Investigative Reports

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Key Points Somaliland's biometric registration of security personnel aims to...

The Diplomacy of Gullibility: How Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry Keeps Falling for International Fraudsters

In what has become a familiar scene in Somaliland's...

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...
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IGAD Resolution on Las Anod Conflict Reflects Somaliland Position

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The 14th Ordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government was held on Monday, 12th June 2023, in the Republic of Djibouti

The meeting was attended by: H.E. Ismail Omar Guelleh, President of the Republic of Djibouti; H.E. Dr. Abiy Ahmed, Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia; H.E. Dr. William Ruto, President of the Republic of Kenya; H.E. Dr. Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, President of the Federal Republic of Somalia; H.E. Salva Kiir Mayardit; President of the Republic of South Sudan; H.E. Osman Saleh Mohammed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea and H.E. Gen. Al-Hajj Odongo Jeje Abubakhar, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uganda.

Also in attendance were, H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission; representatives of the IGAD Council of Ministers and Committee of Ambassadors; H.E. Dr. Workneh Gebeyehu, Executive Secretary of the IGAD Secretariat; H.E. Hanna Serwaa Tetteh; United Nations Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa; H.E. Xue Bing, Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Affairs of the Foreign Ministry of the People’s Republic of China; H.E. Shimizu Shinsuke, Japan Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa; H.E. Sylivie Tabesse, Ambassador of the EU Delegation to Djibouti and IGAD representing Member States of the European Union.

Arising from deliberations that followed statement by the enormous dignitaries and diplomats in attendance. The Assembly:

Thanked the people and Government of the Republic of Djibouti for hosting the 14th Ordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government and the warm welcome extended to delegates from Member States and other participants.

In the final communique of the session, various developments in the IGAD region were welcomed, congratulated, commended, appealed, adopted, underlined, appreciated, condemned, called on, and noted.

The conflict in Somaliland’s Sool region is the subject of one of these adopted resolutions.

Urged the warring parties in Las Anod to immediately cease hostilities
and peacefully resolve differences through discussion and dialogue.

The position that the government of Somaliland took several months ago and continues to uphold is exactly reflected in the IGAD resolution on the Las Anod conflict that was adopted in Djibouti. Unfortunately, the insurgency has repeatedly rejected this position.

Unlike the last absurd press statement on situation in Las Anod conflict from the UN Security Council, which immediately elicited a strong response from the Somaliland government, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) resolution avoided mentioning the sanctity of so-called “Somalia territorial integrity” because all of the IGAD countries are colonial creations. 

This indicates that European colonial powers in the 19th and early 20th centuries established their current borders and political structures. The ethnic or cultural divisions of the people who lived in these countries were frequently ignored when drawing the borders of these nations. 

The Italian colonial government, for instance, established Ethiopia’s borders in the latter part of the 19th century. Oromo, Somali, and Tigrayans are among the numerous ethnic groups that were incorporated into the country as a result of this 

African Union members continue to face significant difficulties as a result of the colonial legacy. There is no doubt that the arbitrary border, drawn by colonial powers has had a negative impact on the continent, mainly leading to conflicts among the neighboring countries. However, it is also important to note that these borders are not the only factor contributing to Africa’s problems. Other factors such as political instability, economic inequality, and poor governance to say the least also play a role. 

The hard reality is this challenge will never result in a review or revision of the colonial-drawn boundaries, because the Charter of the African Union (AU) demanding the preservation of inherited colonial borders upon gaining independence.

The Uti Possidetis Juris, which means “as you possess by right,” is the name of this principle. In 1964, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) adopted it for the first time, and in 2002, it was incorporated into the AU Charter. 

The adoption of the Uti Possidetis Juris principle was primarily viewed as a means of preventing conflict and instability following decolonization.

Considering such regulations and charters in place today, the Republic of Somaliland in the “Horn of Africa” is perhaps the most egregious example of an aspirational nation being denied its proper status because of hypocrisy of the African Union and outside powers in Washington, London, Paris, and Berlin. 

The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) was created in 1986 with the initial purpose of promoting economic cooperation and development in the Horn of Africa and East Africa. The IGAD Secretariat was established in 1996 to provide the organization with a permanent secretariat and to coordinate its activities. The IGAD Secretariat is located in Djibouti. In addition to its initial purpose of promoting economic cooperation and development, IGAD has also played a role in promoting peace and security in the region. IGAD has been involved in mediating several peace agreements.

IGAD should not have only thought of making a brief statement on the Las Anod conflict, but it must have the brain tackling and resolving the burning issue between Somaliland and Somalia, given its deep understanding of Somaliland’s sovereignty. 

Guest piece published first on SII

Congratulatory Note from Somaliland SAG on the 63rd Birthday of the Nation

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Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group, (SL-SAG)

HAPPY INDEPENDENCE DAY JUNE 26, WHICH MARKING 63 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE OF REPUBLIC SOMALILAND FROM GREAT BRITAIN


Virginia, USA on this day 18th June,2023 Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group, (SL-SAG) extends its heartfelt congratulations to the remarkable people of Somaliland on the auspicious occasion of Independence Day, June 26, 1960. This day holds immense significance as it marks the momentous occasion when Somaliland gained its full independence from Great Britain and embarked on a journey of self-determination.


As we reflect upon this historic milestone, we recognize the indomitable spirit and unwavering determination of the people of Somaliland, who have striven relentlessly to preserve their identity, culture, and sovereignty over the years. The achievement of independence on June 26, 1960, symbolizes the strength of the Somaliland people and their unwavering commitment to shaping their destiny.


Somaliland has demonstrated its ability to maintain peace, stability, and democratic values, setting an inspiring example for Horn of African and the World. The perseverance of its citizens and their dedication to building a prosperous and harmonious society have been commendable. Somaliland’s democratic governance, institutions, and commitment to the rule of law have been instrumental in fostering a climate of progress and development.


The people of Somaliland have consistently displayed remarkable resilience, particularly in the face of various challenges. Their unity and commitment to nation-building have been crucial in overcoming obstacles and charting a path towards sustainable growth and prosperity. The international community does recognize the outstanding achievements of Somaliland in its pursuit of peace, security, and socioeconomic growth and development


As we celebrate the Independence Day of June 26, 1960, let us honor the sacrifices made by the brave individuals who fought tirelessly for the freedom and independence of Somaliland. Their legacy continues to inspire generations, and their vision of a united and thriving Somaliland lives on.


SL-SAG reaffirms its unwavering support for the aspirations of the people of Somaliland and their pursuit of recognition on the global stage. We stand in solidarity with the people of Somaliland, applauding their achievements and offering our continued support in their journey towards progress and recognition.
On this joyous occasion, we extend our warmest congratulations to the people of Somaliland, both at home and abroad, and convey our heartfelt wishes for a memorable celebration. May the original Independence Day of June 26, 1960, serve as a reminder of the remarkable resilience, unity, and determination that has defined Somaliland, and may the future be filled with peace, prosperity, and continued success.

Somaliland Strategic Group is an Advocacy nonprofit organization based in United States of American founded and funded by natives of Somalilanders-Americans professionals who advocate for Somaliland’s recognition and development.
Somalilandsag@gmail.com
www.slsag.org

Ecosystem in Somaliland among 2023 Cohort of Investor Accelerator

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Dream VC, an investor accelerator dedicated to training the next generation of African investors globally

The Investor Accelerator (IA) program is a comprehensive course for experienced professionals, existing investors, and senior operators who aspire to be future ecosystem builders in Africa

This year’s cohort brings together the cream of the crop in some of their respective fields, culminating in a powerhouse community of active angels, successful founders with multiple exits, and operators from top African startups across the continent.

With a program acceptance rate of 12%, the application process to join the ranks of this community continue to be highly competitive and discerning.

Here are some quick stats about this year’s Investor Accelerator cohort:

  • The cohort size doubled this year to accommodate 54 fellows from 22 nationalities globally
  • This is the first cohort ever to have a bigger East African majority rather than West African, with Kenyans dominating a strong 15% of the cohort
  • Around 43% of the cohort self-identify as female and continue a strong representation of women within the program
  • Several fellows are hailing from ecosystems that are being represented in Dream VC for the first time, such as Botswana, Algeria, Somaliland, and Burundi
Bilow Capital

Hana is the Co-founder and partner of Bilow Capital, an innovative investment company that applies an integrated investment strategy with both enterprise and venture capital under one company.

Bilow Capital was founded in 2022. It provides early stage start-ups with the capital they need to scale up their businesses, the skills and the knowlegde they need to grow and succeed, and expert consultation, to help guide start-ups to achieve their full potential.

She and the other partners have pioneered Bilow Capital from the idea stage to the present, for the past two and half years, and will fully launch this year.

Bilow Capital is a first of its kind in the region and aims to contribute to the construction of the ecosystem by creating investment opportunities for investors that were previously inaccessible, as well as investing in market-creating innovations in the region and beyond.

Hana is a young, black, African, Muslim mother of four, who is extremely passionate about the African ecosystem and how to generate sustainable businesses, that create impactful returns.

She continues to learn more about impact investing and the African ecosystem. She’s also dedicated to getting involved in community initiatives through her local NGO, Somaliland Prosperity Organization.

Guest article first published on SII

Is Current Education System & Institutions for Learning Catering to Priorities in Somaliland?

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It is frequently argued that educational institutions in Africa do not prioritize local development needs. There are numerous contributing factors to this complicated issue.

One factor is the colonial legacy. Many African countries were colonized by European powers, and the education systems that were established during this time were designed to serve the needs of the colonial rulers, not the local population. As a result, many educational institutions in Africa continue to emphasize the study of conventional disciplines like math, science, and English even though they are sometimes irrelevant to the requirements of local employment opportunity needs.

Poverty is another one. Education suffers as a result of poverty, which affects many African nations. Teachers, textbooks, and facilities are frequently lacking in these nations’ educational institutions. It is difficult to provide students with a relevant, high-quality education as a result of this.

Finally, political will is another factor that is responsible for this trend. There is a lack of political will to change the educational system in many African nations. Governments frequently place a higher priority on other issues like national security or economic growth. They are unwilling to provide the required funds to overhauling the educational system as a result.

The dilemma of African education institutions not catering for local development priorities is a major challenge facing the continent. It is a challenge that will need to be addressed if Africa is to achieve its development goals.

The question posed by the piece’s title stems from a recent article in The Standard, a Kenyan newspaper, about the construction boom in Somaliland and how Kenyan architects are essential and play a significant role in it. The article was written by a journalist from that newspaper who came Hargeisa and first handedly observed that reality.

It is a mind boggling to know the number of Kenyan expatriates employed in Somaliland

In addition to Kenyan nationals, a significant number of expatriates from other countries like Pakistan, India, and others are employed in Somaliland. The majority of these individuals work in the fields of education, healthcare, and development. Most of these expatriates work for international organizations, and many of them are hired to do simple tasks that could be done by locals. International organizations are criticized by many in the country for their hiring practices, claiming that they discriminate against local workers and increase unemployment.

It is not unusual but rather a common practice to provide the classroom instructions in your own native language, in this case Somali language, from the primary all the way to tertiary education. In most countries in the world and in our region as well, education instructed in local languages are prioritized and preferred over the one conducted in any other foreign language. Many countries in the developed and developing world, whose people are mostly educated and involved in their countries’ development, have done so mainly due to the fact of receiving education in their native languages such as Japan, China, Russia, South Korea, India and many more.

All of the higher education institutions that exist currently in Somaliland and operate in the country instruct classes in English only, while the pipeline – the primary and secondary schools – feeding them are taught in Somali.

There is no higher education institution where Somali is the primary language of instruction.

Taiwan, a highly developed country with an estimated population of 23 million, has a very low English proficiency rate, and most of those who speak English live in the capital Taipei. Most people receive their education in their mother language, both in schools and in universities, and there are 160 universities in the country, according to their representative in Somaliland. The government now introduced a project “Bilingual by 2030” aiming to raise the English proficiency in the country

Somaliland will become a nation dependent on foreign skilled workforce if the education system does not change and continues on this path.

Standard’s piece said:

“Kenyan Builders Thriving in the Construction Boom of Somaliland

Kenyan builders have flooded the Horn of Africa region of Somaliland, lending service to its booming construction industry

The construction sector in the self-declared independent territory is expanding rapidly with new residential units in the latest housing style shooting up, especially in the suburbs of Hargeisa, the capital and largest town.

A quick survey in the area shows many of the builders are Kenyans, from those in charge of the site to the artisan ones. The builders say working in Hargeisa is good, with decent salaries and even accommodation. According to one of the construction workers there, he gets the equivalent of Sh. 65,000 at the end of the month with accommodation catered for, hence he has enough money to send to his family back home.

One of the big companies involved in the construction of houses is Kaabsan Real Estate, a property firm that provides luxurious homes and commercial real estate in Hargeisa. The company has two projects involving 134 townhouses – Rugsan Gardens and Aragsan Villages.

The Standard visited Rugsan Gardens, which houses 68 townhouses that are now completed and sold out. This shows the high demand for housing in Hargeisa due to its fairly urban space. The houses are at a gated community near the Hargeisa Egal International Airport

Somaliland is a semi-desert area on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden.
Various environmental factors have contributed to the modern buildings in the country. According to Robert Ndalo, a Kenyan architect working with Kaabsan Real Estate, the construction industry varies between Kenya and Somaliland. “Construction between Kenya and Somaliland is different, the soil context is different because this is a desert area and what they are using is a different typology of foundation, setting, and materials are different,” he said.

He added that the walling system in Somaliland is different. “In their walling system, they are using hollow blocks which they clad to have 300mm wall thickness so that the interior of the house is cool.”
Many of the Kenyans working in the construction industry in Hargeisa say the peace in Somaliland has given them hope to work in the country.

Somaliland is an unrecognized sovereign state on the southern coast of the Gulf of Aden, with an area of 176,120 square kilometers. It neighbors Djibouti to the northwest, Ethiopia to the south and west, and Somalia to the east. As at 2021, its population was approximately 5.7 million residents.
After the collapse of the Somali central government in 1990 and the unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Somaliland, infrastructural reconstruction subsequently began in Hargeisa and other towns in the country.

Hargeisa has since then gone through a large-scale facelift. The renovations have been largely financed by local entrepreneurs, as well as Somali in diaspora sending funds to relatives in the region through some of the various Somali-owned money transfer operators. Many of the older buildings have been replaced by modern, multi-storied residential and commercial dwellings

Guest piece first published on SII here

US Blessing UN’s Scare-quotes to Delegitimize Somaliland

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When Joe Biden took office, many victims of genocide hoped US interest would triumph over indifference. Upon his nomination to be secretary of state, longtime Biden aide Tony Blinken made a great deal of his

stepfather’s survival of the Holocaust. Biden himself promised to right the historical wrong and recognize the reality of the Armenian Genocide.

Many human rights advocates also cheered Biden’s choice of Samantha Power to lead the US Agency for International Development, a cabinet-level post in the Biden administration.

The Uyghur Genocide is the most industrial and wide-scale genocide since the Holocaust. John Kerry, a former secretary of State whom Biden brought into the White House as “climate czar,” urged Biden to downplay Beijing’s incarceration and slaughter of the Uyghurs in order to better win Chinese cooperation on climate talks

Now, Biden and Blinken have taken casual disdain for victims of genocide to a new level. Toward the tail end of his rule Siad Barre, Somalia’s Cold War-era dictator, sought to eradicate the Isaaq clan, one of the five major clans of Somalia. First the discrimination and then the attempted genocide of the population of the Somaliland region of Somalia was the major reason why Somaliland in 1991 re-asserted the independence it had briefly enjoyed prior to its union with Italian Somaliland.

For the past six months, fighting has occurred in the Sool region of Somaliland. It is not organic. Rather, it is part proxy war between China and Taiwan, part effort by Siad Barre’s Darood clan to reassert supremacy, and part attempt by al-Shabaab and Somali irredentists to attack the only regional democracy.

Blinken has sided with China, Russia, and Al-Shabaab against Somaliland due to the State Department’s embrace of a “One Somalia” policy. Put aside the fact that such a policy is a unicorn. It is imaginary. It appears nowhere in print and seems instead to be false conventional wisdom passed down through recent generations of Africa hands.

Perhaps this is why, in a recent UN Security Council press release, the US acquiesced to Russia and China and put “Somaliland” in quotes to report that the Security Council “condemned the violent clashes between ‘Somaliland’ security forces and clan militia.” Not only does such a statement draw moral equivalence between perpetrator and victim, but it also suggests that residents of Somaliland who have rebuilt from the ashes of attempted genocide are somehow illegitimate. No other geographic entity appears to get that treatment.

Put another way, would Biden and Blinken write about Europe’s “Jews,” Rwanda’s “Tutsis,” China’s “Uyghurs,” or Nagorno-Karabakh’s “Armenians?” If they did, observers would recognize it as questioning the legitimacy of those groups as a people.

While this is not the first time the UN has used scare-quotes to delegitimize Somaliland—Power signed off on the calumny when she was UN ambassador—the context of doing so as calls for Somaliland’s eradication escalate should raise serious questions about the morality and judgment of both Biden and Blinken.

Learn more: On Somaliland, the African Union and UN Betrays Their Own PrecedentsTo Understand Somaliland Conflict, Think Ukraine | Cut Somalia Off from US Aid | Is Blinken Repeating Biden’s Iraq Mistake in Africa?

Michael Rubin is a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East.

Is Khatumo State of Somalia in Somaliland a Viable Option?

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While Somalia’s fight against Al-Shabaab has received a lot of international attention, a serious conflict has broken out in the Horn of Africa between Somaliland and several clans that want to stay in Somalia. As a result, fighting has broken out around Las Anod, the administrative city of the eastern province of Sool that wants to set up its own breakaway administration: Khatumo State of Somalia.

Although the severe fighting around Las Anod has received almost no international attention, this conflict is becoming a major crisis in the Horn of Africa. Already, it has seen hundreds killed and over 200,000 people flee their homes. But it raises lots of tough questions.

Should the contested area remain a part of Somaliland? Or should it be part of Somalia? And, if it is allowed to break away from Somaliland, should it do so as Khatumo State, or should it be incorporated into Puntland?

Solely Entrusting Quest for Recognition to Government Party Failed the Somaliland Case

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Somaliland, which was previously known as British Somaliland Protectorate, gained its independence from Britain on June 26, 1960, and immediately joined with Italian Somaliland to form the Somali Republic. However, the union between the two territories was short-lived and failed to effectively unite the Somali people.


Following years of oppression , marginalization, and policies annihilating solely Somaliland people by the Somali successive regimes after unification, the necessity of resuming its lost sovereignty became apparent and eventually Somaliland declared unilaterally ending its voluntary union with Somalia in 1991, and has since been functioning as a state with its own constitution, judiciary, and police force.

The inception of present day Somaliland Republic and its quest for recognition as an independent state were born on the same day in 1991 out of the Grand Conference in Burao.

State building without any major outside help has been successful in Somaliland to the amazement of the world, however Somaliland has miserably neglected to earn recognition at the international front and in the home turf.

Apparently, one can argue downplaying the home front recognition in the Eastern regions of Somaliland can be partly attributed to the ongoing crisis in the Las Anod

After Burao convention, Somaliland came up with a unique state building model for raising the nation from its ruin state caused by the brutal Siyad Barre regime, but never devised a roadmap for the recognition quest nor enacted laws for the oversight and administration of such endeavors.

Because of its bottom-up approach to governance and reconciliation, a brief description of Somaliland’s distinctive state building makes sense to mention here in order to grasp the crucial aspects of having a blueprint and governing laws for the recognition quest.

When it came to state building, Somaliland relied on traditional Somali systems of governance, including clan-based structures and customary law, to develop a sustainable and inclusive political system that is distinct from the centralized government model of Somalia.

The Somaliland model of governance includes several elements that differentiate it from other African states, such as:

  • Constitutionalism: Somaliland has a constitution that outlines the division of powers between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government.
  • Democratic Elections: The country holds regular elections where every citizen above the age of 18 has the right to vote.
  • Pluralistic society: Political parties are multiple and pluralistic in Somaliland, emphasizing a system of checks and balances.
  • Traditional Authorities: Somaliland recognizes and incorporates traditional clan-based authorities into its governance model. Elders, called Guurti, are responsible for decision-making on issues related to conflict resolution, social control, and governance.
  • Development Prioritization: The government’s priorities are development, infrastructure, education, and health, as these are critical to poverty reduction and economic growth.

Overall, Somaliland’s unique state-building model enables the country to function as a modern state.

However, despite its stability, democratic governance, and economic progress, Somaliland has yet to gain international recognition as an independent state.

Despite the lack of a template for recognition endeavor, Somaliland did not give this ambition any priority in the initial ten years due to the clan-based system being in place and the first task being on creating a functioning country that would receive this recognition.

Transitioning from clan system, in 2001, Somaliland held a referendum on its future status. The referendum reinforced the decisions reached at the Burao Convention and resulted in a landslide vote in favor of reinstating Somaliland sovereignty. The following year, in 2002, Somaliland held its first multiparty elections. Since 2002, Somaliland has held regular elections at all levels of government.

32 years have passed since Somaliland first sought to gain international recognition. During that span of time, the administration of Somaliland was alternately under the governments of the now-defunct UDUB and the current ruling Kulmiye.

There were no direct communications or negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia during the period when the now-defunct UDUB was in charge of the Somaliland administration. In contrast to today’s low bottom rock after 32 years in search of recognition, Somaliland’s chances of recognition at that time were actually very good and favorable in Africa and internationally. It was in 2005 when the African Union’s fact-finding mission visited Somaliland and subsequently delivered the report, reaffirming that Somaliland’s claim to independence is supported by verifiable historical facts and would not give rise to a wave of continent-wide secessionist movement.

The invitation Somaliland received to attend in the 2012 London Conference on Somalia was a tragic trap that Somaliland leaders of that time imagined as an ideal chance for their own and their party politics while selling it to the public as a great opportunity for the country. Equally, the joint session of the Somaliland parliament that voted in a hasty manner in favor of lifting the legal ban on interacting with Somalia committed a colossal mistake.

A clause in the Communique from the London Conference on Somalia at Lancaster House in London on 23 February, 2012, said that the international community should recognize and support the significance of dialogue between Somaliland and the federal government of Somalia.

  1. The Conference recognized the need for the international community to support any dialogue that Somaliland and the Transitional Federal Government or its replacement may agree to establish in order to clarify their future relations.

Thus, Somaliland was lured into talking to Somalia by the international community. It was not a choice that was made after careful deliberation among all relevant parties in the nation and with our own planning and terms. As a result, the struggle for Somaliland’s recognition has evolved into an ambition with no clear path to follow other than to comply with politicians wishes.

The first face-to-face meeting between representatives from Somaliland and Somalia took place in London on June 20, 2012, a few months after the London Conference on Somalia. This was followed by talks held in Dubai, Ankara, Istanbul (twice) and Djibouti.  The dialogue process collapsed in early 2015 in Istanbul and the process came to stalemate.

For Somaliland’s quest for recognition, the Kulmiye administration, which was in charge of Somaliland at the time, pioneered a flawed strategy that was never reviewed. This strategy is still being followed.

There is a possibility of excluding diverse points of view and alternative concepts when a single political party exercises sole authority over the implementation of a national priority. Because of this, only a small number of potential solutions may be taken into consideration and implemented, which could result in the absence of novel and efficient strategies. Likewise, it can be more likely to pursue policies that are not in the best interests of the country as a whole. This methodology establishes an environment that makes challenging to openly communicate various voices and perspectives.

The first step in addressing this problem has to be for the House of Representatives to draft and then approve the Somaliland Recognition Quest, Oversight, and Administration Law, of which establishment of an Independent Commission for Recognition is mandated.

Independent Commission for Recognition Journey

Demanding and establishing a broad-based independent commission for national priorities like Somaliland’s quest for “international recognition” is a duty incumbent upon the people of Somaliland and can result in significant advantages over leaving that task up to the whim of the ruling party alone.

Once this route is taken, here are a few of the main advantages:

Inclusive representation: The inclusion of varied viewpoints and views in the decision-making process is ensured by a commission that is largely composed of members from different sectors, backgrounds, and areas of expertise. This inclusivity enhances the legitimacy and credibility of the commission’s recommendations

Comprehensive analysis: With a wide range of stakeholders involved, a commission made up from all segments in the society can thoroughly analyze and evaluate national priority from multiple angles. Different perspectives can contribute unique insights and expertise, leading to a more holistic understanding of complex issues involved.

Consensus building: This kind of commission makes it easier to talk, work together, and reach a consensus by bringing together people from different parts of society. It gives a platform to partners to examine their interests, share thoughts, and figure out something worth agreeing on. The likelihood of adhering to the recommendations made by the commission is increased by this collaborative approach.

Long-term perspective: A commission focused on national priority can take a long-term view of the challenges and obstacles lying ahead because it has no political agenda that’s tied to a political tenure. The commission can come up with plans that take into account what will be needed in the future by involving experts and stakeholders with a lot of experience and knowledge.

Transparent and accountable process: A commission that operates without the influence of any political party in a transparent manner, with clear procedures and accountability mechanisms, enhances public trust and confidence. By involving stakeholders and soliciting public input, the commission can demonstrate its commitment to inclusivity, fairness, and transparency. This transparency also helps to address concerns about potential biases or conflicts of interest.

As long as the quest for Somaliland recognition continues on the current course and the ruling party in the presidential palace continues to make all calls, Somaliland people have no one else to blame but themselves

Ahmed J Yassin, Jacksonville, Florida USA

Guest article first published here

Disclaimer: View and opinion expressed herein are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect the view of Somaliland Chronicle. Somaliland Chronicle is
an online news outlet that seeks to publish well-argued and policy-oriented
articles on Somaliland nation's priorities in foreign affairs, education,
healthcare, economy, energy, and infrastructure

Strengthening Climate Justice in Somaliland

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Climate change contributes to mounting competition over scarce land and natural resources in Somaliland.

Conflicts between farmers and pastoralists over land tenure and access to water are intensifying and threaten peace and stability, particularly in rural areas. Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) Centres in Somaliland offer redress for basic criminal and civil law disputes, including many disputes generated or exacerbated by climate change, while strengthening safeguards for the rights of excluded and marginalized groups like women and children.

The issue brief Strengthening Climate Justice in Somaliland: The Role of ADR Centres provides an overview of key justice challenges caused or aggravated by the effects of climate change in Somaliland, and outlines opportunities for addressing these challenges through the ADR Centres. In doing so, it aims to showcase how working at the intersection of Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 13 (climate action) and SDG 16 (peaceful, just, and inclusive societies) is key to achieving climate justice, by enabling more inclusive, equitable, and effective climate action while ensuring that the most climate-vulnerable people are not left behind.

Read the Full Report here

Misconception on Las Anod Conflict in Somaliland at the UN Security Council

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Press Release of Somaliland Foreign Affairs & International Cooperation Ministry on UN Security Council’s June 7th Statement.

The Government of the Republic of Somaliland welcomes the statement from the UN Security Council on the cessation of hostilities, on creating conditions for peace, unhindered provisions of humanitarian assistance and stabilization of the situation in Las Anod.  However, we also wish to express our concern that UNSC appears to be misinformed about the facts on the ground. On the 26th of February 2023,  Somaliland forces withdrew from Las Anod and since then have maintained a static defensive position outside the city of Las Anod. The Somaliland Security forces have rigorously avoided civilian casualties, only firing to maintain their defensive positions against the militia forces.

The government of Somaliland is concerned by the Security Council’s failure to acknowledge the rapidly expanding presence of Al Shabab in Las Anod and Sool region of Somaliland. This poses a threat not only to Somaliland but also to our neighbors, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti as well as the entire region. In our letter to the UN Secretary General, dated 12th of April 2023 we informed him of the growing threat of Al Shabab in Las Anod and Sool region. No single state can contain this threat and the Government of Somaliland therefore appeals to the members of the UN Security Council to provide their attention and support in addressing this growing threat.

Our government has called for dialogue throughout this conflict, unfortunately, these calls have not been accepted by Las’anod clan leaders. Throughout this conflict, Somaliland has provided access to international organizations to deliver humanitarian aid to our people in Las Anod and has facilitated the delivery of medical supplies. The government has continuously provided food, water, and medical supplies to the displaced in areas outside of Las’anod.

The Somaliland forces in Sool region are protecting the people, sovereignty, and territory of the Republic of Somaliland within our recognized borders at the time of independence. Our international borders are in conformity with article 4 of African Union Constitutive Act which the United Nation recognizes.

The principal obstacle to peace and stability in Las Anod are militia forces from neighboring Puntland State of Somalia that are actively fueling the conflict. It is apparent that Al-Shabab terrorist fighters are also using clan allegiance as a cover for their activities in Las Anod. The only way that the conflict in Las Anod can be resolved is the withdrawal of Puntland forces from Las Anod.  We also urge the UN Security Council to support the commencement of peace efforts.

In the Light of Upcoming Elections, Looking Back the Transition to Direct Elections in Somaliland

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Somaliland transitioned from indirect to direct elections in 2002. Since then, it has successfully conducted two House of Representatives (HoR) elections in 2005 and 2021, three Local Government elections in 2002, 2012, and 2021, and three Presidential elections in 2003, 2010, and 2017.

Before transitioning to direct elections, Somaliland encountered similar obstacles to those currently faced by Somalia. Given the similarities between the two Somali territories, the case of Somaliland provides valuable lessons for Somalia and its Federal Member States on how to design the transition from indirect to direct elections.

Somaliland’s democracy is not flawless. Arguably, it remains in ‘the first stage of multiparty democratization while others believe it has regressed to clan democracy. Some of the noticeable weaknesses include the fact that only three political parties are licensed in Somaliland; the internal procedures of these parties are undemocratic; separate elections are held for the various levels of governance; the independence of key institutions is increasingly compromised; and there is only low representation of women and minority groups.

Somaliland’s transition to direct elections has not been free from challenges. For example, between 2008 and 2009, Somaliland conducted its first biometric (fingerprint) voter registration exercise for parliamentary elections, which was disregarded in 2011 due to data errors.

Factors contributing to Somaliland’s transition to direct elections

Democratic leadership

One reason why Somaliland was able to transition to direct elections is that its political elites had a democratic culture. The findings from our research suggest that the Somaliland elite demonstrated democratic values during the armed struggle and after the ‘liberation of Somaliland’.

This democratic culture is often considered inherent in a pastoral society. The Somaliland National Movement (SNM), which led the ‘liberation’ struggle in Somaliland against the military government, not only fought for democracy but also practiced it. As one of our interviewees stated, ‘Democracy was a principle for the Somaliland National Movement leaders. The SNM held six congress meetings during its ten-year struggle, where a new chairman was elected’. In the decade-long armed struggle, five SNM leaders transferred chairmanship. According to the SNM charter, the movement pledged to return power to civilians as soon as they liberated Somaliland.

In 1993, two years after the liberation of Somaliland, the movement’s leaders returned power to the people as they had promised. President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, who had previously served as the Prime Minister of Somalia’s last civilian government in 1969, was elected at the Borama grand conference. He replaced Abdirahman Tuur, the last chairman of the SNM and the first President of Somaliland. Many of Somaliland’s political elite, including the leaders of SNM and the founders of the first political parties, attended Sheikh and Amoud schools and knew each other as students. Their educational socialization was a further contributing factor in Somaliland’s post-1991 state building and transitioning to direct elections.

Statehood aspirations

Since the 1990s, Somaliland has presented itself as an independent state aspiring to gain recognition from the international community. These political aspirations have played a role in its exercise of a democratic governance system to showcase its democratic values to the Western world and demonstrate that it deserves recognition as an independent state. Commenting on this, an informant in Garowe said, ‘Somaliland was formed on the logic of statehood, independent from Somalia; they always wanted to show the world that they are different from the rest of Somalia’.

Somaliland sought to use multiparty elections to advance its quest for recognition. ‘Somaliland’s people, especially the dominant Isaq clan, believed that exercising democracy was a precondition for gaining international recognition. Somaliland’s political elite continuously emphasizes stability and democracy to demonstrate that Somaliland is more deserving of recognition than the internationally recognized, but unstable and undemocratic.

The research participants in Hargeisa stressed the role of statehood aspirations in Somaliland’s democratization. The desire for statehood gave Somaliland a clear objective, and both its political elites and the majority of its citizens were in agreement that Somaliland must behave like a state to be recognized by the global community of sovereign states. Consequently, its leaders concentrated their efforts on achieving this goal. As a result, Somaliland’s transition to direct elections is recognized as an ‘organic’ and bottom-up process, initiated and designed by its political class

Reconciliation and security

Somaliland’s reconciliation and peace-building process has been well-documented (Kaplan,

2008; Eubank, 2010; Bradbury, 2014). Over a dozen clan conferences were held in the 1990s to reconcile and build trust between competing clans and sub-clans. Somaliland’s successful transition to direct elections can be attributed to its bottom-up reconciliation. This included resolving election-related disputes using domestic conflict resolution mechanisms, particularly in the early stages of the transition process. During electoral conflicts, various election stakeholders – such as politicians, the election body, and political parties – respected local conflict resolution mechanisms, which were usually initiated by non-state actors such as businesspeople, elders, and religious leaders. For example, there was an election dispute during Somaliland’s first presidential election in 2003, when the opposition candidates challenged the results after losing to the acting President by only 83 votes. Yet, this dispute was resolved internally without the involvement of international actors

The ‘Egal Factor’

During Somaliland’s transition to direct elections, many of the political elite initially opposed the transition and instead advocated for clan-based indirect elections. While these politicians did not necessarily oppose democratization, they suspected that the incumbent President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, from the dominant clan, was attempting to manipulate the electoral process to maintain his grip on power. Consequently, a stalemate ensued, and President Egal even went so far as to arrest key traditional elders who supported opposition leaders. However, the situation changed in May 2002 when President Egal passed away. His Vice President, Dahir Rayale Kahin, from Awdal region, became the acting President. This change in leadership gave momentum to the transition process, and Somaliland held its first local council elections in December 2002, followed by its first Presidential election in April 2003.

A key informant commented on the role of President Egal’s death in the transition process, saying:

President Egal was a political heavyweight who championed Somaliland’s transition to direct elections. He recognized that he had little chance of being re-elected under the clan-based election system and saw an opportunity in the direct elections. Having participated in the 1969 elections, he knew how to appeal to the voters. The opposition leaders were aware of this and lobbied for the clan-based election system, resulting in a stalemate that persisted until his death in 2002.

A second informant said:

Egal was succeeded by his deputy, who was perceived as less manipulative, new to the office, and from the periphery clans. He faced pressure to transition the country into democracy since the President’s term was ending and there was no possibility of winning elections through a clan conference. Other political actors also recognized that they could easily defeat him. As a result, key political actors became interested in transitioning to direct elections.

President Egal played a pivotal role in facilitating Somaliland’s transition in a number of ways.

Firstly, his experience as a former Prime Minister in Somalia’s civilian government before the military coup in 1969, as well as his participation in previous elections, proved instrumental in designing the transition process. Secondly, he staunchly opposed the clan-based election system and advocated for the implementation of direct elections. Despite tough opposition from other political actors, he was able to persuade the public about the benefits of direct elections. This highlights that political factors can impede the transition process and that, to avoid this, political space must be managed, and concerns held by different stakeholders need to be addressed

Technical aspects

One key lesson that can be learned from the Somaliland case is that conducting direct elections requires addressing both political and technical aspects of the electoral process. From a technical perspective, the democratization process in Somaliland has made gradual progress since 2001, successfully overcoming various practical obstacles. Initially, in 2000, Somaliland established the legal framework for elections, which included a constitution that partly stipulated the electoral processes. The establishment and approval of the constitution through a referendum were necessary prerequisites for conducting direct elections, as the constitution provided the necessary legal framework. Subsequently, the parliament passed several electoral laws, including Law No.14 of Regulation of Political Parties and Associations. Another crucial legal framework that was introduced was the Somaliland Election Management Body (EMB). These legal frameworks were established prior to the first direct elections held in December 2002, which involved the participation of six political associations.

To address the challenge of allocating seats in parliament, Somaliland’s political elites have resorted to using a seat allocation formula that was in place before independence in 1960. However, this approach is not without its flaws, particularly as non-dominant clans feel underrepresented in parliament. Additionally, many of the technical issues that existed in the early years, such as multiple voter registrations, were resolved with the introduction of advanced technologies, such as iris-based biometric voter registration, which was instituted in 2016 (Interpeace, 2016). This has improved the reliability of voter registration by addressing duplicate registrations through fingerprint and facial registration, thereby reducing election irregularities.17 To account for the high levels of illiteracy among citizens, Somaliland introduced an innovative approach in which the names of candidates were presented alongside designated symbols associated with them, such as an icon of a lightbulb, camel or a tortoise, which voters could recognize.

Challenges in Somaliland’s democratization

Somaliland’s democracy has made significant progress, but it is not without flaws. One significant issue is Somaliland’s inability to hold timely elections. Despite the constitution stipulating that election schedules can only be altered in the event of special circumstances, such as widespread conflict or disaster, the elections have repeatedly been postponed without the presence of such circumstances. These delays have had negative consequences, including political disputes and a loss of trust in the democratic system and key institutions such as the high court and Somaliland’s election body, the National Electoral Commission (NEC).

The Somaliland elections have stalled since 2022, partly due to missed election schedules. In October 2022, Somaliland’s upper house, known as the House of Elders or the Guurti, extended the President’s office term by two years and its own office term by five years. With these extensions, the Guurti has turned the President’s five-year office term into a seven-year term and its own six-year term into a twenty year term, beginning in 1997. Local critics have thus labelled it as the ‘house of extensions’.

Two decades ago, Somaliland adopted the three-party system in order to address the issues associated with the fragmented and proliferated clan party system in the 1960s. In this system, the three political associations that receive the highest number of votes in the Local Council elections are promoted to national parties, and they are allowed to contest parliamentary and presidential elections for ten years before new parties can be registered. However, the three-party system has resulted in limited political space and participation, failing to produce parties with a broad national base. Additionally, the parties lack internal democracy, which hinders them from separating their identity and politics from the clan identity and politics of their founders and chairpersons.

Somaliland conducts each election separately. The May 2021 elections were an exception to this, in that the House of Representatives and Local Council elections were combined for the first time. In principle, three elections (Presidential, House of Representatives, and Local Council) – or four if the upper house of Guurti is elected – should take place every five years.

However, due to the high cost of elections and Somaliland’s limited budget, holding these elections separately is not sustainable, and it limits the prospects of democratization. One of the factors considered when scheduling elections is the inability to finance multiple elections in close proximity, which is sometimes used as a justification to postpone elections.

The inclusion of various social groups is a crucial factor in measuring democratization. In Somaliland, the low representation of women and minorities has raised concerns among many

Stakeholders. Partners in democratization have pushed for women and minorities quota systems, but the parliament has rejected the proposal. In the 2021 elections, 28 women ran for elected positions. However, none of the candidates were elected to the parliament.

PRIO Paper