Investigative Reports

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...

Major Corruption Allegations Rock Somaliland Finance Ministry’s Recruitment for World Bank’s Public Resource Management Project

According to documents examined by Somaliland Chronicle, serious allegations...

Financial Turmoil and a New Questionable Venture Cast Shadows over Boodhari Mills’ Future

In our previous coverage, we explored Boodheri Mills, a...
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President Bihi’s Latest Cabinet Shake up Maintains Status Quo in Security and Economy

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In the latest restructuring of his cabinet, the President of the Republic of Somaliland has fired the ministers of of Technology and Telecommunication, Endowment and Religous Affairs, Investment and Agriculture. In addition, he has nominated two new members to his cabinet where he has reassigned some ministers to other portfolios.

Despite holding a technology PhD from a Sudanese university, Dr. Abdiweli, the ousted Minister of Technology and Telecommunication, demonstrated a shaky understanding of technology fundamentals. He faced setbacks in fulfilling early commitments, such as obtaining a separate country code for Somaliland and securing its internet top-level domain. In pursuit of the latter, he sought assistance from Sierra Leone to share its .sl TLD with Somaliland.

Despite making numerous promises and performing expensive public stunts, including the establishment of an e-government that materialized as a basic website and the implementation of a STEM curriculum, Dr. Abdiweli failed to achieve significant progress in promoting IT innovation in both the public and private sectors during his tenure. Dr. Abdiweli who issued a statement, thanked the President for the opportunity to serve and have touted his record in contributing to the technology sector of Somaliland.

Eng Abdikadir Iman Warsame, Former Minister of Agriculture with Taiwan Representative Ambassador Allan Lou

Another notable departure is the Eng Abdikadir Iman, the now former Minister of Agriculture who previously held the post of Chairman of Somaliland Election Commission and most recently prior to appointment to President Bihi’s cabinet as a member of the committee to rebuild the Waaheen market. Although his tenure was short, there was no notable contribution in terms of policy or tangible result in making Somaliland a food secure nation.

The latest appointments introduce two highly controversial figures to key positions. Mr. Abdinasir Muhumad Hassan Buni, the current ruling party’s spokesperson and a onetime spokesperson for the First Lady of Somalia to the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, and Mr. Saleban Awad Ali (Bukhaari), the former Director of Somaliland’s Insurance Agency who was removed after multiple controversies including the botched rolling out of automobile insurance in Somaliland which resulted in clogging the Berbera Port with imported vehicles and appointing his wife to a finance position at the same agency among other issues to the Minister of Transportation and Road Development.

President Bihi who is currently in office through an extension granted by Somaliland’s House of Elders also known as the Guurti in October 2022 in is entering his sixth year of leadership. His tenure has been characterized by evident social divisions and widespread corruption, contradicting his campaign commitments to tackle graft.

Despite grappling with significant inflation, a rising cost of living, and pressing security concerns, President Bihi refrained from making alterations to portfolios directly associated with security or the economy. The question of whether forthcoming changes are on the horizon for sectors such as finance, banking, and security remains uncertain. The country’s ongoing economic challenges and security issues underscore the potential need for strategic adjustments in these critical areas, and observers are keenly watching for any developments that may address these pressing concerns.

Somali Prime Minister’s Endorsement of Hamas Explains why Somalia has been Unable to Defeat Al-Shabaab

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In a world rife with complex geopolitical issues and conflicts, one thing remains crystal clear: the sacred duty of any nation to defend its people from terrorists. Just as Israel and Somaliland understand this sacred obligation, it seems that Somalia’s Prime Minister, Hamza Abdi Barre, has finally, albeit inadvertently, explained to the world why his country has been unable or, more precisely, has been unwilling to defeat the Al-Shabaab terror organization.

In a truly ironic twist of fate, the Somali Prime Minister has thrust his terror-stricken nation into the spotlight by openly supporting Hamas as a legitimate Islamic resistance group. This endorsement inadvertently exposes a deeper problem plaguing Somalia, where Al-Shabaab continues to wreak havoc, despite receiving hundreds of millions in mostly United States taxpayer funds to combat terrorism and establish peace. The Somali Prime Minister’s support for Hamas is a paradox. It is impossible to truly defeat a terrorist group that you actively endorse and support. In other words, you cannot defeat that which you are.

The Prime Minister’s recent remarks were nothing short of astonishing if not downright despicable. He not only proclaimed that the liberation of Palestine and Al-Aqsa Mosque is imminent but also labeled Israel as the actual terrorists. His language, of course, was far from diplomatic, and it carried a disturbing genocidal undertone.

Rather than distancing itself from these blatently dehumanizing and inflammatory comments, President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud’s administration has resorted to deploying lobbyist in Washington, D.C., to whitewash and spin Prime Minister Hamse’s remarks and attempting to scapegoat Somaliland for the whole debacle. In essence, they are trying to put lipstick on an ugly anti-Semitic pig, all while ignoring the fact that the Somali Prime Minister openly lauded Hamas and essentially echoed Al-Shabaab’s statement on the subject.

The undeniable truth is that Somaliland, like Israel and Ukraine, is burdened with the sacred responsibility of safeguarding its people against terrorists and those who seek to kill and maime in the name of religion. On the flip side, Somalia’s Prime Minister has displayed an astonishing hypocrisy by selectively condemning global injustices while cozying up to Communist China and never uttering a word of protest on the plight of Muslim Uighurs. At the same time, he loudly cheers for Hamas, an organization responsible for killing innocent civilians and kidnapping even grandmothers and babies.

It’s high time the international community, particularly the United States, holds the Somali government accountable for its actions and rhetoric. Perhaps it’s time for Somalia to seek funding from sources more aligned with their newfound allegiances, like Hamas and Iran and China, to combat Al-Shabaab, as their actions and words have consequences that can no longer be brushed aside.

Controversy Surrounds President Bihi’s Advisors’ Involvement in New Round of Talks between Somalia – Somaliland

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A recent media report alleged that the Hargeisa Cultural Center was attempting to broaden its scope by involving itself in the complex discussions between Somaliland and Somalia. In the proposal, which the center has vehemently denied any involvement and threatened legal action, there is no mention of a separation between the two nations; rather, it strongly emphasizes the idea of reconciliation and reunification.

The proposal, examined by Somaliland Chronicle, outlines a comprehensive plan for the Horn Dialogue Conference 2023, scheduled to take place in Hargeisa, Somaliland. The primary focus of the conference is to explore the role of civil society in facilitating dialogue and reconciliation between Somalia and Somaliland. The proposing organizations, the Horn Dialogue Conference and Hargeysa Cultural Center, emphasize various aspects of the conference, including its objectives, methodology, and expected outcomes.

You can access the Horn Dialogue Conference proposal document here

The proposed conference carries significant objectives, primarily centered on promoting dialogue, reconciliation, and political cooperation between Somalia and Somaliland. It also seeks to address critical issues related to governance, security, and economic development, with an emphasis on fostering trust and consensus among key political actors. Notably, the document suggests a departure from traditional government-to-government negotiations in favor of involving civil society groups, such as traditional elders, women, youth, and academics, as key players in bridging divides and establishing a foundation for meaningful dialogue and cooperation.

The proposed methodology for the conference includes conducting in-depth research, mapping critical issues, and identifying key political factors that hinder reconciliation. It further introduces the concept of establishing standing committees to ensure that the progress made during the conference is effectively translated into action. The long-term impact and outcomes envisioned for the conference involve promoting democracy, negotiating plans for the political future of the region, and establishing stable civilian governance.

One intriguing aspect of the proposal, outlined in a section titled “Politics, Peace, and Security,” is its avoidance of any mention of Somaliland’s independence. Instead, it strongly emphasizes the idea of reconciliation and suggests a path forward rooted in dialogue:

  • reaffirm that for genuine peace to take hold in Somalia/Somaliland we should seek dialogue, reconciliation and political cooperation including establishing inclusive, accountable and legitimate governance.
  • The Conference is grateful for the wide-scale and strong Somali participation, including women, in this Conference, and the powerful and meaningful messages they have pronounced.
  • To affirm that at this critical period in Somalia/Somaliland history, the security, political, social and economic achievements of the past year have given Somalia/Somaliland and the international community a renewed hope for the future. Somalia/Somaliland have made considerable progress towards achieving stability, security and reconciliation: this opportunity should not be missed.
  • To initiate the beginning of a new phase of peacebuilding, in which all Somalis would contribute to peace and have their voices heard.

Although he denies it, the author of the report “HORN DIALOGUE CONFERENCE 2023, Hargeisa, Somaliland: The Role of Civil Society: Somalia and Somaliland Reconciliation Dialogue” is Abdinasir Suleman Omar Kujoog, who is listed as the Convener of the Horn Dialogue Conference.

Mr. Omar Kujoog who did speak to Somaliland Chronicle about this report and called it an elaborate hoax and a photoshop, stated that the biographies of the various people mentioned in it must have been collected from online and stitched together. For some reason, Mr. Omar Kujoog was forceful in his defense of Dr. Jama Muse and the Hargeisa Cultural Center more than himself and his Horn Dialogue outfit and repeatedly neither has anything to do with the document even though he called it a fake document concocted from thin air. He has accused of those behind it as engaged in a smear campaign against Dr. Jama, the Chairman of Hargeisa Cultural Center.

Asked about his opinion on the continuance of talks between Somaliland and Somalia, Mr. Omar Kujoog called it “mission impossible” and a follow up question on the role of the civil society in the future of the talks, although he claims to have never seen the document and that is it fake, his points seem to align with the document which postulates more community involvement.

Despite Mr. Abdinasir Suleman Omar Kujoog, has denied that he wrote it and has called it a “hoax.” However, there is evidence to suggest that the document is authentic. For example, the Horn Dialogue website, which has since been taken down, listed a conference called “Building Bridges Conference l September 2023,” which is described in a similar way to the conference proposed in the document.

Google cached version of http://www.horndialogue.com/ can be accessed here

Building Bridges Conference September 2023. The conference is described as “Somalia and Somaliland have long been divided, with protracted conflicts that have caused significant human suffering and impeded development. Traditional justice and customary laws have been used to address these grievances, with civil society organizations playing a key role in promoting dialogue. This conference aims to explore how civil society can further utilize traditional justice and customary laws in bridging divides and normalising relations.”.

Hargeysa Cultural Center has issued a strongly worded denial of the accusation in media reports and the document and alluded to taking unspecified legal action against those responsible.

Dr. Jama Muse Jama, the chairman of the Hargeisa Cultural Center who did not respond to request to speak on the record posted on social media “@HargeysaCC and I have nothing to do with the video and the fake document prepared by someone who uses our names and shared, if not invented, by irresponsible media that now has to prove the source of this document.”

Dr. Jama Muse Jama is one of President Muse Bihi’s closes advisors on foreign policy and possibly other matters.

Recently, Dr. Jama was the subject of international headlines when he met with the President of Uganda who publicly stated his opposition to Somaliland’s independence.  President Museveni is a major stakeholder in Somalia’s stabilization efforts where Ugandan troops make up a large percent of the ATMIS contingency stationed in Somalia.

Another close advisor to President Bihi, Dr. Amal Ali has been accused of attending a meeting held in Qatar on Somalia – Somaliland reconciliation. Dr Ali and her law firm has denied accusation as “Fake News”.

Somaliland’s Intelligence Agency Detains 10 Foreign Nationals Suspected of Ties to Terrorism

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In a rare public announcement, Somaliland’s National Intelligence Agency (NIA) said on Tuesday that it had detained 10 foreign nationals suspected of ties to terrorism. The agency did not provide any further details about the arrests or the suspects’ nationalities, but said that they were from Pakistan, Syria, and Morocco.

The arrest of the 10 individuals comes as Somaliland faces a number of security challenges, including the threat of terrorism from al-Shabab, a Somalia-based militant group affiliated with al-Qaeda which has been fighting in Las Anod against Somaliland military in the eastern conflict.

It is unclear if the detention of the 10 individuals is linked to any specific terror plot. However, the fact that the spy agency has made a public announcement about the arrests suggests that the agency may believe that the suspects pose a serious threat to Somaliland’s security.

Although not publicly announced, a new intel chief was recently appointed by President Muse Bihi Abdi and signs of major departure the agency’s secretive nature seem to be taking on a much more public persona including posting on social media. It is unclear if the change of posture is intended to foster transparancy or simple rebranding of the agency in its new chief’s image.

It is unclear whether the change in the agency’s posture is intended to foster transparency or simply rebrand the agency. However, the detention of the 10 individuals suggests that NIA is taking a more aggressive approach to combating terrorism albeit very publicly.

Unconfirmed reports indicate that the new intelligence chief has served with the US military overseas at various capacities. It is unclear how his previous expertise has prepared him to helm the spy agency at a time Somaliland is facing major security challenges and lapses in intelligence that failed to predict events in Las Anod and beyond. It is unclear if the new chief’s role is intended to shore up the armed forces in threat detection or establishment of new offensive and defensive capabilities.

The appointment of a new intelligence chief with experience in the US military could be a sign that Somaliland is seeking to strengthen its ties to the United States and other Western countries in order to better combat terrorism. However, it is still too early to say what impact the new chief and the K9 units will have on the spy agency or Somaliland’s security posture as a whole.

Somaliland solves the geostrategic problems of Ethiopia and the United States

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Berbera sits in a strategic commercial and security position, where 30% of world trade passes through with a deep-water port and the longest airstrips in Africa. It historically served as a gateway for trade and civilisation for centuries, connecting the vast hinterland of East Africa with the rest of the world. The geographical location of Berbera and its sheltered harbour towards the southern side of the Gulf of Aden is a significant factor in its geostrategic importance. The strategic interest of Berbera Port for commercial and shipping lanes attracts the Dubai Port operator to transform the port into a commercial hub with a multipurpose port with integrated maritime, logistics and industrial hub, making Berbera Port a credible alternative to the ports in Mombasa, Djibouti, and Dar Es Salaam. The UK Government investment arm, CDC Group, funnels $100 million to expand Berbera port and logistics operations, including dry ports.Further investment from Singapore-based commodity trader Trafigura Group injects $50 million in Berbera oil terminal facilities to position it as a regional supply hub serving customers in Somaliland and integrate oil logistics throughout the Horn of Africa, making Berbera port a strategic hub in a region where demand grows every year. Local firms also merged their share of investment in Berbera, including the newly completed $50 million fish factory that exports various types of fish and the construction of a cement plant that will produce 1.2 million tons of cement invested in $60 million. Sound government policies for a competitive and conducive investment environment attract multinational firms to invest in the country. The inflow of foreign direct investment and domestic investment into Berbera provides a vital economic boost to Somaliland and spills over into the broader Horn of Africa region.

Berbera solves Ethiopia’s sea outlet problems

Currently, Djibouti is the only seaport in Ethiopia. The rapidly growing increase in imports and exports in Ethiopia created an outcry among importers and transporters due to the highly congested and insufficient infrastructure in Djibouti to meet the demand of Ethiopia. The presence of foreign powers in Djibouti frustrates Ethiopia, which is perceived as an imminent threat to Ethiopia’s interests and national security. Djibouti is becoming very expensive, preventing the economic growth of the country. The absolute dependence on the Djibouti port threatens Ethiopia’s national security and economic development. Ethiopia opts for a minimax policy of diversifying Ethiopia’s access to the sea to eliminate its dependence on Djibouti, which serves as the only outlet for Ethiopia. Addis Ababa is embarking on efforts to find alternative ports, which saw the development of several ports, including the use of Port Lamu in Kenya, Port Sudan, the prospective use of Assab and Massawa ports after the highly publicised Ethiopia-Eritrea rapprochement in 2018 and the Berbera port of Somaliland. Berbera is the second-closest port to Addis Ababa, making Berbera the most viable alternative to mitigate the prohibitive cost of transit due to the adverse geography.

The Berbera port infrastructure, such as improved container terminals, expanded handling capacity, and improved logistics facilities, increases the efficiency of the port to accommodate the growth of trade volumes in smooth and seamless operations. Additionally, Berbera offers Ethiopia a 19% stake in the 30-port concession, with DP World and Somaliland owning 51% and 30%, respectively, cementing Ethiopia’s use of Berbera port due to cheaper sea outlet access.

Berbera as an economic and security corridor for the West to counter China’s Belt Road Initiative

Through BRI, China has invested billions of dollars in connectivity projects to promote an alternative trade route and the idea of development that favours a Chinese-centric order in the East African region. In a recent BRI forum attended by African leaders, President Xi Jinping said that Belt and Road cooperation has expanded from physical to institutional connectivity and offered new funding for the initiative. Somaliland is the only government to withstand Chinese inroads through investment. Somaliland allowed pro-Western firms to invest in Berbera to access the markets of Ethiopia, Uganda, and South Sudan. It also allowed the US military to use the Berbera seaport and airfield for military purposes, making Somaliland the only nation in the region to resist Chinese investments.

Somaliland enjoys stability and is free from terrorism and piracy. The strategic location of Berbera solves the geostrategic problem of a landlocked Ethiopia and counters the rise of China’s expansionist agenda. Somaliland offers alternative and cheaper port access to Ethiopia and cements the economic and defence interests of the United States and its allies. It is the time Somaliland reaps the reward of aligning itself with Ethiopia and the West for recognition.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdinasser Ahmed is a developmental economics practitioner and political commentator based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. He can be reached through Twitter @Abdinasserahm or abdinasserahm[at]gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Is Abiy’s Delusional Pursuit of Red Sea Access An Existential Threat to Somaliland?

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The alarm bells are ringing as Ethiopia’s unrelenting quest for port access raises the troubling specter of the annexation of Somaliland’s strategic Zaila port. While this may sound like a far-fetched scenario, Ethiopia’s Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed, appears driven by a grand delusion, repeatedly asserting that landlocked Ethiopia has an unquestionable “right” to secure a port. When this ambition is viewed against the backdrop of Somaliland’s current vulnerabilities, it paints a deeply concerning picture.

Upon assuming office, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed embarked on a mission to secure port access for landlocked Ethiopia. He initially won multiple port concessions from Somalia’s former President, Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed Farmajo, and forged similar agreements with Eritrea’s Isaias Afwerki and Djibouti’s Ismail Omar Guelleh. However, these agreements failed to materialize, and Ethiopia even lost its 19% stake in Somaliland’s Berbera port, which Somaliland’s Finance Minister, Dr. Saad Ali Shire, attributed to ‘non-payment’.

Despite these setbacks, Abiy’s determination to secure port access remains unshaken. Following a tumultuous period marked by the devastating civil war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, Abiy has revived his port ambitions, reiterating Ethiopia’s “right” to a port and subtly alluding to Somaliland’s underutilized and underdeveloped Zaila port.

What is most disconcerting is Abiy’s rhetoric on this matter. He frames Ethiopia’s lack of port access as an inherent injustice and even as an existential threat, suggesting a zero-sum game mentality where Ethiopia must obtain a port at all costs. This assertive stance raises legitimate concerns about his intentions and, more importantly, the potential implications for the fragile Horn of Africa, particularly Somaliland.

Eritrea has already responded forcefully to Abiy’s grand delusion and the fact that it is run by an actual mad man makes the price too high. Djibouti, although tiny and militarily weak, it enjoys the protection of the French and is a host to the United States Africa Command among other militaries which makes it another unattainable prize. That leaves Somaliland and realistically the most attractive option that Abiy may be eying.

Somaliland, at the moment is at its lowest point since regaining independence, is grabbling with a host of formidable challenges and political tumult. The Bihi government’s unyielding thirst for power, coupled with its obsession with the unabashed pillaging and sell-off of state assets, has only worsened the situation. To compound the issue, Bihi is surrounded by a group of former NGO drones masquerading as diplomats, whose recent blunders include Museveni’s outspoken opposition to Somaliland’s sovereignty. It is highly likely that these individuals will advise Bihi to entertain any proposition from Abiy and spin it as an acknowledgment of Somaliland’s status.

While the potential annexation of Zaila by Ethiopia remains unrealistic as annexing an area and then building a port is a pipe dream, Abiy’s unrelenting and dangerous pursuit of port access and Somaliland’s internal issues signal the need for vigilance. As the geopolitical landscape and regional dynamics continue to evolve, it is of utmost importance to closely monitor these developments any overtures from Abiy to sign any sort of deal that places Ethiopian forces on Somaliland’s soil.

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Why President Museveni Should Rethink His Approach Towards Somaliland: He Must Not Promote the Idea of Greater Somalia

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President Museveni of Uganda recently waded into the contentious topic of relations between Somaliland and its infamous neighbour, Somalia. In a press release emailed to news agencies President Museveni announced he had received a visit from a special envoy of Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi. The Ugandan President disclosed that, amongst other things, he had offered to mediate between Somalia and the Republic of Somaliland.

This news immediately generated headlines across the world, including in most East African countries, and received significant backlash on social media from Somalilanders across the world. In addition, many Kenyan, Ugandan, Ethiopian and British commentators similarly indicated that President Museveni’s intervention was unhelpful. In what has turned out to be quite a diplomatic blunder for Uganda, the Government of Somaliland released a statement that the “Somaliland Government affirms that any dialogue that transpires between #Somaliland and Somalia will not discuss unification, but rather how the two previously united countries can move forward separately”.

This article explains why the President’s approach towards Somaliland requires a rethink. It will start by recounting the correct history of Somaliland in the regional context. It will then set out the immensely negative unintended regional consequences for East Africa, if Somaliland was forced into another ill-advised union with failed state Somalia.

The Republic of Somaliland: Not a Secessionist Movement

Firstly, it is important to retell the correct history. Somaliland is not a secessionist movement, nor is it a ‘breakaway region’ of neighbouring Somalia. The correct history – supported by ample evidence, facts and legal documents – is that Somaliland is a country and not merely a region. The State of Somaliland gained independence on the 26 of June 1960 from Great Britain. This in fact makes the Republic of Somaliland older than both Uganda and Somalia. To suggest Somaliland is merely a small secessionist region of Somalia is therefore factually, historically and legally incorrect, misleading and untrue.

Somalia has long sought to label Somaliland as a secessionist or breakaway region. However if one independently investigates and verifies Somaliland’s history, it quickly becomes clear that nothing could be further from the truth. How could Somaliland be a region of Somalia, when the State of Somaliland gained independence entirely separately (from the UK) on 26 June 1960? While on this day Somaliland became a sovereign, independent and internationally recognised country, Somalia was at this time was still a UN Trusteeship, under Italian administration. How can a sovereign independent country which gained independence completely separately, be a secessionist region of a neighbouring United Nations Trust Territory? The suggestion Somaliland is a secessionist region of Somalia reveals either a fundamental lack of understanding of Somaliland’s history, or a deliberate perversion and distortion of history for personal self interest. President Museveni has been poorly advised; his team should revisit and familiarise themselves with Somaliland’s history.

Somaliland’s Long History as a Sovereign Independent Country

Modern day Somaliland is the successor the famous Adal Kingdom. This country had existed in the approximate boundaries of present day Somaliland for centuries, from around the 8th century AD to the 1600s. After the decline of the Adal Sultanate, in the early 17th century, it was succeeded by local sultanates which emerged in the same present-day borders of Somaliland that had also been the Adal Kingdom.

Over the centuries, these local Sultanates were independent and self-contained. Somalilanders maintain extensive sea and land trade relations. Principally with neighbouring peoples including other East Africans, the Swahili coast, and Ethiopians – then known as Abyssinians. But Somalilanders have also maintained trade links also further afield with with Arabian Peninsula on the other side of the Gulf of Berbera (the Gulf of Aden), the East African hinterland through inland trading networks and even India and Persia.

As in much of East Africa, by the 19th century the British Empire had arrived on the shores of Somaliland, knocking on the proverbial doors. In 1884, through a series of Treaties of Protection signed between the U.K and Somalilanders. It was in this way that the country of Somaliland that we know today come into being.

It should be noted that Somalians on the other hand became a colony of Italy. Specific tribes such as the minority cross-border Dhulbahante community, and the small Majeerteen subclan, had willingly signed treaties of protection with Italy, in which they agreed to become subjects of Italy. This included the Ilig Treaty of 1905 signed between Italy and the local ruler known as ‘the Mad Mullah’. Concurrently Italy had separately purchased the remainder of Southern Somalia from the Sultan of Zanzibar, as it was part of the Swahili coast. By the 1930s Italy had introduced fascism as the predominant political philosophy in Somalia, as well as the Madamato system of Somalia Italiana, plantation slavery of Somalians and raft of other policies that were deeply destructive to Somalia’s social fabric and traditional structures. This unique history of neighbouring Somalia as East Africa’s only fascist indoctrinated country, largely contributes to Somalia’s present day issues. Till today Somalia’s political philosophy is ‘might is right’, autocratic dictatorship and abuse of minorities such as its large Somali Bantu population (the secret Somali Bantu Genocide). 

Turning back to Somaliland’s history, it clearly and demonstrably has a long, illustrious and incontrovertibly rich history as a sovereign, independent country. The territory that is present day Somaliland with a recorded history of over of 2000 years. For at least 1,200 years the country that is modern-day Somaliland had a distinct identity, territory and indigenous citizens. Somaliland has had various successive forms of government (usually in the form of sultanates and kingdoms). It has also maintained relations with nearby countries, kingdoms and peoples.

If one looks at the Montevideo convention, which provides the modern definition of States, it is self evident that Somaliland has been an independent sovereign state for a long time. Over the past 1,400 years, there were perhaps only two a brief exception of two brief periods when the territory of modern-day Somaliland was not an independent, sovereign, self-governing country. Firstly, the 76 years Somaliland spent as British Somaliland and secondly the 31 years, between 1960 and 1991, when Somaliland attempted a failed union with neighbouring Somalia to create a new country called ‘The Somali Republic’.

Somaliland is not Somalia: Different Histories and Incompatible Cultural Values

For most of its 1,200 year history, Somaliland has had very little to do with the neighbouring territory of Somalia. This might seem unlikely, but is in fact true, and is an accident of geography due to the simple distance between Somaliland and Somalia. To put this into perspective consider this: Somaliland’s capital and main population centre Hargeisa is 2,300KM by road from the southernmost regions that are Somalia’s population centres. While Uganda’s capital is a mere 1,500KM from that same point in Somalia. Somalia was also part of the Swahili coast, various forms of Swahili are spoken in Somalia. Lastly Somalia also shares much culture with Uganda including posho (which Somalians call soor), Niiko dancing and Somali Bantu populations.

Beyond trade, Somalilanders historically had no connection with the neighbouring territory to their South, that would later become neighbouring Somalia. Post 1991 Somaliland has reverted to its old relationship with neighbouring Somalia: trade, but nothing more. Not only because of the geographic distance, but cultural and political incompatibility.

It is worth noting that when modern day Somaliland was created in 1884, neighbouring Somalia was, at that time, a possession of the Sultan of Zanzibar. Somalia was later acquired by Italy. Mussolini became its head of State. The territory inaugurated the Fascisti Party of Somalia as the first political party of Somalia. The Fasciti Party headquarters in Mogadishu would become Somalia’s parliament building. Fascism was taug in ht in schools throughout Somalia (not including Somaliland). Somalia was aligned with the Axis powers during world war 2, and even sent a delegation to the conference of Nazi allied countries in Rome, Italy. Somalian leaders are pictures with Hitler and Mussolini, sporting swastikas and carrying out fascist salutes.

Until the present day the values of fascism (might is right), machiavellianism, britality and autocracy are the national values of Somalia. This is displayed by Somalia’s government and citizens actions including the Isaaq Genocide, the Somali Bantu Genocide, terrorism, piracy and general anarchy that has become commonplace in Somalia.

Somalilanders on the other hand had a very different experience, much closer to Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania in experience. 

Somalilanders also have values very different from Somalia, based on egalitarianism, pastoral community and democracy. This is why the rule of law prevails in Somaliland, whilst Somalia has been in anarchy for 32 years.

Somaliland and Somalia are culturally incompatible, just as Somalia and Uganda are culturally inconpatible. To seek to forcibly absorb Somaliland into Somalia, would be to wish for the destruction of the values, livelihoods and country that 6 million Somalilanders have so diligently built over decades. It is unthinkable.

The Idea of a Union between Somaliland and Somalia has Been Tried, Tested and Failed

The 31 year period during which Somaliland was under illegal occupation and attempted annexation by neighbouring Somalia, was one of the most destructive periods in its history. Somalia under the fascist genocidal dictator Siad Barre, who was an expansionist ethno-fascist, destroyed Somaliland and levelled it to the ground. Somalia then carried out the brutal Isaaq Genocide, in which it killed hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders, and bombed, burned and destroyed most of Somaliland’s cities, towns and villages. Somalilanders have not forgotten this genocide, nor forgiven Somalia.

Somalilanders are also cognisant that neighbouring Somalia is still the worlds most comprehensively failed state. We note that neighbouring Somalia continues to be famous for piracy, terrorism, mass murders, anarchy and daily bombings. Who in their right mind would want to unite with Somalia, especially when the rest of the world actively shuts the doors to Somalia to protect their own citizens from its chaos. It is for this very reason why both Kenya and Ethiopia have established buffer zones inside Somalia: to keep it at bay. Kenya has even gone as far as building a border wall with failed state Somalia. Therefore clearly any attempt to unite with Somalia will bring Somaliland nothing but death, destruction and destitution. We say, no thank you.

Museveni a Proponent of Greater Somalia? A Destructive Path for East Africa

Under Somalia’s leadership the Somali Republic, emboldened by its annexation of Somaliland, also invaded and attempted to annex Northern Kenya and Eastern Ethiopia. The Somali Republic also had designs to incorporate other countries including the Republic of Djibouti into his fantastical new country called ‘Greater Somalia’. Is more war, destruction and conflict in East Africa the wish of President Museveni? I pray it is not so. As Africans we must learn from our mistakes of the past, lest we be doomed to repeat them, ad infinitum. 

The idea of Greater Somalia is one of an ethnically pure, supposedly superior country, for so-called ‘ethnic Somalis’. Greater Somalia’s claimed land area being twice the size of Western Europe,    would incorporate Somalia, Somaliland, Eastern Ethiopia, Northern Kenya and the entirety of Djibouti. Its capital would be Mogadishu, Somalia. This is all very ironic and some might say delusional, given Somalia can’t even govern itself… yet Somalia has grand designs on neighbouring countries including Somaliland. In any case Greater Somalia which would be kick-started by Somalia attempting to annex Somaliland, would be a sure way to envelop East Africa in a great regional conflagration.

Greater Somalia ideologically very similar to Hitler’s Greater Germanic Reich – based on ideology of supposed ethnic purity, forced homogeneity, genocide & ethnic cleansing, and autocratic forms of government.

Somalia’s expansionist and ethno-fascist ideology of ‘Greater Somalia’ begins with invading, annexing and incorporating Somaliland into Somalia. The second step would be annexing Djibouti. Followed by Eastern Ethiopia (the Somali region of Ethiopia) and Northern Kenya (the Northern Frontier District of Kenya).

Somalia’s current constitutional including provisions claiming extra-territorial jurisdiction over Eastern Ethiopia, Somaliland, Northern Kenya and Djibouti. Somalia’s did this by including in its constitution provisions which state that anyone who is an ethnic Somali, even if they their ancestors have always lived in Kenya, Ethiopia, Somaliland and Djibouti and never even so much as set foot in Somalia, are citizens of Somalia simply by virtue of their Somali ethnicity.

This idea of Somalia as an ‘ethnic state’ is the basis that Somalia uses to claims extra-territorial sovereignty over neighbouring countries. In this way Somalia claims Somali Ethiopians  (Somali Region of Ethiopia), Northern Kenya (NFD Province), Somalilanders (The Republic of Somaliland), and Djiboutians (Djibouti) are sovereign subordinates of Somalia. President Museveni is inadvertently and unwittingly lending support to and giving credibility to Somalia’s extraterritorial claims on neighbouring countries, including its illegal and baseless claims over Somaliland. 

Regional Consequences of Greater Somalia’s Annexation of Somaliland, as Promoted by Museveni

President Museveni should be careful to not promote an ideology – of Greater Somalia – that he neither understands, nor can control. To do so would unleash a terrible and protracted new conflict and border wars between Somalia and all its neighbours, including Somaliland. President Museveni should respect Somaliland, Ethiopia, Kenya and Djibouti’s sovereignty, independence and  territorial integrity. He is supporting and unleashing forces of Somali ethno-nationalism and ethno-fascism that few outside the Horn of Africa understand or appreciate. 

To support Somalia’s claims over Somaliland and neighbouring countries would unleash in the Horn of Africa, and East Africa more widely, immense instability, uncertainty. This would be bad for business, government and citizens alike in East Africa. It would adversely affect investor sentiment, international trade and political and economic stability. President Museveni should be careful to not be pulled into the orbit of Somalia’s chaos and anarcho-capitalism. After all, it has not worked out so well for Somalia. 

Somaliland is the only bulwark that stands against the Greater Somalia ideology. Removing Somaliland from the region would be sure to pull Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya into a regional conflagration and war the like of which the region has not seen since Somalia’s illegal 1977 invasion of Ethiopia. President Museveni would do well to remember that Ethiopia and Somalia went to war in 1977 because of this ideology. Somalia and Kenya went to war in 1963 because of this ideology. The Isaaq Genocide was committed because of this ruinous ideology.

The Legal & Moral Argument Against a Forced Union Between Failed State Somalia and Democratic Somaliland

The State of Somaliland then gained its independence on the 26th of June 1960 as part of the African decolonisation movement, similar to most other African countries.  Somaliland therefore has its own borders based on internationally recognised and legally binding Treaties between the local people and the UK, between the UK and Ethiopia (demarcating the Somaliland-Ethiopia border), between the UK and France (demarcating the Somaliland-Djibouti border), and between the UK and Italy (demarcating the Somaliland-Somalia border).

By advocating a forced illegal union between Somaliland and Somalia, President Museveni is invalidating and opening up a Pandora’s Box of colonial African borders. He is giving credence to and providing credibility to Somalia’s illegal claims on not only Somaliland (based on supposed shared ethnicity). And also Somalia’s claims on Eastern Ethiopia, Djibouti and Northern Kenya. This goes against the AU charter which “SOLEMNLY DECLARES that all Member States pledge themselves to respect the borders existing on their achievement of national independence”. This includes Somaliland’s sovereign borders with which it duly and legally gained independence on the 26 June 1960. Surely this cannot be his intention?

President Museveni should be careful to not wish to go back in history and seek to nullify Somaliland’s independence, unless he wishes to do the same for Uganda. After all, the age old saying teaches us that ‘what is good for the goose is good for the gander’. In other words, if President Museveni wishes people to respect Uganda’s independence from the UK on the 9 October 1962, why does he deny the same to Somalilanders? It is illogical, it is rash, it is unjustifiable. 

President Museveni, as an elder statesman of East Africa, should be proposing solutions such as formalising recognition of Somaliland (which is effectively a 32 year old foregone conclusion – a reality on the ground that is not going away), and not contributing more problems and conflicts to the region such as proposing an unworkable, unfeasible, unthinkable forced union between Somaliland and Somalia.

Why is President Museveni advocating something for Somaliland that he would not accept for Uganda?

President Museveni has no right to dismiss the will of Somalilanders. Somalilanders have the same right to self determination as Ugandans – and any other African country. To suggest a reunification between Somaliland and Somalia is to reveal a lack of understanding and knowledge on the issues between them. Under no conceivable circumstances will Somalilanders accept being reunited with the country that waged a brutal genocide on them: Somalia.

To suggest a reunification between Somaliland and Somalia would be like forcing relatives of mass murder victims to live with the same mass murderer who killed their relatives. It would be immoral. It would be inhumane. It would be unthinkable.  It would force onto Somalilanders a level of indignity, humilitation and inhumanity that they would never and will never accept. No sane person would accept it. Most of the 6 million or so Somalilanders will likely fight to the death and sacrifice their lives before their country is annexed by and forcibly given to neighbouring failed state Somalia (which cannot even govern itself). 

Conclusion

In summary, President Museveni’s interjection is unhelpful, counterproductive and will aggravate the situation rather than help it. He must not inadvertently promote Greater Somalia. He must respect the history, identity and wishes of Somaliland’s 6 million people. He must not advocate for Somaliland a tried, tested and failed union with Somalia that historically only brought death, destruction and destitution. He must not tell Somalilanders to do something he would not accept for Uganda: giving up their independence, sovereignty and country, to join with the worlds most comprehensively failed state that is famous for terrorism, piracy and anarchy: Somalia. Somalilanders have considered his proposal and have resoundingly rejected it. Any attempt to forcibly reunite Somaliland with Somalia is unthinkable, unworkable and unacceptable.

About the Author

Dr Adali Warsame is a political commentator and public policy professional, who is a long time observer of Somaliland politics. He writing focuses on standing up for the dignity of Somaliland’s citizens, who appear to be forgotten in the melee that is everyday Somaliland and Horn of Africa politics.

Adali is an unapologetic Somalilander. He is passionate about achieving justice for the forgotten Isaaq Genocide victims, stopping the doomed Somaliland-Somalia talks and international recognition of the Republic of Somaliland.

FDI in Somaliland: A Vehicle for Prosperity or a Source of Social Inequality?

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The Republic of Somaliland, has not yet acquired a de jure recognition from the outside world since May 18, 1991 when Somaliland decided to withdraw from the 1960 union with Somalia. Since then, Somaliland has been stable compared to the other parts of the region and its contribution to the security and stability in the region is also amicable.

However, the world has been reluctant to provide Somaliland with the assistance it deserves and this tells us much about the faults of the international politics and hypocrite nature of the international system.

Lack of recognition and qualification for foreign direct investment made the post-conflict state institutions fragile and prevented the economy from flourishing. Although Somaliland has managed to build its institutions without international engagement and involvement, on the other hand, the ineffectiveness of the political and social institutions is an outcome of the absence of effective policies and a strong economy necessary to help state institutions thrive.

Apparently, the foreign direct investments coming to the less developed countries have multiple purposes. However, it has a positive impact on the economic and social infrastructures necessary for the development of any country. Somaliland is in a dire strait to get foreign investments to overcome the challenges it facing since 1991.

These investments can take the opportunity by bringing economic opportunities to Somaliland so as to create jobs for the unemployed youth in the country. Indeed, reducing the high rate of unemployment in Somaliland and creating job opportunities for unemployed youth is necessary. Also, social infrastructures such as health and education facilities which inadequately resourced should be improved.

Despite lacking international recognition, Somaliland has dealt with international companies and foreign governments for economic and political purposes. But, getting recognition will not solve and answer the social and economic problems faced by Somaliland.

However, this needs rethinking and reformulating the state policies and strategies, for example, create legal and political framework necessary to qualify for foreign direct investments and design forms of cooperation with the international actors. Not only the international actors, but also creating positive public posture within the state citizens and distribution of the state resources among the citizens can strengthen the social contract and cohesion.

Also, inclusive political institutions are necessary for states to develop. Such institutions provide confidence for people (both within the state and without) to invest in themselves and in businesses. Such investments hire people and create the tax revenues necessary to build state infrastructure.

Therefore, making Somaliland effective, inclusive and transparent state, and developing clear and coherent investment policies and strategies might place Somaliland more prominently in the frontline to qualify for investment, and may attract more attention from foreign investors who interested to come and invest this country.

Therefore, there are a number of issues that need particular attention from the Government and expected to have been worked on to make this journey fruitful:

  • The Government of Somaliland should work on making state institutions more effective, efficient, transparent and reliable.
  • The Government of Somaliland should open the market space to all citizens, and also advocate the issue of fair and free market economy, where the rights of poor weak and minorities are respected.
  • Creating legal frameworks and effective institutions to govern businesses both local and international and accept a high number of FDI without threatening the fragile peace and the existing balance of the country is necessary.
  • Developing or implementing inclusive policies that could seem important and necessary for the development of the state are also important. Those policies will make the state inclusive transparent, stable, and representative of the citizens’ interests.

Economic growth is important for every country, but it is especially crucial for post-conflict countries needing peacebuilding, recovery, and reconstruction. Since the declaration of resuming own independence in 1991 from Somalia, the Republic of Somaliland has been peaceful and has undergone a significant political and economic transformation.

In 2002, Somaliland transitioned from a clan-based system to multi-party democracy after a referendum. Still, the country kept some of its traditions by formalizing the Guurti as an Upper House of Elders, which ensures the support of traditional clan-based power structures. Thus, the country secured a stable peace and democratic system of politics by merging modern and traditional elements.

According to Freedom House’s political rights and civil liberty rankings, Somaliland has a score of 44/100 and is the only one ranked as “partly free” in the Horn of Africa.

Despite not having international recognition, Somaliland is making notable progress in promoting peace and democracy compared to its neighboring countries. However, the country is still facing challenges, and peace remains fragile. One challenge is that the country has no major economic development with serious unemployment rates and education issues.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is defined as international investment by an entity residing a foreign economy. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is an international movement of capital carried out by foreign investors in a country to create or develop a subsidiary in another country. FDI also allows foreign investors to acquire a local company

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Guest article first published on SII

Wanton Violence Against Somaliland Military POWs in Lasanod, Somaliland Government remains Quiet.

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Following the catastrophic military retreat by Somaliland armed forces from their bases in Lasanod, a gruesome picture of treatment has emerged from Lasanod against captured Somaliland military prisoners of war. Images shared on social media show jubilant crowds dancing and mistreating dead soldiers. Other images show a barbaric level of violance being perpetrated by Lasanod militias against Somaliland military POWS.

Although Somaliland government and particularly President Bihi, who is said to have ordered the hasty and poorly planned retreat, has promised a full transparent investigation to understand how things came apart but so far has not addressed the reports coming out of Lasanod on the treatment of Somaliland’s military POWs in the hands of the militia and Al-Shabaab terrorist groups.

Unconfirmed reports coming out of Lasanod state that over 60 prisoners of war have been handed over to various militia groups, some to Al-Shabaab affiliated groups in Lasanod and have been executed. Somaliland Chronicle is unable to independently verify these reports.

Garad Jama Garad Ali, one of the instigators of the crisis who spoke at an event, seems to endorse the purported killing and torture of Somaliland’s captured military personnel and calls upon his follows to attack before Somaliland recovers and finish off the captives to cheering crowds.

It is unclear what the next steps are for Somaliland and if there are plans to retake Lasanod militarily, but confidential sources have confirmed large military build up. It is also unclear how long the investigation President Bihi has promised will take or if there will be changes to the military’s top brass.

International Community has released a statement condemning the escalation of violance but did not address the treatment of prisoners of war. Somaliland has been under constant pressure to end hostilities despite being under constant attack from militias in Lasanod.

President Bihi and his government have advocated for defensive posture ever since the start of hostilities in Lasanod, and have ordered its military to confine itself to its barracks despite the military being under sustained attacks from an amalgam of militias, including Al-shabaab as well as Puntland forces.

Sool Situation Compels Quick Military Strategy Execution

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This past week, we witnessed the worst battle loss the Somaliland army ever suffered in our history. We saw disturbing photos of the mistreatment of the commander Feisal Bootaan. Torture, killing of the POWs  , and the desecration of the bodies of our soldiers in the hands of armed thugs in Las Anood. We are demanding the leaders of the clan militias to treat Gen. Botan and other prisoners with respect and not use them as propaganda for their failing misadventure.

Somalilanders are asking what went wrong?

For almost a year, the Somaliland National Defense Forces (SLNDF) gallantly defended their posts and territory in Las Anod, despite our politicians tying up their hands.  Our political leaders made serious tactical mistakes in the initial phase of the Las-Anood battle, for allowing clan militias into a peaceful town. We should have listened to the advice of the military commanders who refused to let armed militias into Las-Anood proper. For instance, this past January, Gen. Botan denied one of the Sool inhabited Clan elders from entering Las Anod at Tukaraq checkpoint because armed men were escorting them. The Interior Minister Kaahin overruled his order not to upset the radical clan elders who were advocating violence.

The army has been in a precarious situation because of the bad decisions of  our leaders. We foolishly lost our soldiers and officers because elected politicians placed cumbersome restrictions on the army in their fight against Anti-Somaliland militias in East Sool.

After we grieve, we will unite, we will reinforce our troops, we will take on Las Anod Clan militias, and we will not be cowered by the Anti-Somaliland zealots. But, first, we need a military strategy, plan and execution to take on Anti-Somaliland terrorists. The tip of the spear of the insurgent clan militias and the terrorist is at the gates of the Oog Township, some 90km west of Las-Anood.

Last week’s military loss demands a total shakeup at the top brass in the military. and security agencies after a thorough investigations what went wrong.

The Anti-Somaliland zealots are led by the extreme clan-elders, terrorists, and anarchists. Their goal is to bring down our young nation and destroy the aspirations of 6 million Somalilanders to become a free and democratic Republic, and to be a member of the world of nations. They are well financed, backed by Communist China, the radical Ictisaam merchants, clan-enclave minded political panhandlers, and the ‘hate media factory “.

I have no doubt that our enemy will hear from us soon.

We should address our political grievances through peaceful means. Presidential nominee Cirro should call on the armed bandits in Gacan Libaax mountains to stand down and face justice.

We should not believe  social media postings blaming a rogue officer responsible for the military communications for last week’s debacle. This is part of our enemy’s campaign to sow division among the military and our communities. All Somaliland constituencies and communities of all clans – men and women – are fighting and dying along with our troops, to defeat the Anti-Somaliland clan militias in Las-Anod. Opposition bases’ commitment to defend and protect our nation is bedrock solid.

We should not let the controversy of the election delays, or the outcome of 2017 election to undermine our resolve. Partisan rancor, divisive rhetoric on social media, and deep clan divisions would only provide aid and comfort to our enemies. It’s time our political leaders put country before party or clan.

It is the time when all Somalilanders from every walk of life unite in our resolve to defend the nation. Somaliland has stood down enemies before, and we will do so this time.

It is hard to forget what took place in Las Anod last Friday. Yet, we must move forward to defend our freedom. Defending our country against its enemies is the main responsibility of our government. Our government must do everything it can to keep us safe. The territorial integrity of the Republic of Somaliland is not-negotiable, and we will defend and fight for every inch of our country.

We need to unite at home and abroad. It is something our nation needed at a time of catastrophic military loss. It is time to stand up and fight for Somaliland. Waving the white flag of surrender is not an option, patriots. A risky scenario is that we could lose our hard-fought freedom.

May Allah Bless Somaliland!

Ali-Guban Mohamed, email: aliadm18@gmail.com; Founder/Editor – Gubanmedia.com

Disclaimer: Views and opinions expressed herein are those of the author and do not
necessarily reflect the views of Somaliland Chronicle. Somaliland Chronicle is
an online news outlet that seeks to publish well-argued and policy-oriented
articles on Somaliland nation's priorities in foreign affairs, education,
healthcare, economy, energy, and infrastructure