In a ceremony attended by Somaliland government ministers and headlined by the Vice President of the Republic of Somaliland, the Ministry of Energy and Minerals has unveiled a 50 million US dollar World Bank-funded project called the Somaliland Electricity Sector Recovery Project. According to officials who spoke at the event, will substantially lower the price of electricity down and provide stand-alone solar off-grid access to select public educational institutions and healthcare facilities and has a duration of six years.
According to the World Bank documents, there is no such project as the Somaliland Electricity Sector Recovery Project, instead, there is the Somali Electricity Sector Recovery Project which has been ongoing since December of 2021. For this project, the Somali Federal Government is the borrower, and the financing agreement is signed by Somalia’s former Minister of Finance Dr. Abdirahman Duale Beileh.
The World Bank document breaks down the project into four major components
Component 1 –Subtransmission and distribution network reconstruction, reinforcement and operations efficiency in the major load centers of Mogadishu and Hargeisa
Component 2 –Hybridization and battery storage systems for minigrids
Component 3 – Stand-alone solar off-grid access to public institutions (health and education)
Component 4 -Institutional development and capacity building
There is no indication that the government of Somaliland has entered any sort of agreement with the World Bank as a direct recipient of funds, instead, the financing agreement signed by Somalia’s former Minister of Finance Dr. Beileh with the World Bank points to a separate agreement called Somaliland Subsidiary Agreement that Somaliland has signed with Somalia as an implementing partner. In addition, the financing agreement’s definitions sections describe Somaliland as a Federal Member State.
Another curious document is the Stakeholder Engagement Plan – SEP submitted to the World Bank by Somalia’s Ministry of Energy and Water Resources (MoEWR) which has an entire section on titled Public Consultation Meeting in Somaliland held by the Ministry of Energy and Minerals in Hargeisa on April 2021. It is unclear if this detailed information was summitted to Somalia’s Federal Government or the World Bank as part of the Somaliland Subsidiary Agreement.
It is unclear what compelled Somaliland to accept this project in its current form, where it is openly considered a Member State of Somalia and entering an agreement with Somalia as an implementing partner when in the past, it has signed directly engaged with the World Bank without Somalia as an intermediary. The Civil Service Strengthening project funded by the World Bank was signed by Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire, who at the time was Somaliland’s Foreign Minister.
Despite being an independent nation and seeking international recognition, the government of Somaliland routinely sends conflicting signals to the world about the level of seriousness in its case for independence and undermines its sovereignty.
The World Bank did not respond to our request seeking the Somaliland Subsidiary Agreement, and our efforts to reach officials from the Ministry of Energy and Minerals for clarification on the project were unsuccessful.
The Human Rights Centre condemns the arbitrary detention of Ahmed Mohamed Abdi Daud. Ahmed was arrested and accosted at the Kaah Political Organization office on November 24, 2022. Ahmed is a dedicated political activist who actively posts satire commentary on Facebook and a member of Central Council of Kaah political party.
He was arrested for making a series of Facebook posts concerning the President’s alleged involvement in the Khat business. Ahmed was followed by a pickup car while entering the premises of Kaah Political Organization office when men wearing civilian clothes who are notorious intelligence officers and a presidential guard forcefully entered the premises, while jumping over the gate.
The men did not identify themselves nor did they show their identification to Ahmed Mohamed Abdi Daud. Ahmed Abdi asked them for a warrant for his arrest, to which they replied in an accusatory manner “why did you insult the president”. In the process of apprehending Ahmed Abdi, he sustained injuries to his left hand and bruises around his mouth while defending himself in the attack by the plain-dressed men. Video taken of the attack shows the plain clothed men yielding a pistol. Shortly after, three police cars with over a dozen police officers came and took Ahmed Abdi to Ibrahim Koodbur police station. Ahmed Abdi Daud posted bail on November 27,2022, where the police demanded from the courts to hold him further, despite failing to prove or present reasonable grounds to hold or charge him with an offense only to be re-arrested on November 28, 2022. He is in custody and remanded as of December 5, 2022.
We have seen an increasing trajectory of arrests by an informal intelligence unit in a coordinated efforts to silence critics of the President. The Human Rights Centre believes this is a complete abuse of power, as Ahmed Mohamed Abdi has not been charged with a crime or offense, creating a system that violates and abuses Ahmed’s constitutional and human rights such as the inability to have a fair trial. Allegations of impropriety by the President’s son has been catalogued in mass arrests, as recently as the June and August political protests that took place across the region in Somaliland, along with other crimes coordinated by the informal unit, including but not limited to arrests, pro-longed detention, beatings, and torture, according to family members and eyewitnesses.
The Human Rights Centre urges for his immediate release and demands an investigation on the condition of Ahmed Abdi Daud and others detained arbitrarily, and in order to assure fair judicial process exists is to guarantee respect for periods of detention as prescribed by Somaliland constitution Article 27 subsection 2 and set by international human rights standards.
Yasmin Omar H. Mohamoud Chairperson of the Human Rights Center
In a ceremony held today at Taiwan’s Representative Office in Somaliland, the Cheetah Conservation Fund in Somaliland and Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund (ICDF) signed an agreement to dispatch volunteers with the Cheetah Conservation Fund in Somaliland. The agreement between ICDF and Cheetah Conservation Fund in Somaliland comes on the 13th annual International Cheetah Day.
The Cheetah Conservation Fund in Somaliland in close partnership with the Ministry of of Environment and Climate Change runs a cheetah rehabilitation center in Somaliland, one of the biggest such centers of its kind in the world and the new agreement with Taiwan’s ICDF is expected to boost the conservation effort of these critically endangered species.
The signing ceremony was held at the Taiwan Representative office in Somaliland, and the Ambassador Allen LOU of the office along with Minister of Environment and Climate Change Shukri H. Ismail Mohamoud (Bandare) and other ministers witnessed the signing of the said Agreement.
According to a statement released by Taiwan’s Representative Office in Somaliland, the signing of this agreement aims to lay the institutional foundation for dispatching volunteers to promote cheetah conservation to raise awareness for the plight of the cheetah and rallies people from all nations to join in the efforts to conserve the species and to contribute to the protection of global biodiversity.
Formosan Black BearLeopard Cat
Taiwan, which has been sharing its expertise with Somaliland on many fronts such as agriculture, healthcare, and technology since the two nations established bilateral ties in July 2020, is home to the endangered Formosan black bear, and the leopard cat complies with the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora.
According to the Cheetah Conservation Fund, around 40 cubs are rescued each year from smugglers by Somaliland law enforcement, where an estimate in 2019 by CCF put the number of cheetah cubs successfully smuggled from Somaliland at around 300. The exotic pet trade has fueled the smuggling of cheetah cubs from Somaliland to Gulf states, where affluent patrons pay exuberant amounts for the cheetah and other exotic wildlife.
DP World’s Chief Executive Officer & Managing Director of Middle East & Africa, Mr. Suhail Al-Banna, who is on a working visit to the Republic of Somaliland, has signed an agreement with the management of Sheikh University of Science and Technology to fund a state-of-the-art laboratory for the university at the price tag of a quarter of a million US dollars.
DP World is currently Somaliland’s largest direct foreign investment partner and manages the Berbera Port and Free Trade Zone through 30-year concession signed in 2017
The Sheikh University of Science and Technology is community owned public university is located in the picturesque mountain-top town of Sheikh in the Sahil region and is home to the legendary Sheikh High School that counts many of Somaliland’s intelligentsia as its alum. Its Board of Trustees include the Minister of Finance Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire and the Director of Hargeisa Cultural Center Dr. Jama Musse Jama.
The University’s current course offering includes natural sciences such petroleum and mining engineering, hydrology, environmental sciences and information and communication technology.
The signing ceremony was attended by Mr. Al-Banna and his delegation as well as many government officials and community leaders including the Mayor of Berbera Abdishakur Mohamoud Hassan Iddin and teh Berbera Port Manager Mr. Saeed Hassan Abdillahi.
DP World collaborates with other educational institutions in Somaliland such Abaarso and Barwaqo University and has funded other small-scale projects in and around Berbera.
The newly liberated state of Somaliland has chosen to experiment conflation of modern representative democracy with its long-standing traditional tribal customs for 30-plus years. The new republic practiced a unique hybrid governing system.
This new system resulted in the most prolonged peace and stability. If conflicts flare up, this new governing system effectively deals with any issue before it gets out of hand. So, this period of tranquility continued for generations. Have you ever heard of the “Oasis of peace and stability in the Horn of Africa”?
This hybrid democracy weathered economic turmoil, social unrest, and terrorism. It withstood multi-dimensional social ills, including unemployment, global pandemic, literacy, Lack of skill training or quality education, and poor infrastructure. Most of these issues require massive social investment. Resources that are currently unavailable. But could have been obtainable with the right, visionary and exemplary leadership. After all, this country is rich in natural resources.
Nevertheless, this Hybrid democracy experiment has always been susceptible to one thing; tribal rivalry. Since perceived unequal access to the country’s meager resources created resentment, it is sometimes easy for politicians to exploit the inter-clan grievances.
The perception is that some clans take advantage of their geographic proximity to the seat of power, fleece the treasury, and dominate civil service jobs. Whether correct or not, the feeling is that certain clans depend on the government, become entitled, and feel more important or superior than other citizens.
Until this period, however, politicians rarely attempted to exploit this inequality. If they did, it would have horrified the collective sanity of the people. Yes, the clan is part of daily life. But, given the joint pain Somilanders endured in the hands of the last dictatorship government, anything undermining their commitment to each other was considered a blatant attempt to destroy the nation.
The bitter election campaign of 2017 changed that common belief. It was the catalyst that sparked today’s political reality. The slow succession buildup of this tribal inequality and resentment fueled by media provocation from unhappy politicians cracked the common thread Somalilanders share. It reached almost a point that weakened the fragile nation-state and threatened the sole of the country itself.
Who took the wrecking ball and cracked the unity of the people, you asked? Politicians, all of them, period!
In a democracy, opposition parties have the right to hold any governing party accountable. They can criticize any unsound decision that affects the public. And most importantly, be the safeguard against any mismanagement of the limited resources this emerging nation scrapes together to provide essential public services and security.
They also have a more significant responsibility; to defend the country from enemies, domestic and foreign. One of their primary responsibilities is to know where to draw the line or at least keep the fine line between criticizing the government and undermining their country’s sovereignty by avoiding the use of poisonous clan tropes. Both opposition parties of Wadani and UCID failed here to uphold their sacred responsibility.
For instance, contrary to Somaliland’s old customs and tolerant traditions, the opposition parties’ willingness to seed clan hatred to motivate their base supporters divided communities. Disrupting the daily lives of poor laborers was an intolerable and cruel act. Calling for violent demonstrations is another madness that shows their natural pugnacity.
Both opposition parties don’t share the fault on the same level. Wadani should have been more measured, reasonable, and self-controlled as it enjoyed the support of many communities around the country in the last presidential election.
That support didn’t come from only one clan base but was diverse. It would have propelled Wadani to win the upcoming elections if it had cultivated it right. They needed to behave as if they were ready to lead the nation. To be presidential!
The mild-mannered ex-chairman was the party’s standard-bearer with a gift to display a welcoming demeanor that is always smiling, soft-spoken, and experienced. The former chairman has tirelessly transformed the party from a new political organization to a national party with a popular following that came very close to winning the presidency.
The dream to reach that office was reasonably closer before he yielded his responsibility to a bunch of disruptors that seemed to be savoring constant chaos.
Things fell apart after the election. Wadani didn’t gracefully accept the outcome of that election, congratulate the winner, move on to reassess their shortcomings, and plan to attract more supporters. But the party has been stuck in this election denial loop for almost two years. They forced the new President to defend himself constantly and crippled any chances for him to govern the nation effectively.
This Wadani strategy to solely focus on the last election has continued to energize its base supporters. But in the long run, it has alienated the coalition of communities that initially supported the party. The same communities are necessary for any party to win nationwide elections.
Worst of all, Wadani incorporated former government officials led by Hersi Ali Haji Hassan into its leadership. Hersi and his team abandoned earlier their lucrative government positions. They tried in vain to destroy their own Kulmiye ruling party; just because Muse Biihi became their nominee. as they have indicated numerous times, this group will not allow him to govern effectively now that he is the President.
They found the platform they were looking for in which they could quickly attack him, undermine his rule, and frustrate his supporters.
Bringing this bloodthirsty team to the party was the first unforgiven mischief that cost Wadani its popularity and helped it lose credibility with its long-term supporters.
To make the matter worst, Wadani appointed a fire-breathing, Somalia apologist, inexperienced general secretary for their party. The new secretary, with no guardrails and self-censorship capacity, was defiant and hellbent on destroying the nation’s soul. He constantly propagated violence that dominated the airwaves.
His Trump-style take no prisoners attack exacerbated the reputation of an already declining party. Common sense electors ditch the party even further—Wadani’s national standing diminished rapidly in the public’s eyes.
The new scorch of the political earth strike championed by this Kulmiye renegade group has become a daily reality. With its fake news and foul language, this normalized disruption has gained some traction among the party’s most extreme factions.
These supporters repeat emotional, provocative, offensive, divisive, damaging, unpatriotic, and violent messages tenfold in social media. Anti-Somaliland elements then pick up from here to amplify with more made-up harmful content with the sole intent of showing the world exaggerated bad images of Somaliland.
This once promising party that honestly had the potential to be a better alternative to the ruling Kulmiye party diminished its stature. Wadani may never recover from their self-inflicted killer wounds. Could it or would it participate in the upcoming race to become one of the three national constitutional parties again? If it does, would it gain the ground it lost? Time will tell.
In contrast, Muse Biihi dismissed the daily barrage of media assaults initially. As time passed, he became irritated by what he had considered a sore-loser reaction to the election. It ultimately has managed to get under his skin. He saw this assault as an attempt to delegitimize him and his presidency.
Despite the constant advice from his advisors urging him to ignore the noises, he became defensive. He started to counterattack blindly without any political strategy.
Muse was known not to have the basic essential abilities to unify people. Or the capacity to reach out to his rivals to build national consensus. The main ingredients are necessary to govern comprehensively diverse and polarized communities.
So, his natural tendency to fight back with fire kicked in. Since he had never possessed any quality to calm things down, he shut all the back door communications. Using the state’s power and weight, he has done more damage than the opposition.
Historically, the back channels have always protected Somaliland from overzealous politicians. Self-appointed mediators, traditional elders, members of the business community, and various stakeholders would usually become the envoys at the 11th hour and go between political rivals. This tradition has continuously strengthened Somaliland’s democracy and made her distinct from others in the region. But angry Muse wouldn’t have it.
The Lack of communication has fostered a culture of mistrust. Muse Biihi further isolated and surrounded himself with loyal individuals. He lost interest in broadening his appeal and forgot that he was duly elected, the President for the whole people, not only for the people on his side.
He boxed himself in his villa and couldn’t see anything beyond Hargeisa. He earned the nickname “Muse local.” This name carried dual characteristics of Muse’s arrogant personality and Lack of vision to achieve any meaningful national reconciliation.
Consequently, the nation suffered. The gap between political camps widened and, as a result, allowed Somaliland’s enemies to exploit these differences.
Luckily, Muse Biihi came to his senses to finally heed the warning that the current political discourse would disintegrate the country. The signs were on the wall that he would be known to be the man whose leadership dismantled the nation until his government took drastic measures to change course.
So, to change the trajectory, Muse announced opening new political organizations. To pave the way for citizens to have the opportunity to choose their leaders, perhaps new blood in the country’s future political leadership.
Allowing other aspiring politicians to enter the political field has also somewhat broken the gridlock and the never-ending impasse.
This action was supposed to break the fever, except the opposition parties still refused to come to terms. As expected, this has made them even mad. Why wouldn’t it? Their job is no longer safe. However, the public seems overwhelmingly supportive of the President’s decision.
Here we are today! Ten new, fresh, vibrant organizations are roaring in the race to become official national parties. The existing trio should have seen their waning influence as we approach December 26, 2022, the deadline to dissolve their current national party status. Their relevance will even be less after that date.
We are all aware that democracy is a messy business everywhere. It is uncomfortable because of it is nature of belonging to the masses. In the Somaliland version, it is loud, very unknown, scary, developing, and unstable. It is also delicate because it is in the middle of a region ruled by tyrants, demagogues, dictators, and the worst ones selected by corruption in tents.
So, let us sigh a collective relief now that the country has emerged from another deliberately made political crisis.
There is no doubt greedy politicians will push the limit. Perhaps even take us to the brink. Bravely, Somaliland citizens will continue to stand up for any political tyranny.
So, what is the lesson learned? Make sure the citizens eliminate career politicians. Don’t allow a single one or group of politicians to gamble the lives of innocent, struggling laborers and the dreams of millions.
It is time to rebuild the country and protect the hard-earned freedom, peace, and stability. It is high time to reenergize our goal to have the Somaliland flag among other nations of this planet.
About the Author
Magan ibrahim is a Somaliland political analyst. He is available on Twitter (@magannews).
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
According to government records seen by Somaliland Chronicle, the Ministry of Health Development has spent 422,000 US dollars on COVID-19 supplies, reagents, and information technology infrastructure, including a new mobile application and equipment such as passport readers.
The Ministry of Health Development spent 193,589.65 US dollars on 20,000 security letterheads, a mobile application for COVID-19 vaccination, passport readers, and assorted information technology-related items for the Ministry of Health Development.
Date
Purpose
Company
Amount (US$)
Oct-22
Letter Heads with Security Features
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$90,260.00
Oct-22
Mobile application for authentication of COVID-19 certificate
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$50,527.55
Oct-22
Passport Reader
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$26,401.05
Oct-22
Passport Reader
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$26,401.05
Total
$193,589.65
While Somaliland continues to invest heavily and even build out a new infrastructure to manage the requirement of COVID-19 negative PCR tests for travelers, many countries in the region and around the world have eliminated such requirements. Currently, travelers cannot board flights out of Egal International Airport without a negative COVID-19 PCR test certificate issued by the Ministry of Health Development in Hargeisa Group Hospital at the cost of 45 US dollars per person.
It is unclear why the Ministry of Health Development would need passport readers and spend over 90,000 US dollars on documents with security features for the negative test of COVID-19 and if passport readers will be deployed at Egal International, and if these additional checks resulted from a security breach of their existing procedures.
In addition to the 193,590.65 US dollars the Ministry of Health Development spent on the IT infrastructure in October 2022, it has spent an additional 228,520.27 US dollars on COVID-19 reagents from Modern Medical Laboratory since August 2022.
Date
Purpose
Company
Amount (US$)
Aug-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Sep-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Oct-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$17,311.87
Oct-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Nov-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Total
$228,520.27
We have previously reported that Modern Medical Laboratory which has sold $766,369.69 worth of COVID-19 reagents between March 2021 and June 2022 and it is run by Mr. Mr. Abdirahman Hassan Derie, a Presidential appointee to represent Somaliland on the DP World Berbera venture since former President Ahmed Mohamoud Siilanyo’s government.
BIOSOM, another company that has been selling the Ministry of Health COVID-19 reagents, has had no business dealings with the Ministry since our reporting on the subject.
BIOSOM is owned and operated by government employees who work at the COVID-19 testing facility at the Hargeisa Group Hospital. These employees include the Deputy Head of the testing facility, Mr. Hassan Mohamed Abdi, and Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye, the brother of the Ministry of Health Development’s Director General Mr. Mohamed Abdi Hergeye.
The Ministry of Health’s generous expenditure on COVID-19 stands in stark contrast to its non-existent efforts to combat the Dengue fever that has been ravaging Somaliland in the past few months. So far, the ministry’s financial records do not show any expenditure on Dengue fever.
Our efforts to reach the Minister of Health, Mr. Hasan Mohamed Ali Gafadhi, the Deputy Minister Mr. Liban Yusuf Osman, and the Director General Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye to ask how much was being spent on Dengue fever compared to COVID-19 were unsuccessful.
The long saga of a war criminal Col. Yusuf Abdi Ali Tuke who lived comfortably and with impunity in one of the freest countries on earth with the very people he has brutalized in unimaginable ways including setting victims on fire may be finally over. Mr. Tuke was taken into custody by the United States Homeland Security Investigations in Springfield Virginia for war crimes he committed in Gabiley Somaliland.
Colonel Tuke as he is widely known first surfaced in Canada where he immigrated after the collapse of the dictatorial regime of Siad Barre where he served as the Commander of the Fifth Brigade in Gabiley in the present-day Republic of Somaliland where the people of Somaliland and particularly the Isaaq tribe were targeted for genocide by Barre’s regime.
In Canada, Mr. Tuke was exposed by his victims who reported him to the authorities and the media, where Mr. Tuke even faced reporters to deny the accusations leveled against him and taunt his victims to “go to court”. He was deported by Canadian authorities to the United States in October 1992.
Mr. Tuke has been arrested in the United States before, in 1998 for an immigration-related matter and although US government agencies were aware of the accusations against him, he remained in the United States.
In late 2019, a jury in the Eastern District of Virginia found Colonel Tuke liable in a civil suit brought by Mr. Farhan Warfaa who accused the former member of the Somali Army of shooting him at point-blank range and leaving him for dead after months of torture. Mr. Warfaa, who was represented by the Center for Justice and Accountability, was awarded 500,000 US in damages. It is unclear if Mr. Tuke has made restitution to Mr. Warfaa.
Mr. Tuke’s current legal predicament is the most serious, as this time he faces the genocidal acts he committed in Gabiley in 1987 – 1988 where his monstrous acts have taken place.
“While Yusuf Abdi Ali’s apprehension cannot undo the pain that he allegedly inflicted upon the victims of his purported human rights abuses, it is my sincere hope that by seeing him answer for his apparent role in these heinous crimes, they will be given some form of peace,” said Derek W. Gordon, acting special agent in charge of HSI Washington, D.C. in a press release.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batten, who claimed to have changed his mind about efforts to lobby for Somaliland after learning about Somaliland’s “human rights violations” and instead went to lobby for the Somali government and the Somali United Alliance charity organization, denied any knowledge of Mr. Tuke and his crimes against humanity. Mr. Tuke works for the Somali Embassy in Washington, DC.
Although media outlets are reporting Colonel Tuke as high-ranking in the murderous Somali National Army, in the vast and complex genocidal war machine deployed by dictator Siad Barre against the people of Somaliland, there are even bigger violators such as General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan widely known as the Butcher of Hargeisa.
General Morgan, who is the late dictator’s son-in-law and his last Minister of Defense, currently serves as an advisor to President Saeed Abdullahi Deni of Puntland province of Somalia and was the commander 26th Sector of the Somali Army based in present-day Somaliland.
Because of the genocidal acts committed by Dictator Barre and his henchmen such as Tuke and Morgan against the people of Somaliland, an armed struggle by the Somali National Movement has begun and despite the unfavorable odds faced by ordinary men and women that stood up against tyranny, SNM has brought the end of Barre’s rain of terror and ushered in the rebirth of the Republic of Somaliland.
So far efforts to bring war criminals like Tuke to justice were entirely done by private individuals and while there are others who declined to speak about their efforts with various authorities around the globe to bring other war criminals accountable for their actions, the Somaliland government has not actively pursued war criminals like General Morgan who lives within 100 kilometers from its borders.
In a press conference, the leaders of Somaliland’s two opposition parties Waddani and UCID stated that they no longer recognize the government led by President Muse Bihi as legitimate and added that henceforth shall be referred to as the President whose term has expired and the Chairman of Kulmiye Party.
Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro) and Mr. Faisal Ali Warabe have previously stated that they will no longer recognize President Bihi after November 13th, 2022, when the House of Elders has given the President a two-year term extension.
“We call all of you to strengthen your peace, and unity and protect your stability without allowing anything illegal and dictatorship,” the statement from the opposition parties said.
Efforts to bring the opposition leaders and the President have not succeeded and are still ongoing. Unconfirmed reports indicate that the two sides may meet in the coming days.
The Minister of Interior Mr. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed and the Commander of Police Forces, Brigadier-General Mohammed Adan Saqadhi (Dabagale) responded to the opposition’s statement. Brigadier-General Dabagale as he is widely known have stressed the importance of peace and security where Minister Kahin spoke about Mr. Cirro’s 12 year-term as the ormer Speaker of the Parliament where his term was repeatedly extended.
Election disputes and term extensions for Presidents and legislators have been a constant factor in most elections held since the re-independence of the Republic. The current dispute centers on which of the two elections will be held first: Presidential or Political Parties and Associations. The opposition parties claim the presidential elections should be held first on November 13th, and have accused the President of deliberately delaying it by disbanding the previous National Election Commission.
President Bihi whose term was extended by two years by the House of Elders has stated that his government has prepared all the funding necessary to complete the voter registration, that the political parties and the Presidential elections will be held within the nine-month period per the recommendation of the National Election Commission. It is unclear which of the two elections will be held first and exactly when.
Political Parties and Associations have completed the first qualifying round which produced a total of nine political party aspirants who, together with the current three political parties of Waddani, UCID, and the ruling party of Kulmiye, will compete for one of three coveted spots to become national party for a period of ten years.
For the last few years, all clocks in Somaliland have been fixed to 13 November 2022 – the day presidential elections were due to take place in Somaliland. The date was envisioned to be a decisive moment that will put Somaliland past political crisis that have been unfolding over the last couple of years. One thing is now certain: no election will take place on 13th November. Although Somaliland is one of the most vibrant democracies in Africa, its elections are almost always late. While previous election delays always had a deal reached by the stakeholders ahead of election day, this time the date approaches with no such agreements yet reached by the president, political parties and other key stakeholders. This puts Somaliland at a considerably dangerous path to un-explored episodes of lawlessness and potential violence. What is at stake here is Somaliland’s sustained history of peace and civic governance that can potentially be put to a break should the current disagreements go beyond November 13. The president (and his ruling party) and political parties are the main actors, all maintaining extreme ends of a continuum of the election process.
The president’s position is quite clear. He cannot compete with the existing political parties, at least in their current form and shape. The May 2021 joint elections were a wake-up call for the president. Opposition parties hugely defeated the ruling party: Waddani alone elected more MPs than the ruling Kulmiye, speakership of the House of Representatives is fully dominated by the opposition, and the opposition parties won the mayorships of 5 of the 6 provincial capitals. Although the president was granted a two-year term extension by the Guurti (the House of Elders), he is putting all his efforts to ensure necessary preparations and resources are in place to conduct tow subsequent elections in 2023.
While all eyes are set to 13 November, another important date is December 26 – the date that current political parties’ licenses expire. The ruling party’s plan is to hold tight until 26 December (for the political parties to lose their licenses) and then proceed with party elections. So far, the ruling party made all efforts to fast track the registration and qualification of political associations that will participate in the upcoming political party elections. Nine new political associations have made it to the final list and will compete with the current political parties in 2023. In the same year, presidential elections will follow suit, participated by the three political parties that emerge victorious from the preceding party elections. To the ruling party, the results of party elections will be in their favor, whatever the outcome.
The opposition parties also maintain the other extreme. Basically, November comes before December – the president first loses legitimacy (on November 13) before their licenses expire on December 26. The opposition parties’ stance is that the president is only legitimate until 13 November and no other elections, other than presidential elections, should take place in Somaliland. The political parties have waited for five long years and have been mobilizing and expanding their support bases to compete with the ruling party. They cannot lose five-years’ worth of efforts and start afresh. For the past couple of months, the opposition parties have been organizing rallies and meetings with their supporters in the different regions to be ready for action. Come November 13th, the opposition parties will proclaim the president and his government illegitimate and that can have catastrophic consequences. For the first time in Somaliland’s history, the head of the state may be declared ‘illegitimate’ and parallel governments may be instituted. There have been calls from traditional authorities in support of both sides. At a grand clan conference in Burco in October, one of the largest clans in Somaliland concluded that ‘the term extension by the Guurti was unconstitutional and that no political party elections will be conducted in their constituencies’.
The current political impasse tests Somaliland’s democratic institutions and local conflict resolution capacities. Nearly all local capacities that historically kept Somaliland together have been exhausted and are losing relevance, including the Guurti, traditional authorities and business elites. The Guurti – best described as the House of Heirs as the current incumbents are mostly the children or relatives of the initially clan-selected elders – is no longer able to mediate political disagreements. The Guurti’s response to the looming political crisis was a five-year term extension for themselves and a two-year term extension for the president and vice president. Traditional elders and religious leaders have also tried to broker a deal between the president and opposition parties, but their efforts failed. And finally, some of the biggest business tycoons came together and suggested possibly the most sensible proposition that can meet the interests of both the ruling party and opposition parties. Business elites suggested a joint presidential and party elections, with the current political parties competing for the presidency while the three political parties and emerging political associations participate in the political party elections. Unfortunately, this suggestion was also not well received by the key political stakeholders.
As Somaliland approaches the much-awaited 13 November, one can only contemplate on the possibilities that lay ahead. In my view, three potential scenarios could unfold.
1. No Deal: the date arrives with no political consensus reached. This is the most likely scenario. The possible consequences are detrimental: president and his government declared illegitimate, mass demonstrations, bloody clashes between police and demonstrators, all-time low revenue collection capacity and possible inter-communal clashes! And after days/weeks of these episodes, the key stakeholders come to their senses and local conflict resolutions are put to work to broker a way out of the situation. After all, proactive problem-solving is not one of the best qualities of president Bihi, the most important actor in the current crisis. It is still a possibility that restoring peace and order may be a long shot!
2. Last-minute Deal Brokered by the International Community: in the past, Somaliland’s international partners have stepped up to mediate political actors in Somaliland. Any such mediation efforts may be subject to president Bihi’s acceptance. President Bihi is not a big fan of democracy and openly criticized the role of international partners in Somaliland’s governance and development endeavors. The international partners, on the other hand, may only intervene when they are certain that their efforts will yield a political consensus.
3. Hold Tight Until December 26: this defining date could also legally see all political parties losing their license and, hence, political associations and current political parties could equally participate in any discussions on the election roadmap. This highly unlikely scenario could rule in favor of the president who can confidently deliver two subsequent elections in 2023. This will come with huge costs and, by then, elections may no longer be a priority for Somaliland. This is too high a risk to entertain.
A ‘magic bullet’ is still possible to save Somaliland from this uncertainty! As always, stakeholders can all compromise and forge a quick-fix political settlement in the remaining days. All formal and informal conflict resolution institutions should be activated to broker a deal. The international partners should not shy away from trying their level best to mediate even if the results of their efforts may not be too visible. There are so many viable options that can meet the interests of all, including the proposition by the business elites.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mubarak Geeddi is a development worker based in Hargeisa. Mubarak has master’s in International Development: Politics, Governance and Development Policies. He is available on Twitter (@MubGeedi).
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
According to a press release by DP World, the international ports operator and current manager of Berbera Port has signed a 20-year lease with IFFCO to develop a food-grade oil packing plant in the Berbera Economic Zone (BEZ) in Somaliland. The 300,000 sq. ft food-grade oil processing plant in Berbera Economic Zone is scheduled to be completed by the first half of 2023 with future expansion plans to double its size.
Berbera Economic Zone is in the making. "Berbera Economic Zone (BEZ)’s proximity to the Port of Berbera positions it as the new integrated maritime, logistics, and industrial hub in the horn of Africa, creating a new value-added gateway for the region" @DP_World#Somalilandpic.twitter.com/IG8VQSomjX
— Abdirashid Ibrahim Abdirahman (@cabdirashed) August 10, 2022
IFFCO, short for Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative Limited, was established in 1975, has a presence in 37 countries, and has products that range from food and packaged goods to chemicals.
At the signing of the agreement between DP World and IFFCO, Suhail Albanna, CEO & Managing Director of DP World, Middle East & Africa said “The decision by IFFCO to set up a plant is a major vote of confidence in the zone and a testament to our offerings. In fact, with the port, the economic zone and the one-stop-shop all under DP World, it will be like a home away from home for Dubai-based customers such as IFFCO.”
The arrival of IFFCO in Somaliland is a major vote of confidence that follows DP World’s massive investment and development of Berbera Port and the Economic Zone.
Although Somaliland is a small market relative to landlocked Ethiopia, it gives manufacturers such as IFFCO a competitive edge that brings their products to a largely underdeveloped and food-insecure region where the majority of packaged foods and other consumer products are imported from overseas.
“IFFCO continues to invest in the future of food and supply chains globally. The partnership with DP World demonstrates our commitment to the UAE’s national food security strategy and facilitating global food trade. It also further enhances access to African consumer bases quickly and more efficiently.” said Mr. Shiraz Allana, director and supervisory board member of IFFCO.
