Chief of Police Must Fire his Disasterous Spokesman and Replace him with a Credible and Calming Voice

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February 27, 2021

The spokesman for Somaliland Police, Mr. Faisal Hiis has been a disaster and is singlehandedly responsible for the harsh and tyrannical image of the Somaliland police.

His latest fiasco of a press conference where he responded to the incident of Miss Hodo Garays, a reporter who spoke out against police brutality and injustice, an incident that was corroborated by eyewitnesses and finally reported that the Chief of Police has personally apologized to her, is that last straw and any honest reform of the police should start with his permanent retirement.

Mr. Hiis was put in charge of the Criminal Investigation Department by the current Chief of Police Brigadier General Mohamed Adan Saqadhi Mohamoud (Dabagale) shortly after his appointment but removed a little over a year and move again to head the Police Training Command. The reason for his removal as the head of the CID is unclear.

Mr. Hiis, who has no legal background has a history of playing prosecutor right from the podium where he is giving press releases, often quoting the wrong articles of law to fit his narrative and in the latest case, he may have jumped the gun to say the least on the sequence of events that led to Hoodo and her mother’s arrest before any thorough investigation was conducted.

Worst, Mr. Hiis has outright threatened the complainant, Miss Hoodo, and the public in general on speaking out against the alleged police brutality. This is simply unacceptable in the Republic of Somaliland, a free and democratic country.

As part of any meaningful reform, restoring the image of the police should start with the removal of Mr. Hiis and bringing in a calming voice as its Spokesperson that relies on accurate information backed by a thorough and credible investigation. An attribute Mr. Hiis lacks.

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Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Why we did it: the Kenyan women and girls who joined Al-Shabaab

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Staff

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February 26, 2021

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Fathima Azmiya Badurdeen, Technical University of Mombasa

The direct involvement of women and girls in terrorism has attracted increased interest as the nature of recruitment tactics has evolved. In Kenya, their involvement in terrorist networks, such as the Al-Shabaab, is an emerging trend. The recruitment of female members is most evident in Kenya’s coastal and North Eastern counties but has also been reported in many other counties.

Women and girls have been identified as recruiters for the terrorist group, logistics planners, financial conduits, spies for terrorist activities and in some cases, masterminds behind terrorist attacks or conveners of terror cells.

The Al-Shabaab, or “the youth”, emerged in the mid-2000s as an offshoot of a Jihadist movement that peaked during Somalia’s civil war in the 1990s. Driven out of Mogadishu in 2006, it continues to pursue its main aim of establishing an Islamic state in Somalia through violent means. It has carried out repeated deadly attacks in Somalia but also in Kenya and Uganda. Both contribute troops to the African Union force in Somalia.

In one of my previous studies, I found that women may participate willingly because the extremist ideology resonates with their religiously inclined cultural values. They may also join due to the financial benefits that come with belonging to or associating with the group. Also, women may be forced or coerced to join through deception or intimidation.

In my most recent study I looked at different ways in which recruitment occurs to analyse the diverse motivations of women and girls to join Al-Shabaab in the coastal region of Kenya. In particular, I sought to establish the “voluntariness” of their decisions – in other words, did they sign up on their own volition?

I interviewed 36 women or girls who had returned home from terrorist camps or defected from the network. I generated 16 case accounts of women and girls who explained ‘voluntariness’ in Al-Shabaab recruitment.

The study revealed that the gender-dynamics of submission and subordination within families and the community contributes to Al-Shabaab recruitment. However, there were political and ideological motivations too.

Volunteering to the Al-Shabaab

But what do we mean by voluntary?

Recruitment was deemed to be voluntary if a woman or girl – without duress – elected to join the Al-Shabaab network. Recruitment was viewed as involuntary if it occurred through deceptive or coercive means.

However, I must caution that voluntary and involuntary are not always mutually exclusive. I found that depending on allegiances, social interactions, ideological resonance, and changing circumstances within and beyond the Al-Shabaab network, recruits may reverse their original views.

Furthermore, there is need to examine different aspects of autonomous decision-making. Some women who join terrorist networks do so to assert themselves within systems of oppression and patriarchy, and to embrace the lure of emancipation within the utopian caliphate.

In my study four main circumstances emerged as the reasons behind decisions to join Al-Shabaab.

Defending the faith

Al-Shabaab thrives on the narrative of Kenya as a Christian state oppressing Muslims in Somalia and Kenya. This resonates with the global marginalisation of Muslims. Political and religious motivations came up during our interviews, as well as the expressed desire to support or defend fellow Muslims.

Two women explained their motivations to be wives of martyrs and to play their role to support the Muslim Ummah, or community. Nine interviewees explained how ideology influenced their decisions to support the Al-Shabaab cause. These decisions belie Kenyan media accounts of naive girls manipulated through romantic notions of Jihadi brides or wives.

Aisha, 25 at the time, an Al-Shabaab returnee who defected after two years said:

I read a lot of materials. I was sad at how Muslims were treated as a second class group. I didn’t want my people to suffer, I needed to do something. I wanted to assist them in Somalia.

Reacting to a personal crisis

Al-Shabaab recruitment thrives on revenge among individuals who see the state as the perpetrator of the injustices suffered in their lives. A crisis event in the life of women and girls – such as the police killing a loved one – was found to be an important tipping point. Some women join extremist networks to avenge the death of a husband, fiancé, or son at the hands of government security actors.

There’s also evidence of recruiters penetrating existing networks of aggrieved women, including relatives of fallen Al-Shabaab members. Peer influence is used to influence or coerce women to follow the relative’s cause.

Close interpersonal relations

Daily interactions with family, friends and peers also shaped the decision to join the network in 9 out of the 16 case studies. A woman’s autonomy in marital relationships may be constrained in ways that push her to follow her husband or other influential male relatives’ lead.

The decision to join is autonomous if it is her choice. Nevertheless, her choice may be coerced within marital and family relationships. This occurs when a woman exhibits excessive deference to the wishes of her family members.

Ideology rubbing off in camps

Some women may have been recruited involuntarily. However, after a prolonged period of time in the terrorist camp or association with terrorist fighters, three of the 16 identified for this study accepted the ideology and subsequently volunteered to join Al-Shabaab.

Mary, a Muslim convert, was recruited by a friend in the guise of a job in Somalia. She was 18 years old when she was recruited in 2015. In camp she was subjected to work and religious indoctrination.

After a few days, I was worn out. I was also learning the religion…I kind of started to accept it. I felt it was right to fight for our [Muslim] freedom. It was like a moral obligation. I wanted to be a part of the Al-Shabaab network.

Conclusion

An examination of the political and ideological motivations behind women joining the Al-Shabaab shows that in some cases, they do make autonomous decisions based on their response to the grievances of the Muslim community.

But other structural and cultural factors were at play such as the patriarchal set-up in families and their communities. Some women’s decision making conformed to subservient attitudes and roles. These women, mainly from the coastal Muslim communities, revealed that they were subject to traditional gender roles, suggesting deference to social norms.

But not all women joining the Al-Shabaab lived lives of subjugation prior joining. Some returnees had good family lives or were happily settled.

Fathima Azmiya Badurdeen, Lecturer, Department of Social Sciences, Technical University of Mombasa

his article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license.

Ethiopia: Eritrean troops’ massacre of hundreds of Axum civilians may amount to crime against humanity

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Staff

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February 26, 2021

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Amnesty International interviewed 41 survivors and witnesses to mass killings in November
Troops carried out extrajudicial executions, indiscriminate shelling and widespread looting
Satellite imagery analysis shows evidence consistent with new burial sites

Eritrean troops fighting in Ethiopia’s Tigray state systematically killed hundreds of unarmed civilians in the northern city of Axum on 28-29 November 2020, opening fire in the streets and conducting house-to-house raids in a massacre that may amount to a crime against humanity, Amnesty International said today in a new report.

Amnesty International spoke to 41 survivors and witnesses – including in-person interviews with recently arrived refugees in eastern Sudan and phone interviews with people in Axum – as well as 20 others with knowledge of the events. They consistently described extrajudicial executions, indiscriminate shelling and widespread looting after Ethiopian and Eritrean troops led an offensive to take control of the city amid the conflict with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) in mid-November.

Satellite imagery analysis by the organization’s Crisis Evidence Lab corroborates reports of indiscriminate shelling and mass looting, as well as identifies signs of new mass burials near two of the city’s churches.

“The evidence is compelling and points to a chilling conclusion. Ethiopian and Eritrean troops carried out multiple war crimes in their offensive to take control of Axum. Above and beyond that, Eritrean troops went on a rampage and systematically killed hundreds of civilians in cold blood, which appears to constitute crimes against humanity,” said Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa.

“This atrocity ranks among the worst documented so far in this conflict. Besides the soaring death toll, Axum’s residents were plunged into days of collective trauma amid violence, mourning and mass burials.”
Deprose Muchena, Amnesty International’s Director for East and Southern Africa
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“This atrocity ranks among the worst documented so far in this conflict. Besides the soaring death toll, Axum’s residents were plunged into days of collective trauma amid violence, mourning and mass burials.”

The mass killings came just before the annual celebration at Axum Tsion Mariam, a major Ethiopian Orthodox Christian festival on 30 November, compounding the trauma by casting a pall over an annual event that typically draws many pilgrims and tourists to the sacred city.

Large-scale military offensive

On 19 November 2020, Ethiopian and Eritrean military forces took control of Axum in a large-scale offensive, killing and displacing civilians with indiscriminate shelling and shooting.

In the nine days that followed, the Eritrean military engaged in widespread looting of civilian property and extrajudicial executions.

Witnesses could easily identify the Eritrean forces. They drove vehicles with Eritrean license plates, wore distinctive camouflage and footwear used by the Eritrean army and spoke Arabic or a dialect of Tigrinya not spoken in Ethiopia. Some bore the ritual facial scars of the Ben Amir, an ethnic group absent from Ethiopia. Finally, some of the soldiers made no secret of their identity; they openly told residents they were Eritrean.

‘All we could see were dead bodies and people crying’

According to witnesses, the Eritrean troops unleashed the worst of the violence on 28-29 November. The onslaught came directly after a small band of pro-TPLF militiamen attacked the soldiers’ base on Mai Koho mountain on the morning of 28 November. The militiamen were armed with rifles and supported by residents brandishing improvised weapons, including sticks, knives and stones.

Sustained gunfire can be heard ringing out across the city in a video recorded early that day from several locations at the bottom of the mountain.

A 22-year-old man who wanted to bring food to the militia told Amnesty International: “The Eritrean soldiers were trained but the young residents didn’t even know how to shoot… a lot of the [local] fighters started running away and dropped their weapons. The Eritrean soldiers came into the city and started killing randomly.”

Survivors and witnesses said Eritrean forces deliberately and wantonly shot at civilians from about 4pm onwards on 28 November.

According to residents, the victims carried no weapons and many were running away from the soldiers when they were shot. One man who hid in an unfinished building said he saw a group of six Eritrean soldiers kill a neighbour with a vehicle-mounted heavy machine-gun on the street near the Mana Hotel: “He was standing. I think he was confused. They were probably around 10 metres from him. They shot him in the head.

”I saw a lot of people dead on the street. Even my uncle’s family. Six of his family members were killed. So many people were killed.”
A 21-year-old male resident of Axum
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A 21-year-old male resident said: “I saw a lot of people dead on the street. Even my uncle’s family. Six of his family members were killed. So many people were killed.”

The killings left Axum’s streets and cobblestone plazas strewn with bodies. One man who had run out of the city returned at night after the shooting stopped. “All we could see on the streets were dead bodies and people crying,” he said.

On 29 November, Eritrean soldiers shot at anyone who tried to move the bodies of those killed.

The soldiers also continued to carry out house-to-house raids, hunting down and killing adult men, as well as some teenage boys and a smaller number of women. One man said he watched through his window and saw six men killed in the street outside his house on 29 November. He said the soldiers lined them up and shot from behind, using a light-machine gun to kill several at a time with a single bullet.

Interviewees named scores of people they knew who were killed, and Amnesty International has collected the names of more than 240 of the victims. The organization has been unable to independently verify the overall death toll, but consistent witness testimonies and corroborating evidence make it plausible that hundreds of residents were killed.

Burying the dead

Most of the burials took place on 30 November, but the process of collecting and burying the bodies lasted several days.

Many residents said they volunteered to move the bodies on carts, in batches of five to 10 at a time; one said he transported 45 bodies. Residents estimate that several hundred people were buried in the aftermath of the massacre, and they attended funerals at several churches where scores were buried. Hundreds were buried at the largest funeral, held at the complex that includes the Arba’etu Ensessa church and the Axum Tsion St Mariam Church.

Amnesty International’s Crisis Evidence Lab geolocated a video showing people carrying a dead man on a stretcher in Da’Ero Ela Plaza (14.129918, 38.717113), towards Arba’etu Ensessa church. High-resolution satellite imagery from 13 December shows disturbed earth consistent with recent graves around the Arba’etu Ensessa and the Abune Aregawi churches.

Intimidation and looting

In the days following the burials, the Eritrean army rounded up hundreds of residents in different parts of the city. They beat some of the men, threatening them with a new round of revenge killings if they resisted.

Axum residents witnessed a surge in the Eritrean army’s looting during this period, targeting stores, public buildings including a hospital, and private homes. Luxury goods and vehicles were widely looted, as well as medication, furniture, household items, food, and drink.

International humanitarian law (the laws of war) prohibits deliberate targeting of civilians, indiscriminate attacks, and pillage (looting). Violations of these rules constitute war crimes. Unlawful killings that form part of a widespread or systematic attack against a civilian population are crimes against humanity.

“As a matter of urgency, there must be a UN-led investigation into the grave violations in Axum. Those suspected of responsibility for war crimes or crimes against humanity must be prosecuted in fair trials and victims and their families must receive full reparation,” said Deprose Muchena.“We repeat our call on the Ethiopian government to grant full and unimpeded access across Tigray for humanitarian, human rights, and media organizations.”

This article is republished from Amnesty International under a Creative Commons license.

Somalia’s Embrace of Counterfeiting puts it in Bad Company

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Staff

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February 21, 2021

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Ali Jama Baqdadi, governor of Somaliland’s central bank, announced last week that an influx of counterfeit dollars had entered Somaliland first from Mogadishu and then via Ethiopia. In a public statement, he assured Somalilanders and those invested in the economy that his top priority would be to intercept the counterfeit notes in order to defend its economy. His public announcement coupled with efforts to block and confiscate the fake notes shows the seriousness of intent.

The flood of counterfeit U.S. dollars into Somaliland is likely not simply a get-rich-quick scheme; rather it appears to be “grey zone” warfare, that is, aggression launched by one state against another meant to derive advantage without crossing the threshold into war.

This is consistent with former Somali President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo’s general strategy: As Farmaajo’s political and economic stewardship failed and Somalia’s security situation worsened, he sought to distract his constituents with appeals to nationalism. Instead of seeking to lift Somalia up to Somaliland’s level of peace, security, and democracy, however, Farmaajo worked to undermine Somaliland’s success. After the international community returned control over Somali air space—including that of Somaliland—to Mogadishu, for example, Farmaajo weaponized it in order to increase Somaliland’s isolation. Farmaajo and Fahad Yasin, his intelligence chief and bankroller, encouraged Abdiweli Gaas, already Puntland’s most anti- Somaliland president, to provoke border conflict with Somaliland in order to rally Somalis around the flag. Farmaajo diverted millions of dollars in aid and development money to fund a troll army to whip up anti-Somaliland sentiment online and in the Somali press.

Somaliland may not be wealthy, but both its management of scarce resources and fiscal conservatism enables business to thrive relative to its neighbors. Its fiscal success also has national security implications: Local support for Puntland’s claims to Sool and Sanaag hemorrhaged, after unrestrained printing of the Somali shilling caused Somalia’s currency to depreciate while the Somaliland’s remained stable.

Somaliland’s success is shaky, however. Lack of international recognition hobbles international finance and investment. Somaliland’s small budget and lack of foreign reserves restricts its maneuverability to shore up its currency when it is under attack.

Farmaajo and Fahad Yasin may think themselves clever for what appears to be their latest attack on Somaliland. They are wrong, however: Should foreign diplomats and intelligence services conclude their administration was behind the counterfeit dollars, they risk not only American ire but also putting Somalia in the same category as North Korea, Iran, and Hezbollah.

On October 2, 2004, after a 15-year Secret Service investigation into counterfeiting, U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Secret Service agents raided a Panamanian ship as it arrived in Newark, New Jersey from Yantai, China. On board they found nearly $300,000 in near perfect counterfeit $100 bills. It was the first of several seizures totaling $4 million dollars, less than one-tenth of what the Treasury Department suspected had entered circulation. An investigation proved the notes’ origin to be North Korea. This in turn led the U.S. Treasury Department to sanction Banco Delta Asia, a Macao-based bank, with close ties to the North Korean regime. At the time, U.S. officials privately said that governments long considered counterfeiting an “act of war.” In 1939, for example, Nazi Germany launched Operation Bernhard to counterfeit British bank notes in order to undermine the British pound as a reserve currency. The Bush administration believed Pyongyang’s attempt to undermine trust in the dollar was a “threat to the American people.” While Farmaajo and international officials have celebrated debt forgiveness and the ability of Somalia to solicit new loans, Somali involvement in the latest counterfeiting scheme could lead to sanctions on Somali financial institutions and government officials and risk Mogadishu’s ability to access foreign capital.

The United States has also repeatedly accused Iran of counterfeiting dollars. In 2010, for example, Iranian agents flooded Iraq with counterfeit dollars in order to bolster the electoral prospects for Tehran’s proxies. In the end, however, Iran’s actions only antagonized the Iraqi government and business community across Iraq’s ethnic and sectarian spectrum. More recently, an influx of counterfeit dollars from Iran temporarily paralyzed Afghanistan’s banking sector. In 2018, the U.S. Treasury Department found Iran was engaged in systematic efforts to undermine the international financial system.”

Iran has also provided its Lebanese proxy Hezbollah with both counterfeit U.S. dollars and the ability to print more. Here too Farmaajo and Fahad Yasin may have miscalculated: The United States and Europe target Hezbollah counterfeiting with alacrity because the group uses its dollars to fund terror, often against Western targets. Farmaajo’s regime may think they have engaged in a cost-free strategy to harass and undermine Somaliland, but if investigations show al-Shabaab utilized diverted counterfeit bills in order to fund terrorism against Western targets, or AMISOM members like Kenya, Uganda, or Burundi, both Farmaajo and Fahad Yasin could easily find themselves personally sanctioned or designated for terror finance.

Somalilanders should applaud Ali Jama Baqdadi for his fast response to counter the influx of counterfeit notes. He may have protected the integrity of Somaliland’s economy, but for Treasury officials in Washington and intelligence officials worldwide, the investigation is only just beginning. If Farmaajo is in anyway involved, he may find his recent political troubles only the tip of the iceberg.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed US Navy and Marine units.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

United States Navy Seized Illicit Weapons Off the Coast of Somalia

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Staff

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February 16, 2021

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United States Defense Department announced that the guided-missile destroyer USS Winston S. Churchill have intercepted and seized a large shipment of weapons aboard two dhows during maritime security operations in the Indian Ocean off the coast of Somalia on February 12th.

According to news published by the Defense Visual Information Distribution Service, the seized weapons consist of consisted of thousands of AK-47 assault rifles, light machine guns, heavy sniper rifles, rocket-propelled grenade launchers, and crew-served weapons. Other weapon components included barrels, stocks, optical scopes, and other weapon systems.

“We are proud of the combined efforts of the AIT and Churchill crew members for executing dynamic and demanding boardings,” said Lt. Travis Dopp, Assistant Advanced Interdiction Team Leader aboard Churchill, and added, “We are proud to have a positive impact on the safety and security of coalition forces by interdicting shipments of lethal aid.”. According to the US military, the source of the weapons and their intended recipients is currently unknown.

Somalia is in a tense political period where the incumbent President, Mr. Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo’s term has ended in February and so far no date has been set for elections due to disagreement between the Federal Government and member states. Jubbaland, Puntland member states and the opposition candidates have stated that they no longer recognize Mr. Farmajo as President.

Somali President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo with Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and President of Eritrea Mr. Asias Afwerki

Efforts by the international community to broker a deal between the parties have failed. So far, the Federal Government has insisted through various spokesmen that it is still legitimate despite its mandate ending on February 8th.

It is unclear if the seized weapons belong to various factions facing off in Somalia or possibly the Al-Shabaab terror network which has been resurgent due to the political turmoil in Somalia.

Statement by the Somaliland National Electoral Commission (NEC) on Somaliland’s forthcoming Parliamentary and Local Council Elections in May 2021

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Staff

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February 10, 2021

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The Somaliland National Electoral Commission welcomes the official announcement by the president that Somaliland’s local and parliamentary elections will take place on the 31^st of May 2021, thereby reaffirming Somaliland’s longstanding commitment to the democratic processes and ideals espoused on our inception three decades ago. As highlighted in today’s joint statement by our international partners, these forthcoming elections indeed present the perfect opportunity to showcase Somaliland’s democratic credentials evidenced by previous local and presidential elections in years gone by.

This auspicious occasion also provides the framework through which many of the processes to be adopted on the 31^st of May can be employed in local and national elections at all levels in the future. Whilst the NEC expresses its debt of gratitude to our international partners, it should be noted that achievement of our democratic aims are facilitated through the support and cooperation of Somaliland’s three main political parties who have set aside any political differences in order to guarantee that these elections take place without interruption or postponement. It of course goes without saying that the NEC also wishes to express our appreciation towards the government of Somaliland that continues to provide the framework in which electoral candidates, voters, and media outlets can all operate freely, with no concerns around safety, security, or freedom of expression.

We welcome the international community’s acknowledgment of the NEC’s endeavours in overseeing the successful completion of voter registration between 29th November 2020 and 13th January 2021. This commendation undoubtedly takes note of the NEC’s tireless efforts to guarantee that full voter participation.

The NEC is currently in the process of ensuring the integrity of the up-to-date voter database by combining previous records from 2016 to include newly registered constituents eligible to vote for the first time in 2021. This will confirm that there is no duplication of constituents and that any attempt to do so precludes participation in the overall electoral process.

As part of the above-mentioned efforts, the NEC has also announced that all regions and voting districts will be set up by early-March whereby individual voter registration cards will be distributed subject to confirmation of constituents’ identity. This will be done through various technological tools generously provided by our international partners.

In tandem with technological support, financial and technical assistance on the ground have both been generously provided by the international community and this is evidenced most recently by way of the basket fund by the EU, Sweden and the UK. Some of those funds have already been used for the recent and ongoing voter registration process, there is also additional financial support in the pipeline from the international community. In addition, we cite previously examples of support extended to the NEC by the UK through the provision of voter registration and iris scan software licensing was a key element of the digitalisation process that will safeguard election integrity. Such examples thereby underpin the international community’s longstanding support and commitment to coordinated efforts towards democratisation in Somaliland.

In summary, the NEC recognises this unique opportunity for Somaliland to reinforce its commitment to democratic principles and will continue to work tirelessly with all local, national, international, and non-governmental bodies to ensure that the upcoming elections are seamless and that outcomes are free, fair, and fully transparent and meet international and regional standards.

Somaliland National Electoral Commission

Hargeisa, Somaliland

10^th Feb 2021

Murky Water: How the New $50 Water Meter is Connected to President Bihi’s Son

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Staff

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February 10, 2021

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On January 28th, Hargeisa Water Agency sent its customers a notice informing them that it will be deploying new smart meters and that the customers are responsible for 50 US dollars cost. In addition, the notice urged the public to replace their current meters in three months.

According to Mr. Ahmed Daud, a businessman with direct knowledge of the matter, the contract to supply the new 50 US dollar water meter recently mandated by Hargeisa Water Meter is awarded to a group connected to President Muse Bihi Abdi’s eldest son, Mr. Mohamed Muse Bihi. He added that the meter itself would cost the supplier 18 US dollars and the proposed resale price was agreed to be around 20 US dollars.

Mr. Daud stated that he initially proposed the idea of smart meters usage by Hargeisa Water Agency to the President’s son, who he described as a close friend, in early 2019 and had a falling out with him after Mr. Bihi suggested the price of the water meter should be much higher than the initially agreed-upon $20.

The increase of 150%, an amount that is much more than initially agreed upon and far exceeds what the public can afford. According to a statement from the opposition party of Waddani, the new water meter could net 1.5 million US dollars from the current estimated 30,000 customers of Hargeisa Water Agency.

Despite its exorbitant price tag, there are major issues that need to be solved before the smart meter could be deployed due to the lack of basic filtration at the water reservoirs that sends silt and other debris downrange that may affect its operation and that water pressure is needed to make the small electromagnetic motor function to allow the water meter to send billing and other data to a central management system that is part of the contract, other sources add.

Smart meters for utilities are becoming a norm in many developed countries where the meters are owned by utility companies. Currently, if a water meter malfunctions the customer is responsible for purchasing a replacement. It is unclear if customers will be required to purchase a new 50 water meter or if the Hargeisa Water Agency will provide a warranty to replace or repair the delicate new meters.

The President’s eldest son Mr. Mohamed Muse Bihi is a physician by trade who studied in China and is said to be fluent in Mandarin. Unconfirmed reports indicate that he is involved in many projects with Chinese businesses including Singapore New Silk Somaliland Energy CO LTD, the oil refinery project that was unveiled in February 2019.

The project included a training component where 400 National Service graduates would be sent to China to prepare them for running the refinery but sources indicate that it was in fact an advanced payment scam that has cost him and his partners millions of US dollars.

Although there have been many unconfirmed reports that the President’s son may be involved in many projects, Somaliland Constitution does not prohibit him from engaging in private business or bidding on government contracts, but in the case of Somaliland where many government officials will instinctively award a contract to someone with a close connection to the Presidency to ingratiate themselves to the President is the norm and other forms of corruption such as conflict of interest and self-dealing and abuse of power have been prevalent, Bihi junior’s involvement in the new water meter raises the specter of corruption to a new level.

Sources from the National Tender Board who spoke on the condition of anonymity stated that they have no recollection of a bid for new water meters for Hargeisa Water Agency and only found out about the new meter via social media.

Repeated efforts to reach Mr. Mohamed Muse Bihi, the Hargeisa Water Agency Manager Mr. Mohamed Darod, the Minister of Water Development Hon. Diriye have been unsuccessful.

Reflections on Hadrawi’s Masterpiece Poem: Indho-Badan.

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Staff

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February 5, 2021

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Somali literature is teeming with a valuable record of poems, traditional descriptive narrations, proverbs, and axioms detailing the vital role women play in all aspects of life. In this regard, Mohamed I Warsame alias “Hadraawi” is the most prominent Somali poet and educationist who contributed the most precious, most heartfelt, and enduring literature about women and for women; without much contest.

Hadraawi, a former professor of literature at the National Somali Univerisity, a songwriter, historian, and thinker, can be deservedly appointed to be Somali women’s spokesperson: the champion of their rights, and the defender of their status, and wellbeing in society. At any stage of their journey in life, at every situation they are passing through and with whatever experience they are having, he stood by them and took their side: dispensed priceless advice and contributed moral lessons for decent and dignified lives. He is a man who never shies away from confronting the conventional norms by adopting the instruments of active persuasion while dissecting the misfortunes, sins, and violations men inflicted and continue to exact on women

Indho-Badan epic is a marvellous example of such courage, eloquence, and style. Hadrawi starts the poem with several verses that could take numerous equally ambiguous interpretations as he usually does with his poems’ prologue; he always calls upon readers to bother themselves and deliberate on the meaning, purpose and message behind his polemics. For me, the introductory stanza carries a nostalgic historical memory of a time women had the upper arm. Hadrawi’s reminiscing about Araweelo’s era can be subtly discerned from the verses; nevertheless, he wonders whether the subjugation women face today resulted from a longstanding vendetta instigated by bygone transgressions committed against men by the legendary queen while she appropriated the authorities of a betrayed king. Such hypothetical question seeks to answer the mind-boggling “why” behind the ruthless aggression women currently endure.

Hadrawi, then, proceeds to remind us of the volatile reality of our existence on this world; he draws our attention to the inevitability of change by drawing examples from our natural habitat in an attempt to capture the astonishing simplicity of changing tides and how they can sweep our fate into unpredictable fortunes. “Ban aroori kaxaa- Mar ugbaadku sima. Meel aboor degey ba. Mar iftiin ka baxa.. Gole aammus badna.. Mar mar baa idhi taa.. Anda-qaad ku bataa.” In this few verses, he rejoices how an arid, dry and deserted prairie, sometimes flourishes with abundant flowers and greenery; how a site infested by termites buzzes afterwards with life; and how a council gloomily succumbed to silence for a long time, suddenly revives with boastful chatter.

Ubah, a young orphaned girl, has been living in abject deprivation for many years: hungry and malnourished, unadorned and dishevelled, thirsty and dehydrated, uneducated and her future neglected. As human conditions seldomly forever last, the time has turned to her favour, and she has grown into young belle: beautiful, meticulous and warm. Surprisingly, she is is getting unwarranted attention from men who were recently oblivious to her very existence, not because, at last, a spell of compassion engulfed them, but because their lustful urges led them on a leash like a camel hurriedly en route to a waterhole. Everyone wants to reach her first, to win the trophy, to shriek on her agony when he slaughters her soul and her dignity; when he disgustingly defiles her innocence.

Hadrawi had been following the girl’s saga from the beginning; observing her every step, notwithstanding the lavish affection being sprinkled upon the damsel and her credulous gullibility, he sensed danger; therefore, he had to intervene. Engulfed by emotional rage, he composed one of his most impassioned poems in which he took sorts of men to a harsh public court without clemency: the Indha-Badan tercet interspersed with examples from real-life scenarios and brilliant logical deductions.

Hadraawi directed the arrows of censure and condemnation at men and their irresponsible delinquencies, their lustful chase behind instant lewd pleasures regardless of the everlasting devastation and pain their profane actions leave behind “Naca jooji arbow.. Eela weynta hambee.. Ayaxow ayaxow.. Ayaxow weligaa.. Ayda waad dhilataa.. Eelna waad ka tagtaa.. Aafadaada miyaa.. Aagna looga gudbayn?”

He draws a profound analogy of man’s sex-driven coursing to that of swarms of hungry locust. Locust, hastily consumes large fields of cultivated land with the slightest concern of the consequences, and indeed, without quenching its greed; in parallel to that, men, with their uninhibited debauchery erode compassion, empathy and caring out of the wounded hearts of those girls they led astray with their lechery. He exclaims; how a man who wickedly desecrated a dozen girls’ prime beauty can, yet brazenly, desire a flawless chaste bride?.

Hadraawi takes Ubah’s memory back to the days of her invisible childhood when she was lonely, bereaved, deprived of childhood enjoyment, hungry for, cold, and needed support and care; why hadn’t they dispense before a snippet of the attention these raunchy camels showering on her. Hadraawi counts many ways they could have helped her overcome her parents’ loss and build a bright, productive life. They missed all those opportunities to better your life because you were not appealing to their deviant motives; you were not ripe enough to satisfy their animalistic concupiscence “Abeer baanad ahayn. Oogadaan ku billayn…Awrtan qooqday haddeer..Abaar ba kulanteen”. In a fatherly manner, the poet stresses that she owes nothing to them; hence, she must be very doubtful about their fervent advances towards her and be careful about their plans.

Written with the usual beautiful melodic lyrics characteristic of Hadraawi, the poem dispenses an invaluable lesson about the treacherous deceptions men use to prey on unsuspecting young women. It unapologetically delves into the always unspoken taboo of malign courtship by exposing the multifaceted honeytraps some morally dry men employ to entice women to let go of their guard and surrender their dignity.

To confirm that his advice has produced the expected outcome and not to leave misinterpretation a room in his message; the poet poses a rhetorically educational question “rag miyaad Ubaxeey alabkiisa taqaan?”. Ooh Ubah, do you know the tricks of men?

His response comes with a stomach-churning depiction of utmost cruelty and a frightening absence of a living conscience from some self-absorbed men “Asaydaada mar buu Ashqaraar huwiyaa.. Al-alooska gobeed.. Waa ka aar gudashoo” Sometimes, in pursuit of their masochistic pleasures, they throw an adorned garnish on your coffin. The compliments, gifts, and exaggerated courtship, are nothing but a prelude to an old and renewed bitter revenge that men cover with a silk embellishment. It is a plot to steal your most precious and dearest possessions: they steal your innocence, your femininity, your dignity، your humanity, your independence, your peace of mind, and the purity of your soul.

Oh Ubah, hyenas do not shed tears with their prey the moment they implant their fangs in their ribs “Lama ooyo dhurwaa.. Ishinkuu legdadee”. Likewise, men do not sympathise with the girl they robbed her innocence. Her misfortune signifies a victory for their cunning and deceit; her tears are nothing but a moment of pride and ecstasy overwhelming them with happiness and self-admiration “Gabadh iilatay hooy.. Ayaanteeda madow.. Alwadkeedu ninkuu..Alalaas geliyaa.. Uur ku taallada wuu.. Wuu ka iidsanyahoo”

After that frightening warning, perhaps to further confront her with the harsh reality, he holds her hand to make her witness for herself some of those who did slip into the snare. Knock this door, says the poet, how many groans, wailings and feelings of panic are coming from behind it. In this room, a new mother has sadness, remorse, and frustration clouded her soul; Bitterness filled her heart because dogs just devoured her newborn “Ba albaabkan garaac..Ummul baa hurudee,..Wax ku oogan xanuun..Aamanuun gubayoo..Umal baa shidayoo..Ammuurii dhacay bay..La asqaysantahoo.. Ilmahay dihataa xalay eydu cuntee”.What happened to the mother’s mercy and tenderness? All disappeared when a grave injustice is inflicted upon her.

Here, the poem emphasises one fundamental fact; the eternal relationship between the fair and dignified treatment a woman receives from her espouse, her family and the society and the empathy, compassion and care she showers upon his offspring. It asserts that a mother’s mercifulness emanates from the modest righteous manner through which her womanhood is legitimately owned “Naxariista Illayn.. Anshax baa dhaliyee”. The pride and honour she feels when she is proposed to and graciously wedded are transmitted to her offspring in the form of kindness and love.

Sexual liberalism is a hallmark of the modern feminist’s idealogy to the extent that some extremists among their ranks fight for altogether abolishing traditional norms and religious morals and call for the adoption of a hedonistic approach to human intimacy and intercourse through personal choices; Hadrawi considers sex outside legitimate wedlock, a violation of a woman’s honour and deep dent into her self-respect.

She, alone, bears the brunt of the worst humiliation and disgrace; even though two are responsible for the despicable act, only she, is blamed for the disappointing outcome. she receives a painful rejection and shame for her entire entity, not just for the sin that could be atoned by sincere contrition. Subsequently, her kind, motherly heart is filled with rage, despair, and resentment that impels her to ditch her baby for the wild dogs “Haddii uurka habreed.. Astaan gaara lahaa..Hooyadii amranayd..Arxan goysey markuu.. Xeer illow ku dhacoo.. Ubadkii magantaa.. Haadku eeganayaa“.

Finally, Hadraawi issues a red alert for the girls at the age of Ubah; warning them about playfulness, vainly seeking men’s attention, and being cheaply attainable. He emplores with them to be vigilant and to tread cautiously when approached by men. He emphatically reiterates his previous beastly depiction of men “Ubaxeey bahalaa.. Ku ilaashanayoo..Ubaxeey hororaa..Ku ugaadhsanayoo..Araraa kugu dhow..Orgobaa fadhiyoo” Ow Ubah, brutes are hovering around you, watching; degenerates are hunting you. Around your vicinities, monsters are lurking waiting to pounce upon you in a moment of indiscretion. All are anticipating you to slip and let go of your guard, so don’t be like a mute mule that a hungry savage can quickly gorge. Men are only turned away by a thick injurious stick; hence, it is your adoration, if you keep your gems save even from me “Rag ul baa celisoo..Ka adkayso qudhay.. Amaantaadu tahee.”

Hardaawi’s objective was not to drive a wedge between men and women nor to masculate women at their partners’ expense; he aimed to awaken our consciousness to a vital prerequisite for creating a healthy, well-balanced civilised society: the position of women, whether they are old and frail, young and vulnerable or mature and strong is what he intended to define. His outlook into the issue emanates from a traditionalist perspective blended with simple religious moralism. Education of girls stands out as the most important tool a society can adopt to uplift and empower the soft sex. Hence, Hadrawi emphatically mentions education repeatedly in this poem
“Alif waa derejee.. Aqoon may ku geshaan.. Erey may ku faraan.. Loo adeegsado meel.. Aayahaaga hor yiil.. May ammaan ka dhigaan”. That tool is still valid for the purported goal and although we have come a long way since this poem came to life, yet young girls are lagging behind their male peers in the numbers enrolled in schools every year. Such sad reality makes it imperative for us to transform Hadrawi’s message into guiding principles for re-balancing our society to prevent opportunism for hitchhiking a critical national matter.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Dr. Abdikarim D Hassan is a medical doctor and a freelance writer who writes about social issues.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.

Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

No Deal – United Nations and Somaliland to Continue Negotiating Cooperation Framework

By

Staff

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February 3, 2021

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The government of Somaliland and the Head of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Somalia and the Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General to Somalia Mr. James Swan have not reached an agreement on the cooperation framework between Somaliland and the United Nations.

This is according to a brief statement released by the Somaliland Presidency following a meeting between the President of the Republic of Somaliland H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi and the delegation led by Mr. James Swan, the two sides have agreed to continue the discussions on Somaliland and the UN cooperation framework.

Somaliland government have set forth stringent conditions on cooperation between the United Nations and international organizations that essentially demanded that Somaliland be treated as a separate entity from Somalia and as a result has halted all preparatory work related to the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNCF) agreement signed by the United Nations and the Federal Government of Somalia.

“The Republic of Somaliland has never been part of the federal system and has not had formal communications for three decades with Somalia. The UN is expected to engage with the Government of Somaliland as a separate entity while respecting its territorial integrity and right for self-determination.” said the 7-page document sent to the United Nations.

In remarks after meeting with #Somaliland’s President @musebiihi in #Hargeisa today, @UN envoy James Swan highlighted the world body’s support for the people of Somaliland, and welcomed the upcoming parliamentary and local council #elections: all partners “look forward to these.” pic.twitter.com/yfIZRqIJnT
— UNSOM (@UNSomalia) February 3, 2021

Prior to his visit to Somaliland, Mr. Swan has been to Somalia’s regional capitals of Kismayo, Jawhar, and Garowe where he met Somali Federal Member State presidents regarding the disputed elections in Somalia.

The statement from the Somaliland Presidency also stated that Mr. Swan has congratulated the government of Somaliland, the political parties, and the public on their concerted effort to hold parliamentary and local elections. Mr. Swan has in the past discussed Somaliland’s elections in the context of Somalia, an action that the Somaliland government has strongly condemned.

SRSG Swan’s glowing commendation of Somaliland’s election effort is a rigid dichotomy to his support of Villa Somalia and few Somaliland natives to hold a selection in Mogadishu and claim to represent the entire population of Somaliland. It is unclear if any of these points were raised with Mr. Swan by President Bihi during their meeting.

Hargeisa Water Agency Stuns Customers with Mandate of a New $50 Water Meter

By

Staff

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January 30, 2021

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In a letter to its customers, Hargeisa Water Agency informed its customers that it has acquired new meters with new features that will benefit its customers. The letter informs customers that the new meters cost 50 US dollars and will be charged to the customers.

The letter states that the new meters will remove the guessing out of meter reading and that it will eliminates Water Agency staff’s need to access customer homes because the new meters can be read remotely and the new meter will provide accurate reading under any condition.

It is unclear what the Water Agency meant by guessed or estimated meter reading and if the customers have been overcharged in the past for water usage as a result of the inaccuracy of the meter reading by its staff and if customers will be reimbursed overcharges.

Although the letter is short on specifics regarding the new water meter and why the Water Agency is supplying it, the remote meter reading implies a smart meter possibly an Internet of Things, a technical capability Hargeisa Water Agency currently lacks. In the past, many government functions have been outsourced to third parties with ties to government officials. This includes land records management of Hargeisa Municipality to GEOSOL.

Mr. Hamse Khaire an opposition political activist who fiercely opposed an effort by the Ministry of Agricultural Development and a Chinese company to plant Castor plant in Tog Wajale and a candidate running for Parliament wrote “The job of the Water Agency is not to sell water meters instead; it should bring water to Hargeisa. After decades of water expansion projects, Hargeisa is still without water”.

Water availability has been sparse for Hargeisa residents for decades and the few that have access to the Water Agency’s services already own meters they have already purchased. Tens of millions have been spent on water expansion projects by donors for Hargeisa for the past decades. The current expansion project is funded by the German bank KfW.

Hargeisa Water Agency and the Ministry of Water Development have declined to comment on the new meter.

Investigative Reports

Volunteering to the Al-Shabaab

Conclusion

Large-scale military offensive

‘All we could see were dead bodies and people crying’

Burying the dead

Intimidation and looting

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