The Ministry of Telecommunications and Technology Dr. Abdiweli Abdulahi Sufi, in a press released announced the unveiling of video conferencing technology and was successfully tested with a cabinet meeting attended remotely by all Somaliland ministers.
The statement from the Ministry of Technology added that it has been engaged in implementing technologies to ensure government continuity due to the COVID-19 global pandemic. The statement did not mention if the technology will be available to all government workers.
The new platform unveiled by the Ministry of Telecommunication and Technology is from Microsoft and is part of the Office 365 offering.
Somaliland government has been behind the technology curve and does not offer online citizen services although the Minister of Technology Hon. Sufi has recently stated that his ministry is working on an e-government platform.
Unrecognized, under-resourced and with virtually non-existent public healthcare system, is Somaliland ready for the COVID-19 global scourge that have brought global superpowers to their knees? Can Somaliland survive this global pandemic and are the public taking this modern day black-death seriously?
Although there are only two confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Somaliland, the government has early on created a high level committee chaired the Vice President HE Abdirahman Abdallahi Ismail Saylici to coordinate the government’s response to the pandemic and have since its inception has issued a number of directives to the public.
Some of the early measures include dismissal of all public and private schools in Somaliland and closure of all government offices with the exception of essential staff. The government has also banned flights from multiple countries, although Ethiopian Airlines is still making regular flights to Egal International Airport.
The Ministry of Education and Science in collaboration with Somaliland National Television and Telesom has started telecasting classes remotely to students.
The COVID-19 committee has been updating the public regularly and some of its members such as the Minister of Information and Guidance Hon. Saleban Ali Kore has been very candid about the threat of the corona virus and implored the public to take it seriously.
Corona Virus waa khatar kula joogta taxadirkaaga badi. Adigu is ilaali oo dadka kale ilaali.Ku dedaal nadaafadda gacmahaga.
Wash your hands frequently.
Avoid touching your eyes, mouth & nose.
Cover your mouth & nose with your bent elbow or tissue when you cough or sneeze. pic.twitter.com/aqvHsz61rJ
Public awareness programs are also on high-gear including a recorded COVID-19 message that replaced telephone dial tone.
President Bihi has also ordered the immediate release of 574 prisoners to lighten the load on overcrowded prisons ahead of the arrival of the corona virus in Somaliland.
Despite many commendable measures from the government, there are gaping holes in Somaliland’s defense and preparedness against COVID-19, particularly in areas of khat import and packed social spaces such as mosques.
There is still no visible change in public behavior, however, where many establishments with large crowds are still open and public transportation consisting mainly of buses and taxis are running and mosques are still packed. Simply put one of the most basic measures of preventing the spread of COVID-19 such as social distancing are not being practiced.
Public sentiment towards the virus is mixed, where many view it as a scourge that is only plaguing non-muslim countries, despite ample evidence to the contrary but there is a prevailing nonchalant attitude.
Basic economic arithmetic makes measures implemented by many countries to break the infection chain of COVID-19 including mandatory stay-at-home and self isolation measures impossible in Somaliland.
Even abroad, Somali people in general have been one of the most affected groups in certain countries such as Sweden, and although Somalis are thought to be fewer than 40,000, at the initial stages of the infection in that country have suffered more than 50% fatality rate. This is due to social norms and unwillingness to practice social distancing and other preventative measures.
A major area of concern that makes Somaliland particularly vulnerable to COVID-19 pandemic is the state of its emergency preparedness and its meager strategic reserves of basic necessities such as food, medicine and fuel that may not last more than few days.
Healthcare in Somaliland is so basic that there is no national Health Information System or an early warning system to track and monitor infectious disease. In the past when Cholera outbreak in 2017 affected communities in Somaliland, the government response was uncoordinated and inadequate that it cost many lives
We are proud to take part in the delivery of medical supplies donated by Jack Ma foundation and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed initiative. The mission will also continue in the coming days.#Ethiopian. pic.twitter.com/Thm37IzN0b
Somaliland is in a unique position among world countries due to its unrecognized status and in a perilous time where the United States, the United Kingdom and other European countries are struggling to cope with this pandemic, it is being excluded from receiving basic medical necessities to combat the virus.
While it is disingenuous for anyone to expect Somaliland government to achieve a miracle against COVID-19 where the most powerful nations have failed but the most important tasks that Somaliland government is failing at the moment are
Clearly communicate the lethality of COVID-19 to the public
Ban khat import from Ethiopia
Stop international flights
Minimize public gathering including mosques.
Ensure adequate strategic reserve of medicine, fuel and food.
Somaliland Chronicle is responsible for the content of this editorial.
Somaliland Women and Child Development Organization (NOW) was established in 1997 by the former First Lady Ms. Kaltun Haji Dahir, the spouse of late President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, as a governmental organization that delivers critical aid to vulnerable women and children.
NOW describes itself as “… a constitutional non-partisan voluntary organization, which has been founded by a group of dedicated women who have been inspired by the poor living conditions of the Somaliland women and children in June 1997 in Hargeisa Somaliland.” on its Facebook page.
This organization, while not established with a presidential decree, is a quasi-governmental organization with deep ties to the successive first ladies of Somaliland since its establishment.
According to a recent statement from Minister of Employment, Family and Social Affairs Ms. Hinda Jama Gani who cited constitutional articles, NOW comes under the Ministry of Employment, Family and Social Affairs.
Minister Hinda Jama Gani flanked by NOW Chairwomen Ms Halima Haji Abdi and Spokesperson
Government records show that NOW has received over $110,000.00 US Dollars from the Somaliland government in 2019. Records show that almost all of NOW’s operational expenses including rent, utilities, and staff salaries are covered by the Somaliland government.
Fast forward to 2020, and the organization has grown by leaps and bounds and is implementing large-scale projects that include food distributions from World Food Program to internally displaced people among other activities that include literacy and home education programs held at their headquarters in Hero-Awr neighborhood in Hargeisa.
A sign in front of NOW office.
According to people familiar with the project, NOW is implementing the second phase of food distribution by the World Food Programme to even more internally displaced families in Hargeisa. The registration round of potential recipients just concluded.
One of the main complaints from former and current participants of the project is a $20 fee that NOW assesses all participants. A fee that the intended target group of internally displaced persons can hardly afford.
Minister of Employment, Family and Social Affairs Hon. Hinda Jama Gani
UN and International NGOs generally allocate a management fee to cover the implementation cost. It is unclear why now needed to collect an additional $13,960 from displaced families.
Program participants also allege that many of the people who took part in the previous round of food distribution to IDPs were not displaced and that the organization issued multiple ration cards to some of its members, which includes women currently serving in President Muse Bihi Abdi’s cabinet.
Sources who did not want to speak on the record for fear of retribution did not point to a particular government official add that some of these officials have their ration cards issued in their names and photos.
Deputy Minister of Fisheries and Livestock Development Ms. Yurub Abib Abdi
Before being appointed to be the Deputy Minister of Fisheries and Livestock Development, Ms. Yurub Abib Abdi served as the Deputy Chairperson of NOW. There is no evidence that she has resigned from her position.
There are multiple IDP camps in Somaliland, including one in the capital that hosts thousands of families. It is unclear if any of the people in the IDP camps are participating in this program.
Sources tell Somaliland Chronicle that in the current round of food distribution program, NOW has attempted to cut more corners by assigning one ration card to two families, essentially halving the amount of cash intended for each internally displaced family.
Although WFP did not reply to question regarding irregularities with the project, sources familiar with ongoing deliberation state that WFP has rejected changes that NOW attempted to make to the card per family ratio and that the project will proceed with one ration card per family.
It is unclear if WFP is aware of other allegations, including the possibility of NOW is issuing ration cards to people who are not displaced and possibly government officials.
Mr. Mohamed Mahamoud, NOW Operations Manager.
NOW’s Chairwomen Ms. Halima Haji Abdi and Mr. Mohamed Mahamoud, the operations person who directly managed the project, did not respond to multiple phone calls and text messages seeking answers to the allegation against NOW.
Mr. Mohamoud has not shown up for work for weeks. It is unclear if Mr. Mohamoud’s absence is related to issues with this project.
Many Somaliland government entities including NOW and the Ministry of Education and Science and the Ministry of Employment, Family and Social Affairs receive direct funding from United Nations and other International Organizations that at times rivals of exceeds their allocated budget but does not go through the Ministry of Finance‘s PFM system and other control mechanisms.
The aim of this short article is to highlight challenges and opportunities facing the Somali Region (DDS) in this critical juncture. It also tries to support the argument which claims the Somali Region was allocated fraction of the investments other regions of similar size and population received.
In the past two and half decades’ Ethiopian government followed what it calls developmental state system(Economy). Late Prime Minister Melez is very often credited adopting the above economic model while critics argue the economic strategy was fundamentally wrong. Strong disagreement exists the merits of the number of the empirical evidences which suggested the adopted system has led to the unseen economic growth Ethiopia has experienced in the past decade. Unfortunately, not every region benefited from
the economic growth, very often the question of equity proved to became the driver for many of the unrests seen in different parts of the country. Strangely, the Somali Region (DDS), which received fraction of the investments/projects allocated to other similar states remained silent, or at least there was no public outcry regarding the unbalanced allocation of the available investments.
In a perfect scenario experts analyses on how different states within the federal government of Ethiopia has performed (considering the number of investments and the size of projects allocated ) would have provided a useful insight. But as often the case undertaking such analysis appears not to be easy as the available statistics, and the rationale behind why allocating a certain fund to a particular state and not to another state is not in public domain. But the publicly available statistics/facts point out Somali State ( DDS) were one of the states which received the lowest developmental funds/projects compare to other similar states in terms of size and population. This unfair distribution of development funds led to unequal economic growth. Since the number of big infrastructure projects were limited and no other major development projects were implemented in the Somali Region, the economic growth of this region is poor. Below statistics confirms unbalanced allocation of investments among regions.
‘Roads built by the federal government has connected 95.7Pct of woredas in the state of Tigray, 82Pct in the state of Amhara, 81Pct in Southern regional state and 73.6Pct in the state of Oromia, the least being 57Pct in the state of Somali, according to a report by Subsidy Budget and Concurrent Revenues Rationing Standing Committee at the House of Federation released in May 2019. Tigray and Gambela have only two woredas that are not linked with a federal road, which stirred up controversies, although the former released a statement claiming the report released by the Committee is not factually correct and made a wrong conclusion without taking the administration changes into account. Additionally, 92Pct of the woredas in the state of Tigray are connected with concrete asphalt, while it is 51Pct in Amhara, 46Pct in Oromia and the Southern Region, 45Pct in Afar, 39Pct in Gambela, 25Pct in Benishangul and 15Pct in Somali.’’[1]
Additionally, 92Pct of the woredas in the state of Tigray are connected with concrete asphalt, while it is 51Pct in Amhara, 46Pct in Oromia and the Southern Region, 45Pct in Afar, 39Pct in Gambela, 25Pct in Benishangul and 15Pct in Somal In terms of 3G network infrastructure, Amhara leads with 71Pct, Oromia with 66Pct and Southern region with 64Pct, while for the other regions it is below 40Pct. In terms of electricity, 21Pct of Tigray has access to electricity, followed by 15Pct in Oromia, 10Pct in Amhara, nine percent in the Southern region, and 4.5Pct in Somali.
Current Situation
The widely welcomed political and leadership changes which took place in Addis Ababa back in 2018 has led to many unprecedented political developments. Peaceful change of power in JigJiga was one of its first political interventions. Somali region did not see tangible gains from the economic development which Ethiopia experienced in the Melez Era. This time around people from the Somali Region ( DDS) hope the current president will utilize cleverly the political weight of the Region in order to influence federal level economic and political decisions.
It is no exaggeration to state the current leader President Mustafa Omer has inherited a very problematic region (DDS), in a very critical time. The severity of the polarization among the people in the Somali Region plus the unprecedented political developments in Ethiopia would intimidate every new leader. President Omar adopted pragmatic approach; his first priority became to maintain peace and security, filling up leadership positions without a delay, assuming full control of the state, including Liyu police which many has predicted would become a problematic for the new president to assert full control, taking more reconciliatory actions. And considering the circumstances in the Somali State, its widely acknowledged he has managed the transition period very competently. His supporters point out that he has managed number of challenging situations which tested his leadership credentials.
Since the current president came to power, some notable progresses were made. One of his first decisions was to signal that his government will abandon the culture of fear and intimidation and promote openness and social cohesion. The new government policy shifted towards winning the trust of the people and in order to get that, government must respect people’s freedom to get on with their life’s and businesses. Also there is a genuine sense that this administration is, to some extent, willing to promote the creation of civic space and civic dialogue which was unthinkable in the near past. Encouragingly much emphasis was also placed on service delivery improvements, even at some government offices an ambitious targets (time) are set, for delivering a certain service i.e how long it must take a court to hear a case and make a decision etc.
Although, this region has not witnessed no-where near the number of big and important infrastructure projects that it would have gotten if there was a good and fair mechanism of allocating resources among regions/states in Ethiopia, yet, it is important to mention this new administration has intensified the already ongoing infrastructure projects such as roads and water dams in different parts of the region and started new ones. The capital of the state is also witnessing remarkable changes, in terms of the number and size of the new roads. However, it would be naïve to make it sound everything is rosy; Unfortunately, the health, education, energy and public facilities in general are frighteningly poor and need serious interventions and investments.
It is fair to acknowledge since the new president came to power the focus of the government turned to delivering the services and serving the people. President Mustafa and his government can be proud of the relatively positive assessment it will get regarding its achievements during the time they are in office. But there should be no illusion, the task at hand and challenges ahead require more work, commitment and long term vision, in order (for this state) to claim and get its fair in this critical juncture. More efforts need to be made to increase the base and support for this current government, therefore, it is critical to use the short time between now and the election day ( if there will be one) within this year, to present concrete plans and policies which will address the most pressing issues that matters to the ordinary citizens of this region (DDS). Though, the biggest test is to unite the people and making real efforts to get all constituencies/communities in this Region on board, this might probably sound too unrealistic but underestimating the problem of disunity and division among the communities in this region is political naïvetés (looking back the historical political failure during the early 90st). To participate successfully in the federal ‘’rugby-like political process’’ before making any serious attempts to address internal divisions, is undoubtedly recipe for another decade of failure.
Lessons learned and new opportunity
Somali State (DDS) did not do well in many areas’ while other regions have seen significant improvement in different fronts, human and economic developments. It has also not asserted any influence in the Federal arena but rather remained a willing partner to the ruling party which resulted that it has been frequently overlooked when important decisions were taken and resources were allocating. The main problem for the Somali State ( DDS) was, the problem of ‘’ inward looking’’ region where internal rivalry and divisions became the main business of government. And despite suffering economic hardship and living under dire under-developed region, communities in this region were so unprepared and uninformed to know whether they have got stake in this developmental state of Ethiopia. Another unfortunate factor was that the majority of the learned and experts from this region has left the state or became disillusioned. Even those educated and were well off members from this region (particularly in the diaspora) did not put their differences apart hence their contributions were not well coordinated and united.
In this critical time, each region is playing their influences wisely and strategically. One would hope that is the case for the Somali Region too as no Region can afford to find itself in the wrong side of the equation. Therefore, having the most competent and capable people in key positions is paramount both in local and federal levels, most certainly that did not happen in the past. Avoiding making the mistakes made in the early 90s which appeared to be a costly lesson is extremely important, every constituency, community in this region must not entertain the idea of finding an ally outside The Somali State in the hope of gaining political influence, because past experience shows this will only lead to zero sum game. Communities in this state can only see the big benefits from the federal system, only and when they form one front.
Finally, citizens of this state (DDS) must realize the most dangerous thing that require concerted efforts from people from all walks of life, is to discourage the culture of living in the past, culture of blame, us versus them mentality. If such (above) destructive behaviors, which will become detrimental to community cohesion and national solidarity here in the Somali Region (DDS), will not change and more reconciliation and forward looking culture is promoted, this region is doomed to repeat its past mistakes and once again failure will become unavoidable reality.
About the Author Awale Shirwa served as Minister of Planning and National Development for the current government, he studied development economy with the focus on Sub Saharan Countries., holds Msc Degree From University of London and MA Degree from University of Surrey. and is currently Trade and Investment Analyst, Commentator and Horn Of Africa Economic Development Specialist.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
According to multiple sources from Somaliland Civil Aviation Administration and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, the Federal Government of Somalia attempted reroute Ethiopian Airlines flight #372 back to Boli International Airport.
Sources add that Somaliland Civil Aviation Administration Chief directly spoke to the pilot to maintain its flight path in Somaliland airspace and land in land in Hargeisa International Airport.
In an attempt to claim victory, despite the failed attempt to reroute the flight back to Addis Ababa, Somalia issued a hasty letter stating that the Federal Government of Somalia has allowed this flight and lifted all flight restrictions for a period of two days. The letter appeared on social media after the flight has landed.
Somaliland Civil Aviation Administration Chief Mohamed Abdi Rodol who held a rare press conference reiterated Somaliland’s position over the soverignty of its airspace and that Somaliland alone controls its airspace. Mr. Rodol added that airlines do not need permission to use Somaliland airspace from anyone except Somaliland authorities and despite Somalia’s attempt to create a situation, Somaliland wants to maintain a good relationship with its neighbors.
It is still unclear if why a Fly Dubai flight aborted its flight to Egal International Airport yesterday despite claims from media personalities linked to Villa Somalia that Somalia’s Federal Government was behind the aborted flight.
Officials from Somaliland government are actively checking stores to ensure that businesses are not hiking prices due to COVID-19 fears. This is according to multiple businesses across Hargeisa that have been visited by officials who did not identify what government department they were affiliated with.
Sources tell Somaliland Chronicle that officials are conducting this activity in multiple cities including the capital. Sources add that so far no severe price hikes have occured and although businesses are ensuring they have sufficient quantities, there are no signs of mass panic buying from the public.
Although the Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin has officially warned businesses against price gauging, it is unclear if the officials checking food market prices are from the Interior Ministry.
Minister Kahin did not specify what steps the government will take against businesses engaged in price gauging to cash in on the COVID-19 FEARS.
Although Somaliland lacks basic medical services, the President HE Muse Bihi Abdi has appointed a COVID-19 taskforce that includes the Ministers of Interior, the Education and Sciences, Information and National Guidance and Religious Affairs and Endowments. So far there are no reported cases of COVID-19 in Somaliland.
Historically, food prices edge higher during the holly month of Ramadan but generally subside afterwards. It is unclear if and how COVID-19 affect on global food prices and supply chains will impact food price and availability in Somaliland.
In July 2019 Somalia’s president his excellency Mohamed Abdillahi “Farmaajo” set up a commission to revive talks with Somaliland. His move came three years after Somaliland’s former president Silanyo appointed Dr Edna Aden to lead on the talks. No one paid attention to the commission until 21st January 2020 when the commission’s deputy, Abdirahman A. Hussain “Guulwade” (now forced to resign), a former general in Siyad Barre’s para police force, caused uproar in an interview he publicly condoned the late eighties war crimes committed in Somaliland. The commission is coming up, they tell us, with a new way of engaging Somaliland. It is designed to have a longer shelf life than the Somalian government’s office term and is expected to function as a permanent aide to their state until it achieves its unstated but ultimate objective of bringing Somaliland back into the fold of the union. The commission’s chairperson, Dr Badiyow, a diehard greater Somalian nationalist, the opposite of Somaliland’s iron lady, Dr Edna Aden, personifies this ultimate aim.
So there is an emphasis on continuity and perhaps also a realisation the commission is in for a long haul. It has started working trying to piece together what went wrong with the failed union and find out why for heaven sake hot headed northern brothers despise the sacred Somali unity. It appears Farmaajo is listening to these wise men when as per their advice he half-heartedly shouldered Somalia’s responsibility for the war crimes committed against civilians in Somaliland though he did not stop short to equally blame rebel forces for taking up arms against the then regime rendering his apology tokenistic by most Somalilanders, but the government welcomed it as a reasonable gesture because in the past successive leaders in Somalia have consistently refused to acknowledge that the military government they replaced had committed any war crimes.
Wised up by the experiences of the past sixty years, Hargeisa struggles to trust Mogadishu and so Farmaajo’s motivation to reignite the talks was quickly interpreted as an attempt to propel his re-selection campaign — in fact the same can be said about Somalia’s strategy in the talks which is to massage her nationalistic ego. His new commission’s first engagement with the media confirms this perception; they nonchalantly suggest that all is needed is reconciliation, genuine reconciliation; they make no secret that their ultimate aim is to convince Somaliland swallow grievances and return to the fold of the wishful state-making scheme; and their stipulated way of addressing the issues is first to generate trust, create an atmosphere of mutual understanding and finally pave the way for welcoming back Somaliland.
i) Is it about the talks, or about terms of the talks?
There is no dispute the two sides agree on the importance of the talks but, as you can appreciate, they differ on the urgency and on the ultimate expected outcome. Farmaajo thinks the sooner he brings back his northern brothers into the revival of the Somali national pride the better. Regardless. As far as he is concerned, Somaliland declared independence because of imperfections of the nineteen sixty questioned “union” and because they are resentful for the late eighties “genocide” suffered: two unintended but rectifiable slip ups. He is clearly eying to enjoy watching ballot boxes dispatched to Somaliland for the 2024 presidential elections. In reality the question is much more complicated than he conveniently presents it. Proof: his new commission contemplates a prolonged showdown.
It is in nobody’s interest for the drama to drag on. Just listen to Farmaajo’s counterpart, his excellency president Muse Bihi Abdi (MBA). MBA has repeated time and again that the Somaliland’s case is a historical one dating back to the colonial border demarcations of the Somali peninsula. And he characteristically laughs off the reductionist thinking of the greater Somali state sentiments; to him meaningful talks are subject to meeting the minimum requirements of going to the table as equals and never misses an opportunity to hammer home the message of achieving two sisterly independent states. Just the thought of facing him, has kept Farmaajo silent for two years.
Farmaajo can be forgiven, for in every sense of the word, the battle-hardened MBA embodies the sovereign aspirations of the people of Somaliland. He is well positioned to explain that the “union” imperfections and the merciless military operations were merely symptomatic of the impossibility of the single grand state Somalis wanted to establish, that the attempted nineteen sixty unification came generations too early given the institutional capacity of the Somali society and so defaulting back into separate states was in the end inevitable and the genocide a blessing in disguise. Well, it is common knowledge that pathological nationalism aside, the egalitarian nature of the Somali society, the desolate economic basis of their livelihood and the level of their civic institutions all make it impossible to establish a grand state for all Somalis in the peninsula. Yes, no one in their right mind would want that at the moment, but then again why would one then want to isolate Hargeisa from the rest and bring it under Mogadishu? Expansionism, Somalilanders will tell you.
ii) Anything to learn from the botched talks?
Exercising the self-determination rights the rest of the Somali territories enjoy, Somaliland simply left a questioned union with Somalia, and without offence abstained from direct political dealings with Somalia for the simple reason that there was no serious partner to engage with. Things changed in February 2012 when under international pressure she conceded to talk with the then transitional federal government which was then showing illusory flashes of recovery and receiving applause from the international community. I don’t think anyone would contest that nothing tangible emerged from these first rounds of the talks other than agreeing to refrain from provocative actions, to de-escalate tension and to work together in the fight against terrorism and piracy. Somalia failed the first test of trustworthiness when an agreement reached in Ankara in 2013 for the two administrations to jointly manage air space control which the international civil aviation organisation (ICAO) was transferring from Kenya ended up in Mogadishu. Hargeisa felt conned.
Worst yet, Somalia violated the spirit of the talks; it embarked on a mission to derail Somaliland’s economic recovery. In March 2018 her makeshift parliament tried, though failed, to block a rare investment opportunity in the Berbera seaport and in June 2018 her planning minister wrote to international donors advising not to renew their special arrangement partnership with Somaliland. It is difficult to reconcile the greater Somali state doctrine she wants to champion with these sinister intentions. To many in Somaliland such behaviour is just a reminder of Somalia’s hostility.
Somaliland has learnt her lesson and she is now treading carefully to avoid the rabbit holes of the talks. There were then no more reasons for the fledgling Somalian government to seriously engage in talks, than there are now for Farmaajo to appoint a commission. To be fair it is not only the wasteful talks with Somaliland, the Mogadishu administration has with the exception of a few administrative facelifts, miserably failed to achieve its overblown expectations of holding a “one Somali one vote election” not once in 2016 but twice as it is unlikely this will happen in 2020. Now it’s trying to settle for setting up a virtual constituency for Somaliland and is pretending this would pass as a representative democracy but in reality the chances are dim for popular elections in the foreseeable future. Why on earth did they ever commit to adopt a ‘tribal’ federal constitution?
The botched talks made no headway not because they were not binding and not because they lacked a monitoring mechanism but because Mogadishu had other priorities. The talks also failed because, vaguely defined in terms of trust building, they lacked cogency which Silanyo’s ad hoc negotiating team misinterpreted as a carte blanche they could use to their advantage. They got it wrong, it was rather Somalia that capitalised on the opportunity for nationalistic ego boosting. In any case, Somaliland decided to freeze them until a mediating third party comes on board and I understand that there is now the suggestion that Turkey, Djibouti and Sweden are tipped to play this role, and we know that Ethiopian, Qatar and UAE may want to have some influence. In my view with the exception of Sweden, the rest of these countries either lack necessary expertise with what is at stake or impartiality. Turkey and Djibouti are particularly suspects. However, the question remains: will the talks now become a priority for Somaliland?
iii) Sorry what was the “it” again we wanted to talk about?
Just like the idea of two states is taboo in Mogadishu, so is the thought of joining up again distasteful in Hargeisa. In this polarised situation the question is how long can Somalia sustain the idea that she can bring back Somaliland into the fold and how long can Somaliland withstand international pressure to drop her search of de jure recognition? Eventful times are ahead if and when the talks get going. One wonders when the two sides eventually resume talks how soon the key issue of one state/two states will feature on the agenda. This is, after all, the sticking point. That is, the dispute between the two is one of sovereignty, which makes arbitration and juridical settlement a must. The schism seems unbridgeable and so the talks, then, will in the end come to a test of the will.
Farmaajo has his plate full. He is struggling to wrest full sovereign control of his country away from al-Shabaab and from the federal member states, and send home Amisom forces his life depends on. Needless to say he does not command much legitimacy in vast sways of his country and challenge is that he is tasked with the responsibility of leading his country up the creek without a pedal. That it would be absurd for Somaliland to jump into the bandwagon is the least he should be expected to admit; and that Somaliland is better off waiting until such time when either the federal system takes permanent form (hard to achieve), or replaced by a central form of governance (highly unlikely) should likewise be everybody’s understanding. He is juggling these impossible options, and is calling on his talks commission to help him find a balance. He feels he has no other option but to pull as many strings as he can and as some argue even dishing out dollars. The problem, though, is that while he does have a mandate for considering the two state solution as an option and focusing on his own state consolidation, he senselessly prefers to have the situation drag on, a resource depleting option. The approval of his country’s constitution is in limbo and his country’s plebiscite aspiration hamstrung by the expectation Somaliland will return to the fold.
Reincarnating the pseudo-nationalistic parody in the heyday of the Siyadist era, Farmaajo is not doing himself any favours; he is not stoic either and like his predecessors he is lured into the hollow mantra that he presides over Somaliland. His country lacks coercive powers to compel Somaliland toe the line and with Somaliland already having suffered the worst of the wrath of Somalia’s military force, there is no room left for military means even if dispensable. Yet despite all these odds stacked against him, he is a social media savvy, a strategist, surrounding himself with competent technocrats who deliver. He cannot be written off that quickly.
Avoiding the pitfalls of the previous talks, MBA is treading carefully. He appears to have taken a leaf from the Eritrean strongman Isaias Afwerki in that he takes a principled approach towards the talks, he brushes aside Farmaajo’s string pulling, and does not waiver on his principle of a demanding a neutral venue for the rendezvous and most importantly of meeting as equals. He is reassured that Somaliland is starting the talks from a position of strength, Somalia from a position of weakness. As a former military commander he knows that Somaliland has history on his side and geography too; he knows all too well that Somalia poses no military or economic threat and that she lacks political leverage. Why bother?
However, on the flip side though MBA faces the stark reality that Somaliland’s claim to sovereignty remains incomplete without Mogadishu nodding yes. He has a few options if the talks fail: the first one is open war. Eritrea and South Sudan refused to beg their mother states. The second one is shrewd diplomacy, but like his predecessors, his achilles heel is his foreign department. Somaliland foreign policy has always been disappointingly toothless. The third option involves getting ready for the worst that can happen is people out of frustration taking up to the streets or security situations getting out of hand. Without exaggeration this forms the daily prayers of the elite in Mogadishu, but it is hard to imagine anyone else would want to see this scenario to happen, because neighbouring countries benefit from Somaliland’s stability. Violence spills over. Just like Somalia’s instability has dogged life in Kenya, so may Djibouti and Ethiopia worry if Somaliland goes up in flames. Farmaajo’s commission should consider arbitration, the northern brothers cannot be reconciled, or rather conned, back into the union.
About the Author Mohamed Obsiye, Ph.D. is a freelance researcher with keen interest in the nexus of ethnicity, nationalism and nation-state building. He can be reached mobsiye78[at]hotmail.com. His Previous article include The Carnage of Heritage in Djibouti.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
Somaliland government issues a strong condemnation to the United Nations Special Representative of Secretary General Mr. James Swan following a statement he made at the International Peace Institute where he discussed inclusion of Somaliland in Somalia’s electoral process.
The government unusually strong rebuke to Mr. Swan statement questioned the United Nations impartiality in regional diplomatic initiatives and reiterated that the Somaliland government is the sole and legitimate representative of the Somaliland people.
The statement also indirectly warned the international community at large to “refrain from any action or rhetoric that risks defaming Somaliland’s electoral integrity, independence and sovereignty“.
According to senior government official who spoke on condition of anonymity, Somaliland government discussed a range of options in response to Mr. Swan’s statement that included issuing him a persona non grata status and added that “We have been painfully polite to a fault but statements like this will no longer be tolerated from anyone. We are willing to oblige anyone who is seeking an early retirement. This is effectively Mr. Swan’s only and final warning“.
According to statement released by the office of President of Kenya Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta, the Kenyan government had issued a stern warning to Somalia to “to cease and desist from the unwarranted provocations and focus on managing its internal affairs for the welfare of her people; defeating terrorism; and advancing the cause of peace, security and stability in the region.”.
The latest tension between Somalia and Kenya follows an assault by Somalia National Army on the border town of Beled-Hawo on the 2nd of February on forces from Jubbaland State.
Media outlets reported injuries on the Kenyan side of the border in Mandhera town.
Dadaab refugee camp in Kenya
The strongly worded statement from President Uhuru’s office noted that Kenya is a host to hundreds of thousands of Somali refugees who fled war and hostilities in Somalia and Kenya’s contribution to the peacekeeping efforts in Somalia and urged the Federal Government led by President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo to rationally use its resources to defeat Alshabaab terrorist group.
The warring sides used anti-aircraft guns and other heavy weapons and there has been reports of casualties on both sides.
Jubbaland Minister of Interior Abdirashid Hassan Abdinur (Janan)
Tensions between Somalia’s Federal Government and Jubbaland has been on the rise since the reelection of President Islam Madobe and the former’s failure to successfully field competing candidates.
Somalia claims to be in pursuit of Jubbaland’s Minister of Interior who has recently broke out of a jail in Mogadishu where he has been imprisoned since September 2019.
Rodney Hunter the Political Coordinator of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations has also expressed alarm over Somalia’s airlifting of army units to Jubbaland “The deployment of SNA troops to a politically motivated offensive in the Gedo region of Jubaland is unacceptable and diverts resources from the agreed roadmap for security operations.”
Some say, one of the options to restore Somaliland-Somalia reunification is the use of military coercion, or to impose sanctions to prevent international aid to induce unsolicited unity. The intention of the Somalia elite is to put people of Somaliland the very same oppressive treatment – the prejudiced and cruel exercise of political authority. After all these political and economic inequity as well as the long-drawn-out social grievances of unjust, Somaliland voluntarily withdrew the union after ten years of blood-spattered war, which killed tens of thousands of innocent civilians, mostly women and children as a result of aerial bombardment and heavy artillery shelling that targeted predetermined densely populated dwellings and crowds (Drystdale, 1992).
Since the disintegration of the unjust union, people of Somaliland accomplished as Pham argued ‘’to not only establish external security and internal stability—enough of the latter, in fact, to have developed what is arguably the most democratic politics in the region—but have done so without the benefit of international recognition of their existence or much foreign development assistance’’ (Pham, 2012). This refers that Somaliland marked and justified every condition of state, including the Montevideo Convention on the rights and duties of states. Ever since it declared its sovereignty the country relished a relative and robust peace, it has its own currency regulated by the Central Bank, legalised capable bureaucracy, and has functioning government institutions. Unlike Somalia, the country also has self-governing people’s elected multiparty political system with the foundations of democratically elected office-bearers, including President, Members of Parliament and District Councillors.
However, most elites in Somalia disregard the self-made peace, relevant social stability, democracy and the rule of law, merely for the motive that Somalis share the same ethnicity, language, religion and cultural heritage. These folks place great emphasis on the patrilineal and clan segmentary lineage of the Somali society. On the contrary, there are independent elites who theoretically indicate that Somaliland has the right to self-determination. There arguments emphasise such theoretical foundations; for example, ‘’Democratic theory stresses the democratic right of people to govern themselves – the right of free political association; liberal theory advocates the right of the individual to determine his/her destiny; communitarian theory conversely seeks the right of self-determination in the collective. While realist approach focuses on the principle of the territorial integrity of states (Freeman 1999). Territorial justice theory advances the idea that people have the right to supremacy in their territory (Steiner 1998; Castellino 2008). Other lesser known theories of self-determination are the theory of suffering and remedial theory’’ (White 1981; Freeman 1999). Henceforth, although all theories are applicable to Somaliland’s justification of sovereignty, there are also legal, humanitarian and political cases that fully support the self-determination of Somaliland that bolster up its right of political proclamation.
Hence, unlike any other newly recognised country such as Eritrea and South Sudan, Somaliland people can commonsensically claim that their country has the right of self-determination for several counts and reason. Moreover, the international law concurs self-determination when people experience problems of injustice, political domination and social alienation. The thirty years of the political union brought no benefit to the people of Somaliland, but conversely disadvantageous and ultimately it occasioned years of humanitarian crisis.
War made most of Somaliland’s children uneducated at the time, whilst many of them lost their lives either on fire of hostility and regime aggression against civilian population, or its consequences – the mass displacement resulted that the vulnerable elderly and children suffer diseases such as cholera, measles, tuberculosis and malnutrition. Nonetheless, in Somalia some political perpetrators still desire to do harm to the people of Somaliland. They are eager because of the increased military assistance from the international community – such a blunder could weaken the peace and stability of the region.
After liberating the country from political subjugation the people of Somaliland admit that they made a big mistake to unite with Somalia. Some blame their fathers and grandparent at the time for making this unnecessary sacrifice for their sovereignty.
In 2001, predominantly people of Somaliland voted a referendum in which 97.7% approved the aspiration of an independent sovereign nation-state. Liberty is again figured in opposition to the internal tyranny of appetites. Yet, the Government in Mogadishu discounted the results of the referendum outcome – and it wants to declare war in order to recommit genocide – a seemingly impossible task as the Somaliland’s defence capability is utmost sounded its sirens.
In other words, the very same people who became victims because of democide and the mass indiscriminate and brutal slaughter of many citizens from their own government are currently in a state of keeping careful watch for any potential danger – unification is the potential danger of today’s Somali societies. The people of Somaliland, completely believe that reunification between the Hargeisa and Mogadishu will further disgrace the political stability and social cohesion of the Somalis.
About the Author Mohamed O. Hagi Mohamoud, Researcher & Political Analyst. is a A professional with extensive experience on political economy and security studies, who has the ability to use a set of interrelated tools in identifying and analysing socioeconomic and political problems of Turkey and the developing world, particularly the East Africa region. An academic fellow and reader with distinguished reputation in research that clearly delineate strategic guidance to the regional security dynamics, who also has the leadership to supervise and advocate policy programmes by identifying viable and sustainable support measures that are economically, politically, ecologically, socially and institutionally require imperative act.
After BA (Hon) and Masters Degree in Politics and International Studies at the University of Warwick, Mohamed is currently working on his PhD in Politics and Philosophy on Turkey’s Strategic Advantage in Sub-Saharan Africa: at Manchester Metropolitan University.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle and it’s staff.
