoto, the previous U.S. ambassador to Somalia, threatened to resign if the U.S. did not agree to waive Somalia’s $1.5 billion debt. Washington caved, but corruption, not development, resulted.

An amendment to the 2023 National Defense Authorization Act called on the United States to develop relations with Somaliland. Behind the scenes, both the White House and State Department lobbied against the measure. Overruled, the State Department went to Plan B: Focus on Mogadishu both financially and rhetorically, while largely cutting off and criticizing democratic Somaliland. Talk to American diplomats, and they will lecture that such a policy rests in Washington’s long-standing “One Somalia” policy. Ask them to find any written or legal formulation of such policy and they cannot.

It is a mirage transformed into a mountain by generations of diplomats who confused false received wisdom by transitory colleagues with fact.

The situation blew up in December 2022 as fighting erupted in Laascaanood (Las Anod), the capital of Somaliland’s Sool district. The violence was not spontaneous but rather encouraged, if not pre-planned, by irredentists in Mogadishu and their allies in Beijing. Rather than acknowledge the right of countries to counter terrorists, the State Department sided blindly with Somalia against Somaliland. The fighting became a useful wedge to stop what Secretary of State Antony Blinken saw as congressional interference. Essentially, the Biden administration sided with China against Taiwan, and with Somalia against the region’s only democracy.

The fire, however, has now spread. Not only did the al Qaeda-affiliated al Shabaab pour into Laascaanood, but so too did U.S.-trained Danab commandos who joined forces with them. Insurgent spokesmen demanded their own state. The State Department treated the demand credibly, if only to delegitimize Somaliland and argue that its independence would unleash anarchy.

It was a cynical strategy as every U.N. Security Council member recognized Somaliland’s borders decades ago. Wildfires spread. While State Department inaction encouraged proponents of the so-called Khatumo State as a lever against both Somaliland and, by extension, Congress, they created a precedent that has now set other Somali regions aflame. It was not long before the governor of the southern Hiran district decided he too wanted to be leader of his own state. Violence also erupted in the Gedo region as local authorities decided they no longer wanted to be part of the Jubbaland state. Clashes also took place in Barawa, in the South West State. Meanwhile, fighting engulfed the normally peaceful Puntland capital of Garowe as militias unleashed by regional president Said Deni abandoned any pretense of democracy in favor of 1990s-style warlordism.

It is not too late for either Somalia or Somaliland, but forcing union and cynically fanning the flames of conflict condemns both. Rather, it is time Blinken and the architects of Clinton’s cynical Somalia embrace cast ego aside and instead approach the region through the lens of U.S. interests, rebuffing China, and consolidating and strengthening democracy where it actually exists.

Author: Michael Rubin (@mrubin1971) is a contributor to the Washington Examiner’s Beltway Confidential. He is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.

Source: Content first published on WE under the title: “Blinken’s legacy in Africa might be setting Somalia ablaze”

Caafisom Revolutionizing Healthcare Provision in Somaliland

Editor II

July 4, 2023

In significant news for the nearly 6m inhabitants of Somaliland, an unrecognized state located on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden, Caafisom,

a health tech startup based in the capital city of Hargeisa, has completed a $110,000 seed investment round led by the US-based venture capital fund Tofino Capital and the locally based Takeoff Fund.

The company, co-founded by local entrepreneurs in 2021, provides software and logistics services for hospitals to digitize patients’ health records. Users can book doctor appointments, access their medical records, and consult with health experts through their in-house app.

According to co-founder Mohamed Ismail Ahmed, the startup currently operates in multiple hospitals across the country, including Hargeisa Neurology Hospital and Needle Hospital in Hargeisa, and attracts an average of 400-500 new users daily.

With this new funding, completed in May, Caafisom has been able to increase its workforce and pursue its expansion plans. “The funding has enabled us to hire more people. This means we can be present at more locations and hospitals, which, in turn, allows us to register more people daily. Moving everything online takes a lot of time and manpower, so it was important that we could hire employees,” says Ismail.

But the health tech company, which becomes Somaliland’s first ever funded startup, has ambitions beyond the de facto borders of this small state. In the short term, it plans to expand its business first in neighboring Somalia, and then across the Horn of Africa .“The plan is to open new offices in Mogadishu and Garowe, both in Somalia, and Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, over the next couple of weeks, and be present in Djibouti, Kenya, Sudan, and Tanzania in the next six months,” says Ismail.

Caafisom’s arrival would mark a diversification of Somaliland’s agriculture-dominated economy. In 2021, more than 60% of Somaliland’s exports were live animals, mainly to Gulf Arab countries through the city port of Berbera.

Somaliland Diaspora Fosters Tech-focused Investment

Ismail is part of a large diaspora eager to return and invest in their country of origin. The entrepreneur graduated from Middlesex University in the United Kingdom in 2012, before returning home and launching Caafisom.

“Somaliland is a unique place due to the combination of local and diaspora ideas,” says Ismail. “The diaspora coming back to Somaliland brings solutions that exist in the West. These could be things that we take for granted but don’t exist here. There are plenty of things needed in the region that could improve people’s lives. Due to all this need and demand, I think Somaliland and Somalia are future markets with unbelievable potential.”

In an economy worth $3.5 billions, remittances to Somaliland from the diaspora amounted to over $1.3 billions in 2020, according to figures reported by the FT. The International Organization for Migration (IOM) has estimated that 25-40% of the population receives regular remittances from abroad.

The regular transfers have led Somaliland entrepreneurs to play a key role in the flourishing money transfer industry. Ismail Ibrahim Ahmed, a Somaliland-born entrepreneur who was smuggled out of the country to the UK at the outbreak of the civil war, founded UK-based WorldRemit in 2010, which has since received $700m in funding and is now valued at over $5 billions.

Despite the lack of international recognition, Somaliland enjoys economic relations with several countries outside Africa, including the United Arab Emirates, Taiwan, and Turkey, as well as neighbouring countries Ethiopia and Kenya within the continent.

Jesse Clain, the CEO of the Take Off Fund, a VC fund based in Somaliland that originated the investment in Caafisom and invested an undisclosed amount, regrets that some investors focus too much on the international recognition aspect.

“Somaliland is functionally independent in every way; it’s just not recognised internationally,” he says. “Unfortunately, there are institutions that are unable or unwilling to invest in Somaliland for political reasons or are overly reluctant about making investments in low-income countries.”

Investing in an ‘UNRECOGNIZED’ state

Somaliland broke away from neighbouring Somalia in 1991, but no foreign power has ever recognised the state’s sovereignty. This status makes it difficult to get its voice heard and attract international investors.

“Somaliland’s status as a self-proclaimed territory will, of course, be an issue for many investors as they will worry about law and order,” says Ismail.

To reassure its investors, Caafisom enlisted the services of AQN, a law firm based in Hargeisa and led by Amal Ali, a lawyer who also studied in the UK at the University of Sheffield.

“The legal side was the biggest concern, but it wasn’t a significant issue once we started working with AQN Law Firm here in Hargeisa. Dr Amal is very competent, and she played a significant role in securing the investment,” says Ismail.

“Venture capitalists considering investments in the region can be confident that everything is in place,” he adds.

Last year, Clain moved from San Francisco, where he was working in tech, to Somaliland. He opened the Take Off Fund to boost what he believes is “a very promising startup ecosystem”.

“Somalilanders have seen how much progress has been made in the last 30 years, largely without the help of the international community, and they know that they can create a better future for themselves and their children,” he says.

Tech Funding Makes Case for International Recognition

Although Clain believes that Somaliland is ready for business without the need for international recognition, he still thinks his investment could play a role in that sense.

“Somaliland can’t control what other countries do, but I think there are certain kinds of economic activity that strengthen the case for international recognition,” he says.

“As we build more high-growth businesses in Somaliland, bring in more international investors, and expand business operations to other countries, it will become clearer to Somaliland’s neighbours and trading partners that the country is an important, independent player in the region and deserves recognition.”

Ismail is also confident that the funding of its startup by a US-based VC fund is a step towards international recognition.

“It will certainly help,” he says. “The more positive news that comes out of Somaliland, the better. I think people will start to realise that it’s an untapped market with huge potential and a young population.”

Ismail believes that Somalia’s security issues undermine its business potential – the country has yet to receive startup funding, according to the startup deal online database Africa The Big Deal.

“I think it’s easier in Somaliland at the moment due to security. The main concern in Somalia is the security situation, where it’s difficult for foreign VCs to consider investing in the region,” he says.

“Once the situation improves, Somalia will have one of the best potential markets in the whole of Africa.”

However, recent clashes between Somaliland forces and militia from the Dhulbahante clan, which inhabits the Sool region of Somaliland but has never recognised the government, show that security challenges lie ahead for both Somalia and Somaliland.

To date, the conflict in the Sool region has caused 308 civilian casualties, with 36 people killed and 272 injured, according to a recent statement by Catriona Laing, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Somalia.

Leo Komminoth
Leo is tech reporter for African Business, based in Dakar, and also works on data visualizations.

From Hope to Conflict: Assessing Biden’s Policy Towards Somaliland

Staff

July 2, 2023

Background: Shifting Policies Exacerbating Ongoing Conflict

In February 2008, the U.S. and Somaliland achieved a significant milestone with the visit of Jendayi Frazer, former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, to Hargeysa. During a panel discussion in 2020, Jendayi Frazer expressed regret for not advocating more strongly for Somaliland’s recognition during her tenure as assistant secretary. Unfortunately, the lack of attention to Jendayi’s insights has led to an ongoing conflict in Las Anod between the Somaliland army and the Somalian Darood militia. Local clan elders, who have become warlords overnight, invited the invading military due to clan irredentism on the border between Somaliland and Somalia. Regrettably, the militia’s refusal to engage in peace talks with Somaliland resulted in the losing 36 civilian lives. If the international community led by the U.S. had resolved this conflict in 2008, it could have laid the groundwork for peace between Las Anod and Hargeysa today. The people of Somaliland, including Las Anod, have waited for 15 years to have their country’s status recognized under the Somaliland flag. However, the current U.S. administration has significantly deviated from the policies of its predecessors. The current U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Molly Phee, has introduced the “Single Somalia” policy, which treats Somaliland as a federal state within Somalia. This policy has rapidly damaged the close relations established by former Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Tibor P. Nagy and national security advisor Robert O’Brien. This article analyses the implications of this policy shift thus far and recommends that the Biden administration reverts to the original U.S. policy, which was driven by the African Union (A.U.) and based on shared values.

The Impact of “Single Somalia” Policy on a Previously Stable Region

The recent statement by the United Nations Security Council regarding the situation in Las Anod, Somaliland, raises concerns about the approach taken towards this African nation. The administration’s endorsement of violent expressions of political opinion and disregard for Somaliland’s sovereignty and independence risk further destabilizing the entire region. It is crucial to address the missteps in their policy and recognize the legitimate claims of Somaliland for long-term stability, as emphasized by E.U. Special Representative Annette Weber.

For example, we can directly link the administration’s conciliatory approach towards Las Anod clan warlords to the recent war in Garowe. In Garowe, another clan formed a militia that violently rejected constitutional amendments in Puntland. Acknowledging the unintended consequences of the “Single Somalia” policy is essential, as Somaliland and Puntland were more stable before its introduction. Furthermore, the absence of a diplomatic office in Hargeysa may have contributed to a lack of understanding by the administration regarding the response of the government and people of Somaliland to the situation in Las Anod. This response demonstrates their maturity and unity. Somaliland is more than just military or legal borders; it encompasses the police, schools, institutions, and human capital. People from all clans in Somaliland have contributed to the development of Las Anod and vice versa.

To better understand Somalilanders’ resilience and achievements as the longest Somali-speaking country in history (32 years), Washington, DC, could follow the examples of the U.K. and Taiwan by establishing offices that directly observe and support Somaliland’s progress. Somaliland has shown remarkable stability and improvement since declaring independence. It has effectively prevented piracy and terrorism within its borders, contributing valuably to regional peace in the Horn of Africa. Claims that Somaliland’s pursuit of territorial integrity threatens regional stability are unfounded and ignore the reality of Somaliland’s well-functioning governance and democratic institutions within Africa’s internationally recognized colonial borders. It is the denial of the legal foundation of these borders that incites and fuels violence.

Towards a Coherent Policy with the World, Africa and the U.S. itself

Somaliland has faced immense suffering in the past due to ethnic divisions. However, it remains committed to preserving peace and stability in the region. Protecting Somaliland from the imposition of ethnic boundaries is not only in its interest but also crucial for Somalia, Ethiopia, and the entire African continent. It is concerning that the administration still needs to follow up on the African Union fact-finding mission on Somaliland and its wisdom in maintaining colonial borders as reference points for resolving disputes.

Equally concerning is the reluctance to adhere to internationally established customary practices, which call for direct engagement with Somaliland as a recognized country without formal recognition. Over the past 32 years, numerous governments worldwide have engaged directly with Somaliland, treating it as a recognized entity. By disregarding this established norm as international customary law, Biden’s administration undermines the rule-based international order it claims to uphold.

This disregard for international law raises concerns and contradicts President Biden’s democracy-based policy that denounces leaders like Xi Jinping as dictators. The US-funded Freedom House report of 2023 regarded Somaliland as the most democratic country in the Horn of Africa. The inconsistency between the State Department’s approach to democracies globally and its treatment of Somaliland is glaring. It is worth noting that the United States was the only Western embassy that did not extend congratulations to Somaliland on the dual elections of parliament and local offices held in 2021. The embassy has only mentioned Somaliland Elections in the context of its policy of sticks with no carrots. Somaliland, which derives 71% of its budget from internal resources, did not feel compelled to respond to what it perceived as misplaced arrogance.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Before the Las Anod conflict, alarmists associated Somaliland’s recognition with wars and a less stable horn of Africa. As you can see, the worst scenario has already happened by following their Single Somalia policy. It is time for the Biden administration to return to its original AU-Driven and shared values policy towards Somaliland.

As highlighted in the NDAA 2023 bill, Somaliland can be a strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific region; a transparent recognition roadmap will ensure a stable Horn of Africa but also foster cooperation with democracies, both developed and resourceful.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Daud is an Australian Somalilander and Software Engineer. Works as a principal developer for a financial technology company. Melbourne, Australia. Mr. Daud is also a Non-Resident Scholar at Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, Hargeysa Somaliland

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

1...171819...90 Page 18 of 90

Investigative Reports

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Background: Shifting Policies Exacerbating Ongoing Conflict

The Impact of “Single Somalia” Policy on a Previously Stable Region

Towards a Coherent Policy with the World, Africa and the U.S. itself

Conclusion and Recommendations

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

About us

Most recent

Most popular

Subscribe