A Friend in Need is a Friend Indeed—Care and empathy from Taiwan Government and People

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May 8, 2023

News Release

Since Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland established in August 2020, the “Maternal and Infant Health Care Improvement” and “Health Information Management Efficiency Enhancement” projects play key roles of health cooperation. To further deepen and broaden the “Taiwan Model” cooperation, Taiwan and Somaliland Governments signed the “Medical Cooperation Agreement” for dispatching the Taiwan Medical Mission to Somaliland.

The Taiwan Medical Mission is not only working on capacity-building, also providing medical equipment and items based on Somaliland’s prioritized needs. In response to the Laas Anod conflict and humanitarian needs, Taiwan then accordingly provides trauma kits and other medical equipment as well as wheelchairs for our Somaliland brothers and sisters.

We all agree that peace and stability are the basis for all cooperation. We believe “Peace and Health both can increase human welfare”. A friend in need is a friend indeed. Sharing makes Taiwan and Somaliland getting closer.

“Taiwan can help and Taiwan is helping”. Taiwan will keep deepening “Mutual Benefit for Mutual Assistance” relations with Somaliland and to share with the East African countries.

Sustainable Health Development in Post-Pandemic Era

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Staff

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May 4, 2023

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By: Dr. Hsueh Jui-yuan
Minister of Health and Welfare
Republic of China (Taiwan)

As the world enters the fourth year of the COVID-19 pandemic, most border restrictions have been lifted and global health governance has shifted from pandemic response to post-pandemic recovery. Countries have stepped up efforts to achieve health and well-being for all and further the realization of United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) whose progress was impacted by the pandemic.

Taiwan fully supports health-related SDGs and the World Health Organization (WHO)’s triple billion targets. Indeed, Taiwan is committed to building a more resilient and equitable health service supply chain, maintaining an inclusive and equitable universal health coverage system, and providing disease prevention and management through a robust primary healthcare system. Taiwan is willing and able to share its experience in creating a cross-sectoral, innovative, and people-centered health approach to help the international community work toward the realization of the SDGs related to health and well-being.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan effectively mitigated the spread of the disease, leveraging its comprehensive public healthcare system, anti-pandemic personnel, and epidemiological surveillance, investigation, and analysis systems. Taiwan’s anti-pandemic response model included advance deployment and rapid response mechanisms. Other measures included border control policies, coordinated distribution of medical resources, and a patient-transfer system to prevent and contain the pandemic at a time when vaccines and antiviral drugs were unavailable.

Anti-COVID Success

Taiwanese people have played a pivotal role in the success of Taiwan’s anti-pandemic model by wearing masks, practicing social distancing, avoiding crowded areas, following quarantine regulations, and getting vaccinated. When compared with the 38 Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development member states and Singapore, Taiwan ranks sixth-lowest in COVID-19 mortality and case-fatality rates. Taiwan also ranks fourth-highest for coverage rates of at least one COVID-19 vaccine dose and third-highest in terms of vaccine boosters administered.

Promoting Health for all

Last year, WHO’s Director-General outlined five priorities for the subsequent five years, which are promoting health, providing health services, protecting health, powering progress, and performing. Moreover, WHO’s Achieving well-being: A draft global framework for integrating well-being into public health utilizing a health promotion approach further demonstrates its commitment to health for all.

Taiwan established a universal healthcare insurance system in 1995. Since that time, the government has continued to provide disease prevention and healthcare services so that people of all ages can enjoy the right to health. Taiwan provides prenatal checkups, gestational diabetes screening, anemia testing, and three ultrasound examinations to reduce pregnancy risks and promote maternal and infant health. To assist infertile couples and reduce the financial burdens of in-vitro fertilization, the government has continued to expand subsidized infertility treatment programs. Taiwan also aims to create a breastfeeding-friendly environment and provide preventive pediatric healthcare and health education. Furthermore, Taiwan has established a number of prevention and management programs for noncommunicable diseases by targeting chronic metabolic diseases assist at-risk groups, providing services such as diet and exercise guidance as well as smoking and betel nut cessation information to empower people to take control of their own health. Taiwan also supports the global fight against cancer and WHO’s goal of reducing cancer mortality 25 percent by 2025.

Innovative technology and universal health coverage

Taiwan’s National Health Insurance (NHI) is a prime example of universal health coverage, offering financial protection and access to a wide range of essential services. The COVID-19 pandemic helped the international community recognize the importance of regional cooperation and digitization in healthcare. Taiwan is committed to promoting digital health and innovation to enhance the accessibility and quality of healthcare services, including plans for a next-generation NHI program. Taiwan has introduced innovative healthcare services, utilizing real-time telehealth consultations for patients residing in remote areas and outlying islands, and is exploring applications for artificial intelligence and other emerging technologies. During the pandemic, Taiwan issued 13 export licenses for its herbal formula NRICM101 (Taiwan Chingguan Yihau) to help countries in the region combat the pandemic. Taiwan is currently implementing preventive measures for the post-pandemic era, such as strengthening the domestic production of critical drugs and active pharmaceutical ingredients to avert future drug shortages. Understanding how important it is to work with the international community, Taiwan will further share innovative technologies and best practices with partners around the world to advance universal health coverage.

Taiwan can help, and Taiwan is helping

Taiwan has not been invited to the World Health Assembly since 2017. Now that the COVID-19 pandemic is abating and dialogue on strengthening health systems worldwide is accelerating, Taiwan should not be left out. Taiwan can help, and Taiwan’s inclusion would make the world healthier, more sustainable, and more equitable.

Support Taiwan’s Full Participation in WHO

Taiwan urges WHO and all relevant stakeholders to support Taiwan’s inclusion in the World Health Assembly as an observer, as well as Taiwan’s full participation in WHO meetings, mechanisms, and activities. Taiwan will continue to work with the world to help ensure the fundamental right to health enshrined in the WHO Constitution. In the spirit of the SDGs, no country should be left behind—especially not Taiwan, which has made significant contributions to global public health.

Distinguishing Truth from Myth: Exposing the Falsehood of Plastic Rice Claims

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Staff

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April 28, 2023

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A letter to the Somaliland Public

Authors: Eng. Abdirashiid Muhumed and Eng. Maxamed M. Jibril

We have been tempted to write about rumors as a powerful political weapon and a means of spreading disinformation “fake news”. Despite a lack of evidence or proof, rumors can still be influential and create a strong sense of conviction and “chaos” that cannot be easily ignored. One recent case is the myth of plastic rice of Chinese origin in Somaliland that circulated like wildfire on social media and was uncritically disseminated by media outlets. Although less dramatic, this “hoax” has demonstrated the power of social media content creators who spread rumors for political gain and increased viewership.

It is hard to believe that there is some kind of plastic rice being marketed instead of natural rice grains. It is highly unlikely that synthetic resin mixed with cornstarch and shaped into millions of grains of rice, and then transported from China to Africa, would produce rice at a lower cost than producing conventional rice in China. Credible sources, including food safety authorities, health organizations, and reputable news outlets, have debunked the myth of plastic rice. The World Health Organization (WHO) has stated that there is no evidence to suggest that plastic rice is a real phenomenon. Similarly, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) conducted tests on various samples of rice and found no evidence of plastic contamination. Additionally, major news outlets such as BBC News and The Guardian have reported on the myth of plastic rice and have cited expert opinions and scientific evidence to refute it.

The origins of the plastic rice myth can be traced back to China in 2011, where images and videos of rice appearing to be made of plastic were circulating online. This created widespread panic among consumers who began to question the safety of their food. Similar rumors soon spread to other countries, including India, the Philippines, Nigeria, and Gabon, generating a wave of media coverage on the subject.

Despite widespread fear and panic, multiple studies and investigations have found no evidence for the existence of plastic rice. In fact, the rumors appear to be based on urban legends and conspiracy theories rather than factual evidence. Rice is subject to strict safety and quality standards, and it is a complex product that cannot be easily replaced with plastic. Rice is made up of complex carbohydrates, proteins, and other nutrients that are essential for human health. Plastic, on the other hand, is a synthetic material made from petrochemicals that has no nutritional value and cannot be processed by the human body.

Somaliland imports all its rice from mainly Asian countries and its staple food for Somalilanders, and despite the rumors, there is no single evidence from the local citizens or government authorities regarding the plastic rice being consumed or sold in the Somaliland market. The myth of plastic rice is nothing more than a hoax. As always, it is important for the Somaliland government to strengthen the capacity of its food safety institutions to ensure that food is safe and healthy and, more importantly, food-related information is credible and reliable.

*The aim of the article is not to encourage consumption but rather to clarify to the public the misconception the caused by rumors about plastic.

About the Authors

Eng. Abdirashiid Muhumed teaches Environmental Sustainability at Barwaaqo University, an independent follower of World politics. Engineering of Agricultural Science and Entrepreneurship From EARTH University, Costa Rica.

Eng. Maxamed M. Jibril is a dedicated professional with a passion for sustainable food production and social responsibility. Currently pursuing an MSc in International Land and Water Management at Wageningen University & Research. Engineer Jibril has previously worked in the Somaliland sector of agricultural development and food security.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Dialogue into Oblivion: Is Somaliland Sleepwalking into a Re-union with Somalia?

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Staff

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April 26, 2023

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If you are the sensitive type that is allergic to inconvenient and harsh reality checks, you should probably stop reading, our intention is not to upset your delicate sensibility, instead we want to objectively examine and look at the underbelly of the Somaliland – Somalia talks and how it has been the biggest obstacle to Somaliland’s quest for recognition and independence. If you have read this far, you are curiously skeptical of a new perspective on this dead horse of a subject. Trust us there is…

Let’s agree to disagree but we believe that Somalia has already won its main objective in the supposed dialogue with Somaliland. There are a lot of misconceptions about the nature of the talks and why we should participate in them in the first place, for instance, some think that Somalia is trying to convince Somaliland to rejoin the union or from the perspective of many Somalilanders, Somaliland must convince Somalia to ‘agree’ that it indeed deserves its independence and be the first country to recognize it, that could not be further from the truth and anyone who believes this needs their head examined. What Somalia is doing is simply show the world that Somaliland is not serious about its independence and that its leadership care more about aid funds and are holding out for a better deal. Deceptively brilliant and it is working because you see, we are being lectured by the Swedish Embassy in Somalia on election and security.

Because of the flaw in the basic premise of talking to Somalia, starting with the fact that it makes no sense to talk to a country that has been willing to strangle Somaliland in the crib since its rebirth of the horrific genocide perpetrated by the murderous dictatorship of Siad Barre, which it has prioritized over putting out the many fires that has been engulfing it for years, and that Somaliland has never understood the actual cost of the talks or the fact that those entrusted to negotiate on its behalf came back grinning like idiots and with a straight face broke the news they have signed over the control of our airspace to Somalia.

Although President Bihi did not start the talks with Somalia, he is equally complicit in perpetrating this monstrous lie and with his autocratic tendency of not caring about anyone’s view on any subject coupled with lack of any dissenting voice from his circle, he may be slowly sleepwalking Somaliland into a union with the very country that is attacking it in Lasanod. It is a lot, but before you blow a gasket, remember that that President Bihi has fully endorsed Hassan Sh Mohamoud’s Envoy to Somaliland Affairs immediately and has reciprocated by reappointing our brilliant Edna to represent us in talks with Somalia, despite recently declaring the talks dead and that Somaliland will no longer participate in such shenanigans unless a specific set of preconditions were met.

Lets address the elephant in the room that Somaliland is facing an existential war in its eastern flank where brave men and women are dying to uphold their sacred duty to defend the homeland against all enemies foreign and domestic. Our Command-in-Chief, President Bihi, has failed to hold Hassan Sh Mohamoud and Somalia accountable and has not uttered a word of protest to the world to get Somalia to stop the flow of arms and fighters from the Somali National Army to Lasanod where supposedly decorated and highly trained officers have met their maker at the hands of our brave military.

Through his multiple admissions, the Somali President, Hassan Sh Mahamoud, a diet version of Farmajo perhaps but despite the smile is just as antagonistic and hostile towards Somaliland and its independence. He has unequivocally stated that Somaliland cannot be independent and that Somalia will not disintegrate on his watch. The NGO-drones turned public servants in Somaliland view HSM different as he pledged not to disrupt aid to Somaliland and perhaps this makes him likeable in some circles but as far as anyone with an ounce of brains is concerned, Somalia’s stance has remained consistent and has demonstrated the will and resolve to achieve the goal of bringing Somaliland into its fold by any means necessary, including waging war using its proxies in Lasanod.

The damage is already done, and re-appointing Edna to lead the Somaliland – Somalia talks is utterly pointless. Somalia’s goal is to simply demonstrate that Somaliland is at the negotiating table, and is willing to talk and perhaps one day will rejoin Somalia. Keeping Somaliland at the negotiating table is a brilliant tactic and another level of ‘Ila Meerayso’ and we have been willfully falling for it for years.

In hindsight, during his election campaign, President Bihi has sold an image of a hardliner who will never compromise Somaliland’s independence and sovereignty while labelling his opponents from Waddani pro-Somalia, we are not here to relitigate that but the reality is that President Bihi has has not been good to Somaliland and failed the most basic of his sacred oath and duty as a leader and has continued the trend of distorting the line between Somaliland and Somalia much more than his predecessor.

Engaging in any form of dialogue with Somalia is futile unless Somaliland can come to a consensus on what they hope to gain from these discussions and have leaders who will not compromise their sovereignty. It is an act of betrayal to our nation and a disrespect to the sacrifice of our courageous young soldiers who are fighting to defend their homeland, to sit down with the enemy and continue on this perilous path. By allowing Somalia to take the lead with minimal opposition and compliance from Somaliland’s political leaders, we are permitting Somalia to triumph.

Somaliland Chronicle is responsible for the content of this editorial.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Court Injunction Seeks to Block Reporters Social Media Accounts to Curb Incitement of Violence and Propaganda

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Staff

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April 23, 2023

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A court injunction issued in mid-January 2023 and seen by Somaliland Chronicle seeks to curb the reach of a few journalists accused of incitement or violence and propaganda and has ordered telecom operators in Somaliland to block the social media accounts of nine journalists and media outlets for spreading fake news and incitement of violence.

According to the court order issued by the District Court of Marodijeh, the Somaliland government is seeking to block access to the social media accounts, including Facebook, youtube, and Twitter accounts of Mr. Abdirisak Terra, Miss Busharo Baanday, Mr. Mohamed Yusuf Bakayle, Abdisalam Germany and others.

Some of the reporters that the Somaliland government seeks to block their reach in Somaliland have broadcast news, interviews, and articles related to the ongoing crisis in Lasanod, where they have accused the Somaliland government of committing genocide and have sought to amplify the message of the unionist elders who have pledged their allegiance to Somalia and have vowed to wage war against the Republic of Somaliland until it withdraws from what they called their ancestral lands. In some instances, these journalists have published propaganda aimed at sowing discord in Somaliland and demoralizing Somaliland’s armed forces.

Although the Somaliland government’s record on free speech and freedom of the press has been less than stellar, especially under President Bihi, many countries, including France, Canada, Germany, and the United States, where freedom of expression and media is the cornerstone of their democracies have enacted laws to combat disinformation and incitement of violence.

It is unclear if Somaliland’s telecom companies will comply with the court’s injunction which was issued three months ago, and if there are ongoing discussions between the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology and the telecom operators on the subject. Somaliland government exerts little to no influence on telecom companies which are subsidiaries of the largest banks in Somaliland.

Efforts to reach telecom operators and the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology for clarification on the court injunction were unsuccessful.

Navigating the Uncertainties of the New Political Economy War: How Developing Nations Can Empower Themselves.

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Staff

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April 13, 2023

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Sayidcali Ahmed

As the world’s biggest economies continue to battle for economic supremacy, developing countries have become increasingly vulnerable. The so-called “new political economy war” between the United States and China, and Russia, has created an uncertain environment in which many developing nations are forced to choose sides or risk being left behind.

The new trade policies of these rich countries often prioritize their own interests over those of less developed nations. For example, US tariffs on Chinese goods have had a devastating effect on many African exporters who rely heavily on Chinese imports for parts and materials that they can no longer access due to increasing costs imposed by Washington. Similarly, rising tensions between Moscow and Washington have seen Russian sanctions hit some of its former Soviet neighbors such as Belarus hard economically—a situation made worse by China’s refusal to step in with aid or investment.

This is not just an economic issue; it also has far reached implications for global security and human rights. With many developing countries reliant upon foreign investments from powerful states like China and the US for development projects such as infrastructure or energy sources, there is a danger that this reliance could be used to manipulate them into taking sides in geopolitical disputes or accepting unfavorable terms when making deals with large investors. This could leave them open to exploitation both financially and politically while simultaneously limiting their ability to pursue independent paths towards long-term prosperity without fear of retribution from larger powers.

Meanwhile, much needed international aid programs designed specifically for poorer nations may struggle if resources are diverted away from them towards more urgent matters related directly to the ongoing conflict among major players—such as military spending or diplomatic initiatives intended solely at bolstering one side over another—at the expense of those most affected by poverty across regions like Sub-Saharan Africa where aid remains essential for progress against endemic maladies like HIV/AIDS . In light of all this uncertainty facing developing countries caused by this new political economy war amongst rich nations, we must recognize that ultimately only they themselves can shape their own future .

The new political economy war between the US and its major rivals has created a situation in which developing countries are increasingly vulnerable. In order to ensure their own future prosperity, these nations must take measures to empower themselves through increased autonomy, better governance systems, improved education opportunities and other initiatives that foster entrepreneurship and innovation. Only then can they stand up against attempts at manipulation from outside forces while still having enough leverage within regional dynamics to secure equitable deals with richer partners.

One economic policy solution for developing nations to survive economically amidst this war is to invest in their own people and infrastructure. This could include increasing access to quality education, providing incentives for entrepreneurship and innovation, promoting sustainable agriculture and energy production, investing in local infrastructure projects such as roads and bridges, reforming government regulations that hinder business development, improving tax systems to ensure they are fair and equitable, establishing financial institutions that promote economic growth through responsible lending practices, creating trade agreements with other countries outside of the power dynamics of the major players involved in the new political economy war , implementing tariffs on goods imported from those countries who have imposed sanctions or otherwise hindered international trade with them , among many others. By taking these actions, developing countries can become more self-sufficient while also positioning themselves to take advantage of any opportunities which arise due to changes in the geopolitical landscape.

The African Union and the World Trade Organization could take several steps to help African countries in this case. Firstly, they could provide technical assistance to help strengthen the capacity of governments in Africa to develop their own economic policies that are tailored to their respective countries’ needs. This includes providing expertise on trade negotiations and dispute resolution, as well as helping them design effective social safety nets for vulnerable populations.

Second, the AU and WTO could work together to promote regional integration by encouraging free trade agreements between African nations or through establishing common tariffs for imports from outside of Africa. This would give African nations greater bargaining power when negotiating with foreign investors or trading partners such as China or Russia who have become increasingly influential in the region.

Finally, both organizations should also advocate for fairer international rules around investment flows into developing countries so that those funds are used responsibly and do not lead to exploitation or environmental degradation. They should also look at ways of increasing access to affordable finance options for small businesses in Africa so that local entrepreneurs can benefit from global markets without having to rely on large multinationals who may seek unfair advantages over them due competition laws within certain countries like the US.

To do so successfully will require greater fiscal autonomy, stronger institutions, better governance systems, improved education opportunities alongside other measures which foster entrepreneurship, innovation & investment within local communities —all things which empower citizens rather than leaving them dependent upon external assistance. Only then will these states be able stand up against any attempts at manipulation & coercion from outside forces while still having enough leverage within regional dynamics (through collective action) to ensure they remain adequately represented & protected during negotiations with wealthier partners.

*** **** ***

NB: This article by Dani Rodrik has inspired me to write an op-ed about the new political economy war and how developing nations can empower themselves.

Project Syndicate. (2023, April). The New Rich-Country Trade Policies: Developing World Must Shape Its Own Future. https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/new-rich-country-trade-policies-developing-world-must-shape-own-future-by-dani-rodrik-2023-04

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Sayidcali Ismail AhmedSayidcali Ahmed is a MasterCard Foundation’19 scholar currently studying at Westminster College (USA), double majoring in Political Science and Global and Transnational Studies. He works for the senate of the Student Government Association and as a treasurer of the Global Development and Progress Club. Ahmed also serves as a resident advisor and Math tutor. In addition, Ahmed is a fellow of The Public Policy & International Affairs Program at Princeton University. After graduating from Westminster College, Ahmed plans to pursue a career in public policy, especially in Education Policy and Analysis (EPA), to participate in policy development, research, analysis, and organizational leadership in developing countries and worldwide.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

The Republic of Somaliland Reaffirms its Solidarity with Taiwan and Condemns China’s Actions In the Taiwan Strait

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Staff

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April 13, 2023

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In a statement on social media, Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation condemned China’s military drills in the Taiwan Strait as breaking the status quo and that the Republic of Somaliland stands strong with Taiwan and fellow democracies.

A country’s existent national borders are to be respected and protected against terrorism infiltration or external threats, but #China’s drills are, in fact, breaking the #TaiwanStrait status quo Somaliland stands strong with Taiwan and are united with fellow democracies.
— MFA Somaliland (@somalilandmfa) April 12, 2023

The statement is a response to China’s latest tantrums in the form of a military exercise in the Taiwan Strait following Taiwanese President’s Tsai Ing-wen visit to the United States and meeting with US officials, including the Speaker of the House Representative Kevin McCarty.

In addition, a bipartisan congressional delegation visited Taiwan a day after Tsai and McCarty ignored China’s warning against such meetings. In late July 2022, the People’s Republic of China announced “live-fire exercises” in response to a visit by the former Speaker of the House Representative Nancy Pelosi to Taipei.

Although President Biden has explicitly stated that the United States will defend Taiwan, the United States has maintained a policy of strategic ambiguity with respect to defending Taiwan against Chinese invasion for several decades. And one key aspect of U.S. strategic ambiguity about Taiwan is its refusal to explicitly state whether it would come to Taiwan’s defense in the event of an armed conflict with China. The U.S. has deliberately kept its commitments vague, stating that it would “consider any effort to determine the future of Taiwan by other than peaceful means of grave concern” and that its policy is “based on the expectation that the future of Taiwan will be determined by peaceful means.” This ambiguity is meant to deter China from using force against Taiwan while also providing the U.S. with flexibility in responding to evolving circumstances.

WASHINGTON, DC – DECEMBER 21: President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky holds an American flag gifted to him by U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) as he addresses a joint meeting of Congress in the House Chamber of the U.S. Capitol on December 21, 2022 in Washington, DC. In his first known trip outside of Ukraine since Russia invaded, Zelensky met with U.S. President Joe Biden and outlined Ukraine’s request for continued military aid. (Photo by Win McNamee/Getty Images)

Despite increasing rhetoric and military drills in response to Taiwan’s diplomatic moves, it is unclear if China’s calculus of taking Taiwan by force, with its limited expertise in the projection of power outside its borders, is tenable given the misfortunes of Vladimir Putin in Ukraine.

The Chairman of the Opposition party of Waddani, Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro” and Presidential contender, has in the past questioned the value of picking Taiwan over China despite the fundamental incompatibility of the latter with Somaliland’s quest for international recognition.

Somaliland has rebuffed multiple attempt by Communist China to woo it away from Taiwan with promise of economic package and its own version of bilateral ties.

Somaliland and Taiwan established diplomatic relations in July 2020, with the signing of milestone Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) in Taipei. The MOU established diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties between the two territories, including the exchange of ambassadors and the establishment of representative offices. The decision to establish diplomatic relations was based on their shared values of democracy, freedom, and the pursuit of self-determination, as well as their desire to expand international partnerships and cooperation.

The Somali government has reaffirmed its commitment to the One-China Principle and condemned Taiwan’s act that has undermined Somali’s sovereignty & territorial integrity. We appreciate that. The Democratic Progressive Party’s separatist activities will never succeed. pic.twitter.com/r9tiPZXzPY
— Spokesperson发言人办公室 (@MFA_China) July 6, 2020

Both China and Somalia have strongly condemned the establishment of bilateral ties between what they consider part of their respective countries and have reaffirmed each other’s unwavering support for the territorial integrity of One Somalia and One China.

The first Somaliland Health Information System at Hargeisa Group Hospital launched

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Staff

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March 29, 2023

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The Somaliland Health Information System (Somaliland HIS) officially launched at Hargeisa Group Hospital in March 2023. This system was developed by Taiwan International Cooperation and Development Fund (TaiwanICDF) together with Kaohsiung Medical University Chung-Ho Memorial Hospital(KMUH). It marks a milestone in the digitalization of healthcare system in Somaliland.

The system was customized according to the needs of Somaliland and has a simple and user-friendly interface. Hospital staff who used the system for the first time were able to learn how to use it within 30 minutes. Additionally, after registration, patients will receive a personal health card which can be used for medical treatment at different hospitals. Medical records can also be accessed across different hospitals in the future. The system will also upload medical records to the Ministry of Health Development for decision making. For expanding Somaliland HIS network, this system will also be implemented at the other hospitals in the near future.

A friend in need is a friend indeed. Taiwan is willing to deepen “Mutual Benefit and Mutual Assistance” cooperation with Somaliland and other countries in East Africa to benefit the peoples.

Critical Scholarship or Political Attack on Somaliland

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Staff

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March 28, 2023

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Having reinstated its sovereignty in 1991, Somaliland has exhibited empirical sovereignty for more than three decades but continues to lack de jure recognition as no state has hitherto formally recognized its statehood. The arguments for and against an independent Somaliland are well known. The purpose of this short piece is, therefore, not to advance a discussion and assessment of these. Rather, the burden of the present piece is to critically unpack and examine how the academic scholarship on Somaliland informs and potentially impacts the latter’s quest for recognition. It argues that a significant body of scholarship attributes Somaliland’s achievements to external factors, i.e., the ongoing quest for de jure recognition. By doing so, this scholarship denies Somaliland(ers) agency.

Quest for recognition: a disciplining force?

Anyone who has studied Somaliland will know that the academic scholarship on Somaliland is predominantely produced by Western academics. Second, as will be seen momentarily, a significant body of scholarship denies Somaliland(ers) agency, reducing Somaliland’s successes to external factors. According to this literature, political and social leaders in Somaliland are seemingly incapable of acting wisely, pro-socially, responsibly, prudently, and providently independent of external factors moderating their behaviour.

Martha C. Johnson and Meg Smaker (2014), for instance, write:

Commitment to independent statehood by the political leaders and a large portion of Somaliland’s population, including the business community, has helped the state secure financial support and has created pressure on political leaders to provide stability and democratic institutions as a means of securing recognition (Johnson & Smaker 2014 12).

They further assert that:

If Somaliland secures recognition, the people may no longer be mobilized by a shared goal, allowing internal divisions to remerge. International recognition would no longer serve as a carrot encouraging politicians to moderate their behaviour (Johnson & Smaker 2014 12).

We are, according to Johnson and Smaker (2014), asked to believe that international recognition is the ultimate goal explaining democracy, peace and stability in Somaliland. The quest for recognition is, in other words, the glue that has held Somaliland together. It moderates the behaviour of politicians and puts pressure on them to democratize and generally adhere to ‘good governance’. Following this line of reasoning, Somaliland has not, for the better part of three decades, been peaceful, stable, and democratic because of the prudence and providence of civilians and political leaders but rather because of the quest for formal recognition.

Similarly, Rebecca Richards (2014) attributes peace, democracy, stability, and legitimacy in Somaliland to the latter’s ongoing quest for de jure recognition. As she rhetorically asks in the conclusion chapter of her book Understanding statebuilding: traditional governance and the modern state in Somaliland:

How long can the political leaders continue to justify their actions based on the promise of recognition? How long can the state be held together on the basis that peace and political change are necessary for the ultimate goal? (Richards 2014 179).

Unless Somalilanders are predisposed to violence and anarchy, is it not plausible that peace has been kept independent of the quest for de jure recognition? According to Rebecca Richards, Somaliland is an unrecognized state conforming to external normative demands to secure recognition. In this view, adoption of democratic rule is merely a strategy.

As Richards puts it:

Because of its inability to access international structures and institutions that are reserved for sovereign states, achieving recognition of statehood has become a primary goal of the government in the territory, with the creation of a democratic state at the centre of Somaliland’s strategy (Richards 2014 13).

If democratic rule is an internal demand rather than an external demand, it becomes evident that Somaliland did not adopt democracy to please the so-called international community, questioning the cogency of Richards’ arguments.

In 1981, the Somali National Movement (SNM) published a manifesto entitled ‘A Better Alternative‘ in which they laid down their political vision for a post Barre Somali society. Rather than reinstating Somaliland’s sovereignty, the stated objective of the SNM was to overthrow the Barre government and reinstitute democracy in all of Somalia. The SNM manifesto proposed that a post Barre society should be governed by a hybrid regime, where the Xeer system would be elevated to the national level and where Somali institutions of governance should be included within the central state structure.

Thus, the idea of creating a hybrid government with a bicameral legislature consisting of an upper house of experienced and broadly respected moral community leaders (Guurti) and a lower house of representatives was conceived in 1981, while the decision to reinstate Somaliland’s sovereignty was made in 1991.

As Mark Bradbury notes, the National Charter, produced at the Borama conference, indeed:

Reflected much of what was proposed in the SNM’s manifesto for post-Barre government: a government built on Somali cultural values; the elevation of Xeer to the national level: and the incorporation of elders into a two-chamber legislature (Bradbury, 2008 100).

If not by adopting democratic governance, which was proposed a decade before the declaration of independence, how then did Somaliland conform to external normative demands as claimed by Rebecca Richards? The independence agenda is not universally supported in Somaliland, while democratic rule is broadly accepted. The question must, therefore, be raised of why those who do not support an independent Somaliland are not rejecting democratic rule? Recall that we are, according to Richards, asked to believe that Somaliland transitioned to multi-party democracy to secure independence. If so, what incentivises those who do not support the idea of an independent Somaliland. Evidently, an undesired goal cannot constitute an incentive. How many of those currently opposing Somaliland in Laascaanood have, for instance, made a case against Somaliland on the basis of multi-party democracy? If democracy is merely a strategy adopted to secure recognition, then only those who desire independence should be embracing democracy. Everyone else should be rejecting it.

Puntland has recently adopted multi-party democracy. A significant difference between Somaliland and Puntland is that the latter has not declared independence from the rest of Somalia and there is no credible evidence suggesting that it will do so in the future. If Puntland has adopted multi-party democracy independent of external pressures, is it then not plausible that also Somaliland adopted multi-party democracy independent of external pressures? A contention is indistinguishable from opinion when it is not accompanied by evidence. There is hardly any evidence suggesting that multi-party democracy in Somaliland is, in any significant way, linked to the quest for de jure recognition.

Similarly, Sarah G. Phillips, in her award-winning book, When there was no aid, attributes peace in Somaliland to what she calls the ‘independence discourse’ which consists of two components: othering of Somalia and fear of ‘returning’ to violence. The so-called independence discourse is essentially a covert way of saying that peace in Somaliland has been kept because of the ongoing quest for de jure recognition. After all, there would be no ‘independence discourse’ without the desire to become an independent state.

According to Sarah G. Phillips,

Somaliland has not experienced large-scale violence since 1996 in part because of how the independence discourse structures the conditions under which political violence can occur. Courting violence is rendered illogical not only because it could easily spiral into war but also because returning to war dissolves the separation that the discourse constructs between Somaliland and Somalia on the basis of who is inclined toward peaceful behaviour and who is not. If Somalilanders return to war, they become just as susceptible to violence as other Somalis (Phillips, 2020 16-17).

As will be seen shortly, Phillips’ model does not withstand scrutiny. First, members of the Dhulbahante community, led by Garaad Abdiqaani, and the SNM made peace as early as 1989. Note that Ziad Barre’s troops were not ousted from Somaliland until January 1991. Second, rather than seeking retribution against the communities that had supported the Barre government, the SNM invited all communities to peace and reconciliation negotiations upon ousting Barre’s troops from Somaliland. By attributing pro-social behaviour in the post-independence period to what she calls the ‘independence discourse’, it appears evident that Phillips’ model has rather limited utility in terms of explaining pro-social behaviour in the pre-independence period. Third, the bulk of the population in Somaliland is under the age of 35 and has therefore no recollection of a predatory Somali state. How long can it credibly be postulated that peace in Somaliland is, partly, kept because of the othering of Somalia? Even Somalia, including the capital of Mogadishu, has come a long way since the chaotic and devastating violence of the 1990s, accentuating the essentializing nature of Phillips’ model.

Somaliland should not be recognized

We are, according to these leading ‘experts’, asked to believe that people in Somaliland cannot, by means of reason, choose democracy over authoritarianism, statehood over anarchy, peace over conflict and unity over division independent of external factors. According to this line of reasoning, peace and stability in Somaliland are largely attributable to the latter’s ongoing quest for de jure recognition. Consequently, the implicit policy proposal is that Somaliland should not be recognized as an independent state. Following the scholarship presently discussed, granting Somaliland de jure recognition is imprudent as the quest for recognition has, hitherto, proved fruitful in fostering peace and democratization. Evidently, Somaliland continues to lack de jure recognition for a multitude of reasons, and it is both reductionist and simplistic to attribute Somaliland’s lack of formal recognition to the output of Western academics. That said, it is also rather naïve to assume that it plays no role at all. What appears certain is that models on Somaliland’s successes that are untenable, do sit comfortably with the historical record and are at odds with common sense logic, certainly do not enhance Somaliland’s chances for securing de jure recognition.

Conclusion

That Western scholarship on Somaliland is often steered by unfortunate implicit assumptions, obfuscating conclusions, can hardly come as a surprise. What it quite baffling, however, is that arguments and models that are devoid of evidence, and are at odds with common sense logic, are not challenged. It does, for instance, not require much effort to debunk the contention that multi-party democracy in Somaliland is the result of external normative demands. Anyone who studies Somaliland’s peace and state building trajectory will find that such line of reasoning is at odds with the empirical evidence. Academia is the intellectual’s colosseum. It is here that great minds clash and battles of the mind fought. Serious critical scholarship should therefore always be welcomed and cherished. Scholarship does, however, become a form of oppression when the less powerful are silenced, denied agency, and assigned motives and properties by privileged and powerful Western academics who position themselves as objective experts. In an unrecognized state as Somaliland this is indeed a matter of national security. As has been discussed in this short piece, Western academics are essentially telling the world that Somaliland is peaceful and democratic because it wants formal recognition. Unless this is true, what does Somaliland do to counter this narrative? It appears that there is not a single office in the entire state apparatus that deals with this issue. Moreover, the scholars that tacitly suggest that Somaliland should not be recognized are treated as royals upon arriving in Somaliland as objective researchers who are friends of Somaliland. I know of no other state that would tolerate this kind of attack on its reputation and soft-power.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jamal Abdi holds a MSc in International and European Relations. He is currently a PhD candidate in international relations at Keele University. His research focuses on peace and state building in Somaliland.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Hurre Walanwal & Cambaro: The famous Somali Folklore Dance Story

By

Staff

-

March 27, 2023

0

Muna Ahmed

The art of flirting and courtship takes many forms, each with its own fascinating cultural history and traditions. In the past Somali culture, men would flirt with ladies in various ways, and marriage came in different forms, including ‘Isasiin’; arranged marriage, ‘Dumaal’: Widowed marriage, ‘Xigsiisan’ ‘Dhabargaraac’ etc. Somali people were and are still nomadic, which means the day is always busy for both men and women. Chores, including herding cattle, cooking, and water harvesting, were usually carried out during the day, which kept them busy from sunrise to sunset. Although men and women occasionally met during the day, meeting at night was typical. Young men and women used to meet on special occasions like traditional weddings or ‘Gaaf’. Apart from those weddings, evening folklore dances were the most common social event young men and women would attend.

Typically, folklore dances happen in the rainy season, and in general, they were a way to socialize, entertain, and get information. People used to gather and exchange information, socialize, and contemplate. Men frequently engage in folk dances as a means of social interaction and dating. There is a type of folk dance called ‘Dabraac’. Dabraac means bonfire: this ritual starts when a group of young men decide to start a bonfire so that people from far away will see it and join them. There was also another way to start a folklore session; men would meet around a particular residence and begin the ritual there. In most cases, they would pick a residence because they knew girls lived there.

As these nights began, men usually started such nights by singing loudly so the women in the house could hear and join in. Because the young men knew that the ladies would not participate if the family was in the wrong place (due to grieving, illness, or loss), before they started singing or dancing, the young men would come up with creative ways to make sure the family was in a good mood. In this case, to make sure the family is in a good place, they would start singing those words loudly:

‘Waa dhegoo war kama dheregtide
Waa dhuloo wax jira ma ogide,
Reerku nabad ma soo galay?’

‘Ears are eager for more news
And on earth, you don’t know what’s going on
Did the family arrive safely? (Is the family in good place)’

The young men, who are outside the house would then wait for the women to respond. If everything is okey, then the women of the home, will usually answer with:

‘Cawdibilooy ballooy baydh
Cawo daranka yaasiin
Il sharle ba sharkeed lee
Shaydaan debedda loo xoor

‘I seek protection from evil
And the shield of Surah Yasen
The evil eye owns the corrupt
Devil should be robed (Tied)’

Incase men don’t hear back they usually continue singing hoping they will come out eventually. For example they would say:

‘Miiganeey marti haddaad tahay
Reerkana maal u soo galay
Muska kaama eegeen

‘Ooh, Miiganeey if you are guest
And my family receives a wealth
I wouldn’t sneak to see you over the fence’

Some men think the girl’s mother might have been turned down, so she won’t let the girls come out and dance with the young man. This is because of a few things, but mostly because she is a mother and wants to protect her daughters. In this case, they are still looking at the bright side of things. In this scenario, they’d sing and say:

‘Aamina ilwaad qurux
Way soo ordi lahayde
Aar baa hor yuurura’

‘Amina, the one who blesses the eye
She would come running
Yet, there is a Lioness sitting on her door (the mother)’

The women would eventually come out and join the young men. The folklore dances usually happen in a circle facing each other and leaving the middle spot for the dancing. The songs were mainly poetic and filled with amusement, riddles, and jokes about dating, life, and marriage. These songs are known as ‘Gole-kafuul’. Gole-kafuul means poems that are composed on the spot. Usually, everyone could not compose the verses, only a few men and women could compose songs, and those usually led the night’s dance while the others chanted and clapped.

The story of Hurre Walanwal and Cambaro is well-known in Somali society and has been widely discussed. It happened in the 1960s in a place near Buuhoodle City. This story occurred between Hurre Walanwal (Cismaan Ibraahim Warsame) and Cambaro Nuux Maxamed. Hurre was a nickname, and its meaning was dark-skinned. Hurre is the only surviving brother of Hadraawi, the great Somali poet. Hurre, as his nickname suggests, was a dark-skinned, short young man. He was twenty years old when they met. Cambaro, on the other hand, was a seventeen-year-old and stunningly beautiful, tall young lady.

Hurre and Cambaro met for the first time at a family wedding in Buuhoodle, Togdheer Region, Somaliland. The bride’s family was the Hurre’s, while the groom’s family was the Cambaro’s. Hurre claimed that on the night of the wedding before he and his friends left home and joined the folklore dancing, they returned to the reception area where the bride was to determine if she was sufficiently attractive. Hurre started singing first, and he started with songs of advice for the bride. Hurre was checking on the bride’s beauty to gain confidence on the playground because the poems exchanged at the playground might get heated, and he may lose the battle if the bride is not up to bar. Thankfully, the bride was beautiful, and Hurre and his companions confidently hit the dance floor that night. (Yusuf Shaacir, 2013)

These are a few excerpts from his lengthy sage counsel song:

‘Sheyga dibbedda kaa tagiyo
Maryahaaga daahiri
Dacwada kale waxay tahay
Dugsi weeye xooluhu
Kii lahaa darandeereele
Duunyadu yay kaa lumin e
Dul ivo hoosba u ogow

‘Be aware of everything going outside
Purify your clothes
My will(testament) to you is
Livestock are shelter
Owning them needs caring
Don’t lose (miss) them
Know that in-depth (mesmerize that it)’

Eventually, Cambaro joined the dancing and began singing for the first time. That was their first encounter. Since they had never met before and he was leading the session, she partook and inquired about his identity and origin. Here is how she began her song:

‘Goortu waa habeenimo
Waana heel cayaareed
Halqina waa isku soo galay
Hore la isku garan maayee
Inankaaga heesaayoow
Horta aan is baranee
Haybtaada noo sheeg

‘The darkness of night came
And its playground
All the crowd (halqi) come together
It’s tough to know who is who
Ooh, the one who is singing
Let’s get to know each other
Where does your lineage come?’

The session became increasingly intriguing. Once Cambaro completed her recital song, Hurre reacted with a second song that read, “I will tell you more about myself, but first invite me to your home and offer me a warm welcome.”

‘Hayb doon baddaad tahay
Hoygiina ina geeyo
Hararkaaga ii gogoloo
Hooyadaana iga qariyoo
Haasaawe ii qaboo
Igu haybso dabadeed

‘If you want to know my lineage
Take me to your home
Invite me to your mattress
Hide me from your mother
Tell me sweet stories
Then ask me my lineage’

After this, people on the playground became interested. Because it was obviously wrong for a woman to invite a man into her home, and Hurre said this to tease her and see how she would react. This is how her response poem went:

‘Sidii hogol kaliileed
Oo ka hilaacday hawd sare
Inankani han waynaa
Sowdigaa hawada koray
Nimaan halawle maadhin iiyo
Baarqab madow hurinoo
La heshiinin aabbahay
Harar aan u dhigo daayee
Hadalbkaba ma anigaa u fura!

‘Like rain in the summertime
Rained in the highland of Hawd
Ooh boy how arrogant you are!
And think high of yourself (You climbed the air)
A man who doesn’t own guns
And black camels
Who didn’t ask my father’s hand
Forget about inviting to my harar (mattress)
I don’t open talking to him!’

Hurre then came back with another song:

‘Dadka himilo aan Jirin iyo
Ruux ku hammiya baa badane
Qof hadduu hawada Koray
Hor ilaahay waa adigee
Nimaan sheeko kaa helin
Hadalba idin dhex marin
Horena kuu aqoon jirin
Siduu kuugu hawl galay
Hantida kaaga soo dhuro
Faahfaahi hadaladoo
Bal hibooy dadka u sheeg

‘Some believe a dream that doesn’t exist
And hallucinate about that
If someone has high expectations
I swear to ALLAH, it is you
Without a proper relationship
And didn’t share any talk
Who didn’t know you before?
How he can be a detriment to you
And give wealth
Elucidate that
Ooh, Hibo enlighten that to the people?’

After that, there has been a significant amount of song exchange. To a great extent, a joke and a denial. Cambaro joked about what he would be doing here if he didn’t have a camel and only had sheep. Hure jokes that she is exceptionally elderly and that he will not marry her since she is ancient. Cambaro responded in the form of a song, stating that he cannot afford to marry her with sheep regardless of whether or not she is elderly. The following is a list of some of the songs that have been exchanged during the night:

Cambaro:

‘Mar hadduu gondaha hoosiyo
Awr yaqaan gon qabashada
Guudaandir waa bahal
Gooradhigis lagama karo
Ragguna hadduu guddoonsado
In uu dumarka gaasiro
Oo gardarada ku talo galo
Geed xajiin leh uma waayo

Ama aan gu waynaadoo duumaale geel wado
Ama aan gobaysaniyo soo gaadho Waayeel
Ama gootan aan kacee
Mar haddaanad geel dhaqan
Oo gacantaadu madhan tahay
Halkani waa gar ciideed oo
Goosbuuca aad wadatiyo
Riyuhu inan ma gooyaan
Maxaa gadaha aan joogiyo
Kaaga xidhan ganka aan ahay
Ma kolbaad I guursanaysaa?

‘When someone goes down
And he is aggressive
Everything is a horror
and keen indignity to others
Men, if they accept
resentment of women
with known aggression
They would find low points
If I am too old and have been there for a long time
Or if grow with the older generation
Or if I am infirmity
If you don’t own camels
And you are a broke
This is a land of sand
This type of livestock
The goats you own
Are worthless to girls
My age doesn’t matter
You couldn’t marry me’

Hurre:

‘Inan yahay garaabiiliyo
Isma qariso geesadu
Rabbigay baa ku gaadhsiiyay e
Gedahaaga ku eekow miyaa
Noqotay geed xajiinle iyo cay.

Waa hagaagee gabantaay
Aniga gumaro xoolaad
Way ila wacan tahee
Adigaa kala guray?

‘Ooh girl, the wickedness
And the age of the person
Cannot be hidden
God, give you this age
Mentioning it is an insult
Hey, the young lady
For me all kinds of livestock are good
You are the one who offense some’

Cambaro:

‘Inan yahow gun baad tahayna
Gole lagama odan karo
Hadal gobi ku haasawdoo
La gartana namaad odhan’?

‘Man, I can’t say you are a wicked boy
At this platform
You didn’t use graceful words
To beautify your argument’

Hurre:

‘Gabdhihii kula filka ahaa
Beri horaa la guursadoo
Geesh caruura yeesheen
Adna gabashi baad tahoo
Wakaa garayskii
Guudkaaga ku engegee
Ka kac goobta higileed
Haddii ay gunimo tahay
Waan ka gaabsan doonaa
Weligaaba galuubnow
Guriigiina taagnow
Kurtimada ku gaamuray oo
Ha ku guro gardhaaluhu
Adoo gegi habaas weyn
Iyo gaylaalsan buul caws
Wedku ha kuugu soo galo oo
Geerida ku dhawr ciil’

‘Your agemate girls
Married years ago
And had many kids
You are alone
The traditional clothes you are wearing,
get dried
Get up from this isolation
If this is cheekiness to you,
I will take a step back
Be there forever
Stay in your home
Be an old lady
Wait for nonsense
stay in a dusty place
Keep rolling in a bush house
The demise will come to you
Wait for death with annoyance (infuriation)’

These last few poems are well-known because they were recorded, can be found on audio cassettes, and have been listened to in almost every Somali household. The tale of Hurre and Cambaro is an extremely lengthy one. It did not occur all in one night, but it is reported that they were continuously meeting on the playground and challenging each other for years to come. Throughout that period, the tale spread throughout the region to the point where it became a standard joke amongst the two different tribes that the individuals were originally from (Habarjeclo and Dhulbahante). In the middle of this chain of events, other people participated, and to this day, it is considered one of the most exciting stories among Somali people. Although there is no written record of this story yet, a wealth of information is available, most of which comprises recordings and interviews conducted by the poet Yusuf Shaacir. Yusuf can recall most of their series memory, and he also had the chance to personally meet Cambaro and Hurre.

References

Yuusuf Shaacir. Baadigoob. August 25, 2018. Silsiladii Hure Walanwal iyo Cambaro dhexmartay oo dhamaystiran. Youtube: www.youtube.com/watch?v=frUmHdR3oGI

Credit: Cover photo by Abdishukri Haybe

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Muna Ahmed is a bilingual writer, published Author, and Activist. Muna works with some other robust networks to promote literacy and advocate for reading, self-development, Gender Equality, and Cultural Identity among Somali Youth.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

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