Investigative Reports

Security Reform vs. Security Risk: Weighing the Implications of Somaliland’s Military Biometric System

Key Points Somaliland's biometric registration of security personnel aims to...

The Diplomacy of Gullibility: How Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry Keeps Falling for International Fraudsters

In what has become a familiar scene in Somaliland's...

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...
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Somaliland Minister of Foreign Affairs Arrives in the United States for Official Visit

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A delegation led by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Dr. Essa Kayd has arrived in the United States on an official visit. According to a statement by the Ministry and Somaliland’s Representative Office, Dr. Kayd is accompanied by Dr. Edna Adan and will meet with various United States government officials.

Under President Bihi, Somaliland has been on overdrive in its quest for international recognition and its profile has been on the rise internationally and in the United States following its successful parliamentary and local elections and has received tacit support for its case for recognition from current and former government officials.

Dr. Kayd, a US-educated neurologist has been appointed to the post of Foreign Minister by President Bihi on September 2nd, is on his first official visit to the United States.

Drowning in Red Ink – President Bihi’s Government lied about the size of Debt inherited from His Predecessor

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According to Somaliland government records examined by the Somaliland Chronicle, President Bihi’s government has inherited a sizeable debt from the previous administration of President Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo and that officials from both administrations have publicly sought to downplay and at times outright lie about the size and gravity of the national debt.

Records show that some of the debt was incurred at the tail end of President Siilanyo’s term with a Presidential decree signed by the former President instructing the Minister of Finance at the time Ms. Samsam Abdi to include the borrowed funds in the 2018 budget. Some of the debt holders are banking and telecom giants of Dahabshiil, Telesom, and the parent company of Somcable MSG.

Publicly, however, the current Minister of Finance Development, Dr. Saad Ali Shire, and his predecessor Ms. Samsam Abdi have vehemently disputed the facts surrounding the debt President Bihi’s government has inherited.

In addition to the debt inherited from President Silanyo’s government, records show that President Bihi has borrowed millions from MSG owned by Mr. Mohamed Said Guedi.

Mr. Mohamed Said Guedi

Although records do not have enough detail to determine the nature of the debt and how it was used, it includes a massive 90,000 US dollar electric bill by the Ministry of Interior. The Minister of Interior has pleaded with the Finance Ministry for swift settlement of the bill to avoid disruption of service to the nation’s vital records systems housed at the Ministry of Interior.

Soon after taking the helm, President Bihi has re-nationalized and withdrew from multiple lucrative contracts that have been awarded by his predecessor to well-connected private parties to operate public services including managing the Berbera Oil Terminal and motor vehicle records administration. Records show that negotiated settlements with these private operators have added to the already burgeoning national debt.

It is unclear if the debt passed on by the previous government of President Ahmed Mahamoud Silanyo and the subsequent borrowing of President Bihi has gone through the proper legal channels, if the newly elected parliament will look into it or how it affects the government’s ability to regulate Dahabshil and Telesom—Somaliland’s largest banks and telecom operators—while it owes them huge sums of money.

Government officials did not respond to repeated requests for clarification on the size and nature of the national debt passed on by the previous government or how much exactly President Bihi’s government has borrowed since taking office.

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The Future of Somaliland’s Recognition

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by Max Webb

Thirty years after declaring its independence from Somalia, the Republic of Somaliland seems to be strategically positioning itself to make a strong push for international recognition. Though it checks nearly every box for statehood, its pursuit of independence has been largely ignored, leaving the region stable, but isolated and without a voice in international forums and debates. Now, it is combining its track record of self-governance and democratic consolidation with a more shrewd and strategic foreign policy that capitalizes on the geopolitical rivalries that are roiling the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea region. Whether it will ultimately be successful yet to be seen, but with a strong case, powerful new friends, and a neighborhood in turmoil, its chances appear to be improving significantly.

Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in May 1991, and has now existed as a self-declared independent state for longer than its opted union with Somalia. Multiple generations of Somalilanders now know nothing different than an independent Somaliland. Their sense of national identity is steadfast and deep-seated and the goal of realizing de jure sovereignty is stronger than ever. Even if independence remains unrecognized, the possibility of reunification with Somalia is extremely unlikely. Thus, this year’s May anniversary of the dissolution of the union with Somalia serves as an important moment that reignites Somaliland’s independence struggle, and the validity of its cause, on an international level. 

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Flag of the Republic of Somaliland, which remains largely unrecognized despite its relative stability.

Somalilanders also point to their record of democratic progress as further basis for separation from politically unstable Somalia. Since the ratification of Somaliland’s constitution in 2001, there have been eight successful elections ranging from the municipal level to the presidential level. Parliamentary elections have been more problematic, with polls in the Lower House postponed for over a decade because of disagreements over the composition of the electoral commission. After years of delays, Somaliland’s democracy was in need of a reboot— something to reinvigorate its young population and political systems. This year, Somalilanders did just that, restoring credibility to democratic institutions and bringing in a new generation of Somaliland leaders. Not long after independence day celebrations, long-delayed parliamentary elections were held, in a process widely praised by African and other international observers as free, fair, and credible. Moreover, the two opposition parties, Waddani and UCID, together won the majority of seats, marking a power shift away from the ruling Kulmiye party. While a political shift of this character might have sparked conflict in some of Somaliland’s neighbors, this development was marked by peace and calm as the new government assumes power. The success of the recent election sits in stark contrast to Somalia, which has found itself in the midst of an election crisis in recent months that ultimately led to violent clashes between clan militias and security forces in the streets of Mogadishu.

Map of the political situation in Somalia and Somaliland.

Alongside these internal political developments, Somaliland is pursuing a more strategic foreign policy, building economic and political alliances with more powerful players that may eventually support its case for international recognition. Over the past several years, Somaliland has found itself in the midst of a whirlwind of geopolitical activity that has brought it into contact with both regional and great powers. Its relative stability and physical location at the epicenter of the greater Red Sea arena has made it an asset to many. It has found itself strategically placed in the middle of major international rivalries–such as the Persian Gulf conflict, the rivalry between China and Taiwan, and regional conflicts between Kenya and Somalia and Ethiopia and Egypt—and it has used those rivalries to further its own foreign policy agenda. Somaliland has seen unparalleled economic engagement from the UAE, with Dubai-based developer DP World investing $442 million into the port of Berbera, Somaliland’s commercial center on the Gulf of Aden.

Chairman and CEO  of DP World Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem (right) shakes hands to finalize the investment of $442 million into developing the port of Berbera. Source: The National

Militarily, Somaliland has been approached by former adversaries, such as Egypt, and global powerhouses, such as Russia and China, about the establishment of bases along its coastline. Diplomatically, Somaliland has established formal relations with Taiwan, which only has one other friend in Africa (Eswatini), while rejecting support for China, a bold move for an unrecognized entity seeking support in the international community. Somaliland has also strengthened relations with Kenya, and aggressively expanded its ties with other nations across sub-Saharan Africa. While doing all of this, Somaliland has demonstrated a degree of agency never seen before in its foreign policy, leveraging the power it poses to make meaningful strides towards its goal of recognition and independence. Somaliland’s choices indicate strategic depth and maturity in its foreign policy. For a polity of its status, Somaliland has become a player in regional developments.

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Foreign ministers of Taiwan and Somaliland met to establish representative offices in Taipei and Hargeisa. Source: Taiwan Ministry of Foreign Affairs

These positive developments are not to say that Somaliland is without problems. There are currently no women in the parliament, freedom of speech and freedom of the press have seen significant setbacks, and minorities still struggle for proper representation. Furthermore, there is a long-standing border dispute with the neighboring Puntland region of Somalia, drought and locusts have plagued the countryside, and Somaliland remains very poor and underdeveloped. Somalia is unlikely to agree to a full split, and the African Union and broader international community are still hesitant to fully engage with the question of Somaliland independence. The sanctity of established borders and the fear of a proliferation of secession demands by aggrieved regions and communities remain formidable obstacles to Somaliland’s ambitions for full sovereignty.

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Map of Somaliland’s Foreign Relations. Source: Onero Institute, based on a map by Siirski

Nevertheless, Somaliland’s recent democratic successes, significant independence milestones, and dramatically increased international presence mark a paradigm shift for the proto-state as it seeks to gain attention for its independence cause around the world. In a region marred by conflict in Ethiopia, Somalia, South Sudan and Yemen, Somaliland stands out as a relatively peaceful and stable country, whose cause it is hard not to be sympathetic to. From the countless conversations I have had with Somaliland citizens and officials, this air of optimism for their future is alive and well. Somaliland is no longer just a blip on the radar of the international community, but rather a geopolitical vessel, growing in might, and making waves in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea arenas. Change is afoot for this self-declared republic; keep your eye on Somaliland.

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The DP World Berbera New Port will serve as a cornerstone of Somaliland’s economic growth and is symbolic of the cautious optimism of things to come. Source DP World

Acknowledgments

So many people were critical to my research on Somaliland this year. I’d like to specifically thank the Honorable Bashir Goth, the Honorable Mohammed Yonis, and Mr. Nicholas Hasko for their guidance, support, and regional insight as I dove into the depths of Somaliland politics. I’d also like to thank Jennifer Cooke, Director of the Institute for African Studies at GW and my thesis mentor, for her hands-on and personal mentorship, guidance, support, and friendship as I conducted my thesis research. She was critical in helping me complete my research, and I am very thankful for her.

About the Author

Originally from Dallas, Max Webb graduated from The George Washington University in May of 2021 with a BA in International Affairs with a dual concentration in Conflict Resolution and International Development as well as a regional focus on the Middle East and the Horn of Africa. During his time in college, Max studied and wrote extensively on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as well as conflict in the greater Somali region of the Horn. He has previously served as an intern for the project on Arab-Israeli relations at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, the diplomatic intern for the Kurdistan Regional Government representative office in DC, a research intern at Antioquia Presente in Medellín, Colombia, and a research aid at Reut in Tel Aviv. Currently, Max serves as the National Organizing Fellow for New York based policy group, Israel Policy Forum.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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 Taiwan Demonstration Farm in Somaliland opens

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News Release

His Excellency Ambassador Allen Chenhwa Lou, Taiwan Representative in the Republic of Somaliland, and Hon. Mohamed Haji Osman, Minister of Agricultural Development of the Republic of Somaliland, co-hosts the opening ceremony of the Demonstration Farm in Agamse, Arabsiyo on 4th October 2021.

The Demonstration Farm is the “fruit” of the joint efforts of the Taiwan Technical Mission and Ministry of Agricultural Development for the Improving Production and Quality of Vegetables and Fruits Project.

The demonstration farm was assigned to the Taiwan Technical Mission to use in April this year. After 6 months’ hard work, the farm has reached a functional status and is ready to do the extension work with local farmers. This farm is designed to be a technique exchange platform. Techniques and know-how related will be tested in the farm and will be extended to local farmers if it is applicable.

Considering the constraints of farming resources of Somaliland, such as water availability, soil fertility, high evaporation, and lack of diversity of products. Some tactics such as protection farming, dripping irrigation, mulching, varieties introduction, soil-improving will be introduced in the demonstration farm.

The Demonstration Farm is a venue for training and extensions work. The Demonstration Farm is the benchmark of the Improving Production and Quality of Vegetables and Fruits Project. Many elements such as capacity-building and value-chain facilitation are to be channeled to the Demonstration Farm and to be implemented together by the Ministry of Agricultural Development and Taiwan Technical Mission.

Moreover, the Demonstration Farm is showcasing the vision of the Taiwan Model of agriculture cooperation in Africa to benefit local farmers directly.

Taiwan donates oxygen generators to Somaliland to fight together against COVID-19

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NEWS RELEASE

COVID-19 continues to spread globally to threaten people’s lives and cause massive economic losses. In order to assist Somaliland to increase its related capability to combat this pandemic, the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland represents the Taiwan Government to donate Taiwanese-made oxygen generators to the Ministry of Health Development of the Republic of Somaliland on 3rd October 2021.

Taiwan has been side by side with Somaliland to combat COVID-19 by sharing various Taiwanese-made high-quality medical supplies including masks, PPE, antigen rapid tests, PCR machines and reagents, and many others since the outbreak of COVID-19. Taiwan will continue to share the medical resources and work together with Somaliland to combat COVID-19. “Taiwan can help” and “Taiwan is helping” are not only slogans, they also show the brotherly friendship between Taiwan and Somaliland.

Viruses know no borders and no one is safe until everyone is.  No country can remain on the sidelines and should be all integrated into the international community to fight against this pandemic that threatens all mankind. Taiwan is willing and ready to contribute and share more with the international community.  The G7 foreign ministers, government leaders, or high-level officials of diplomatic allies as well as Japan, Sweden, Canada, Belgium, and the United States have publicly expressed their rock-solid support for Taiwan to participate in the related international activities. Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland would also like to express heartfelt gratitude to Somaliland Government’s support in this regard.

The core principles of the “Taiwan Model” of cooperation are based on “mutual assistance and mutual benefits” (MAMB). Taiwan and Somaliland are together to shape this new WIN-WIN cooperation model.

US Congressman Chris Smith Urges State Department and USAID to Recognize Somaliland

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In a hearing by the House Foreign Relations, Sub-Committee for Africa, held on September 28, ranking member Representative Chris Smith of New Jersey once again highlighted Somaliland’s peace, security, and stability and referred to it as an ‘oasis of stability’ relative to Somalia, Eritrea and the conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

Speaking at the House Foreign Relations, Sub-Committee for Africa’ hearing on September 28, Rep Chris Smith said: “I want to recognize that amid the forces creating division and discord in the Horn in Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, such as under Isaias Afwerki’s regime, which is responsible for so much suffering in both Eritrea as well as in Tigray, there is one oasis of stability and that is Somaliland, which is a de facto, independent area from Somalia. I would like to hear comments from both State and USAID as to how to better recognize Somaliland in the global community with an eye towards building sustainable peace.”.

The witnesses of the hearing, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Bureau of African Affairs Mr. Michael Gonzales and USAID Assistant to the Administrator for the Bureau of Conflict Prevention and Stabilization Mr. Robert W. Jenkins did not directly address Representative Smith’s question on recognition of Somaliland, both have been candid on the issues in the region and especially the deteriorating security situation and Al-Shabaab’s resurgence in Somalia.

Speaking of Somalia, Mr. Gonzales said “Somalia-based al-Shabaab is al-Qaeda’s largest and best-financed affiliate in the world and represents a threat to U.S. interests and allies throughout East Africa.”.

“Elsewhere, in Somalia, Al Shabab continues to make territorial and financial gains in the backdrop of a deeply fractured political environment, evidenced most recently by election delays, dire humanitarian conditions, and continued inter-communal conflict. Al Shabab’s increasing revenue stream and growth in power has allowed for more sophisticated attacks. The group has shown itself able to collect tax and revenue streams regardless of whether it owns territory, signaling that a security-driven response with the aim of holding territory will be insufficient to degrade Al Shabab.” said Mr. Robert Jenkins about Somalia.

This is the second time Representative Smith has brought up Somaliland in a committee hearing, previously he praised the Somaliland Republic for its parliamentary and local elections held on May 31st and has questioned why the US government has failed to support the election efforts in Somaliland.

Somaliland reminds the international community that is not part of Somalia

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The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of the Republic of Somaliland issued a statement to remind the international community that it is not part of the selections being held in Somalia which the Federal Government of Somalia claims includes Somaliland. Below is the Press Release as translated by Somaliland Chronicle.

Somaliland reminds the international community that it is an independent and sovereign country that has nothing to do with the elections of the dysfunctional regime of Somalia.

In a statement issued today and addressed to the UN, the AU, the EU, and the international community as a whole, Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation said that since it regained its sovereignty in 1991 Somaliland is an independent and democratic country in which the people elect their representatives in the executive and legislative branches of the government and the local councils through countrywide one-person-one-vote elections.

“Therefore, Somaliland warns the Somalia regime and its politicians against their false and fantasy claims aimed at misleading the international community.”

“Somaliland, which is one of the leading democratic countries in Africa will not accept its name to be included in any way in the elections in Somalia.”.

Below is the Somali Language version of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation

Exclusive Interview with Stephen M. Schwartz — The Former US Ambassador to Somalia

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In this interview, we are speaking with Mr. Stephen M. Schwartz, the former United States Ambassador to Somalia, about the many challenges and opportunities facing countries in the Horn of Africa, including Somaliland.

Somaliland Chronicle: Let’s start with Ethiopia: You have been in the U.S. Foreign Service since 1992 and have been a diplomat in many countries around the world and served as ambassador to Somalia. Is the United States able to exert any pressure including sanctions on the warring parties to cease hostilities and reach a negotiated settlement especially in light of the horrific human rights violations that are being reported from Tigray and possibly other parts of Ethiopia?

Schwartz: From what I see in the public domain the United States government is very concerned about the conflict in Ethiopia, the incendiary language, and the number of people killed, injured, raped, displaced, and in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. Secretary Blinken, USAID Administrator Power, and Special Envoy Feltman have pushed the parties to end hostilities. Unfortunately, it appears that Prime Minister Abiy and some of his allies are unwilling to take a constructive approach to dealing with whatever issue they had with Tigray and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). I expect the United States will continue to look for ways to pressure and persuade Abiy to seek a negotiated solution, and with continued stalemate internally and greater multilateral pressure they might succeed.

Somaliland Chronicle: Ethiopia has been viewed as the elder state in the Horn of Africa and a stabilizing force. Given the current trajectory of the conflict and how it is spreading to other regions such as Amhara and Afar, what implications does the conflict in Ethiopia could have on fragile states such as Somalia where Ethiopian forces are stationed as part of AMISOM/AU peace-keeping missions?

Schwartz: The situation in Ethiopia is very concerning. Ethiopia is a large, populous, and important country which is at risk of breaking apart and destabilizing the entire Horn of Africa. It is important to remember that Ethiopia is unique. It remains, in effect, an empire created in the late 1800s under Menelik II. It does not have a tradition of peaceful transfer of political power. Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown by the Dergue led by Mengistu Haile Mariam, and the Dergue was ousted by rebel movements led by the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front and the TPLF. Now Abiy has been trying to destroy the TPLF even though it was no longer the predominant political power in the country but had already been reduced to running Tigray.

The TPLF-led government in the early 1990s established ethnic federalism in Ethiopia. Abiy’s government is now trying to crush one of those federal states, and by bringing other ethnic state militias into the contest, he risks creating ethnic nationalist forces he, his Prosperity Party, and the central government cannot manage. The conflict’s impact on Somalia has been limited thus far but that could change.

Somaliland Chronicle: The outgoing President of the Federal Republic of Somalia, Mr. Mohamed Abdullahi Farmaajo, took office during your tenure as the US Ambassador to Somalia. You have worked with him. What is your view on how things have turned out in Somalia given that he is still in power past his mandate and seems intent on instigating constitutional crises to remain in office?

Schwartz: Mr. Farmaajo came to office in 2017 with tremendous popular support from Somalis across the Horn of Africa. Under his predecessor, Hassan Sheikh Mohammed, Somalia completed the establishment of its new federal character and the government developed further from being “transitional.” Somalis and the international community had high hopes that as president, Mr. Farmaajo would strengthen Somalia’s new and weak institutions, both civilian and military. Sadly, this did not occur. Al Shabaab controls at least as much territory today as it did when Mr. Farmaajo took office. Rather than strengthen the federal system, he did everything he could to control, ignore, and weaken the federal member states. He failed to finalize the negotiated national security architecture to reform the Somali National Army and Police and clarify federal and member state authorities and responsibilities. He made no progress on reconciliation – including with Somaliland – or ratification of the constitution. And he made no progress creating the conditions for One Person One Vote, or a vote of any kind. Three and a half years into his four-year presidency he was forced to accept an electoral process that is almost identical to the one used in 2016. Since then, he continues to try to influence the process – including through the appointment of loyal or vulnerable people to various electoral bodies – to extend his time in office and improve his chances of retaining the presidency.

Somaliland Chronicle: In your latest piece “Somalia’s Leaders Need to Seize Immediately the Lessons of Afghanistan“ you have drawn a parallel to the spectacular implosion of the Afghan army following the US withdrawal and you have warned about a similar outcome in Somalia as you have written on the eve of the US’s withdrawal from Somalia in January. Your main argument is that the problem lies not in the equipment or the size of the army but the fact that the government institutions are hollowed out by rampant corruption. Is it fair to say that the United States and its successive Ambassadors bear some responsibility by not holding the Somali government and particularly President Farmaajo accountable to ensure their taxpayer’s funds are spent as intended?

Schwartz: I can only speak for what occurred during my tenure as ambassador, though I believe the general approach has some relevance to how things were managed after I left. As best as I can recall, no U.S. funding went directly to the Somali government to support its military effort. The U.S. directly funded the recruitment, training, and equipping the Danab special operations battalion and provided salary stipends and food rations to about 1/3 of the SNA. In 2017, after failing to get an adequate accounting of which SNA soldiers were receiving the stipends, the U.S. suspended the payments. The U.S. investment in Danab has been extremely successful and provided Somalia with a multi-clan, capable force that operates nationally and in three of the four southern and central member states. It is worth noting that the U.S. government helped create the Puntland Security Force and conducted operations with it for a number of years, and now it operates successfully and is independent of the U.S. or other external support.

Somaliland Chronicle: Although Mr. Farmaajo has renounced his US citizenship, many in his inner circle have dual citizenship and may include US citizens. Is there anything that the United States and possibly other countries can do to hold their citizens accountable for corruption and allegations of human rights violations in a foreign territory?

Schwartz: I am not an attorney, but I believe the United States and most western governments can investigate and hold accountable their citizens for at least some crimes committed outside of their country of nationality. Those citizens often have family and property in their adopted country and would seek to travel to that country whether or not they retain its citizenship. If, like Mr. Farmaajo, they have renounced their foreign citizenship, presumably they would need to apply for a visa to visit that country and the visa-issuance process has many laws and procedures governing who can travel to the United States and for what reason. Personally, I have no idea whether Mr. Farmaajo has committed crimes, or whether sufficient evidence exists of such possible crimes, for him to be held accountable in the United States. Ideally, if such evidence exists, he should be tried in a Somali court under Somali law for crimes committed in Somalia.

Somaliland Chronicle: Now on to Djibouti, an extremely important ally of the United States that is currently hosting a U.S. military base in addition to other countries’ militaries including China. General Townsend’s predecessor General Thomas D Waldhauser testified to the US Senate on concerns “preponderance of foreign forces”. Do you see any long-term strategic risks to the United States in maintaining a foothold in Djibouti given China’s huge investments in the country?

Schwartz: Djibouti has been an important partner for the United States since its independence and for the U.S. military for almost 20 years. Its location, stability, and infrastructure have served U.S. strategic interests well over this period. In general, there should be no reason why the United States and China cannot maintain military facilities in Djibouti that serve their respective interests. Unfortunately, China has not been content to co-exist with the U.S. in Djibouti but has undertaken a number of acts hostile to the United States. One well-publicized act was the repeated use by China of lasers to blind pilots flying military jets. To address your question, I think it would be advantageous for the United States to have alternate sites in the Red Sea/Gulf of Aden region which would be used to base some of the military personnel and equipment currently in Djibouti. Having options increases U.S. negotiating power, adds flexibility, and reduces the negative impact on U.S. capabilities if an external shock develops.

Somaliland Chronicle: In contrast to his concern over the presence of multiple foreign armies in Djibouti, General Waldhauser has said “Berbera’s location, close to the entry and exit point of the Bab-el-Mandeb strait, will be strategically valuable for both Somaliland and with whomever they choose to partner.” What is your thought on this and how much value do you think the US should place in Somaliland’s strategic location in the Red Sea?

Schwartz: Berbera appears to offer a desirable location and infrastructure for any country looking for military basing in a strategic part of the world. That said, Berbera featured as a potentially useful deep water port for both the Soviet Union and then the United States during the Cold War, but its potential was never needed or developed. Also, as attractive a strategic location as Somaliland and Berbera might be, their value would be affected by what other possible sites exist in the area and what their attributes might be.

Somaliland Chronicle: We have recently reported a United States Air Force C-130J-30 Super Hercules transport aircraft that landed in the recently renovated Berbera Airport and a high-level meeting between Somaliland and US military personnel has taken place, both sides have declined to shed any light on the flight and the meeting but as someone who understands the dynamics of the region and the United States strategic interests, what do you make of this? To

Schwartz: I have not had any discussions on this topic with anyone in the U.S. government, so I have no actual idea what the purpose of the trip was. That said, it would be smart and prudent for the United States military to visit and assess all sites anywhere with potential military use. In most cases that use would be relatively short notice and there would not be time to conduct a full assessment before the operation. Such eventualities could be an emergency humanitarian operation, aircraft landing, ship visit, or hundreds of other possible contingencies.

Somaliland Chronicle: Somaliland and Taiwan diplomatic ties which the People’s Republic of China was unsuccessful in unraveling was viewed as good news by the former U.S. administration’s NSC and many current US government officials, how do you see this particular nexus between Taiwan and Somaliland? And in your view why hasn’t Somaliland benefited from the TAIPEI Act?

Schwartz: I collaborated with Taiwan officials while working on some issues related to the Pacific Island nations and believe Taiwan can offer useful assistance. This would appear to be the same conclusion reached by Somaliland officials. The TAIPEI act became U.S. law well after I retired and I am unfamiliar with its provisions and application so cannot address that aspect of your question.

Somaliland Chronicle: What is your view on Somaliland’s offer to host some Afghan SIVs temporarily?

Schwartz: It was a generous humanitarian gesture. It also portrays Somaliland authorities as responsible international partners willing to work constructively to address global challenges.

Somaliland Chronicle: As the former US Ambassador to Somalia, you were able to work with the government of Somaliland to a certain degree without presenting credentials due to its lack of recognition, and this is the case for every foreign Ambassador to Somalia, in your view what signal does this send to you, your government about the seriousness of Somaliland in terms of its independence and quest for recognition?

Schwartz: Somaliland has done a tremendous job creating, financing, and sustaining the full array of government functions. As a result, anyone wanting to do business with Somaliland must deal with its authorities and jurisdiction. During my tenure, the embassy staff and I worked well with Somaliland officials on a range of issues. We dealt with the officials and institutions that had effective authority and control over the situations we were working on. I recall one important issue involving assisting American citizens in Somaliland in which a number of Somaliland officials provided critical assistance.

The question of Somaliland’s sovereignty being recognized internationally is obviously a top priority for Somaliland officials and has been for 30 years. My view, which I have shared with senior Somaliland officials, is that the best way to pursue their goal is through a negotiated agreement with the Somalia government. All new states that have attained a seat in the United Nations – the ultimate determination of international recognition – have obtained their sovereignty with the consent of the former state to which it belonged. Some recent examples are Ethiopia consented to Eritrea’s independence, Sudan consented to South Sudan’s independence, Indonesia consented to Timor Leste’s independence, and Serbia consented to Montenegro’s independence. By contrast, Serbia has not consented to Kosovo’s declaration of independence and despite being recognized by about 100 countries, Kosovo is not seated in the United Nations and struggles to achieve full independence. Whether negotiations with authorities in Mogadishu leads to independence or some form of association is entirely up to the negotiators. What should not occur is that Mogadishu prolong a resolution of Somaliland’s status by refusing to enter undertake serious negotiations.

Somaliland Chronicle: Lastly, as a career and seasoned diplomat who knows the region very well, what advice would you give Somaliland in terms of how it engages with the world and particularly the United States.

Schwartz: I think the best thing Somaliland can do to engage with the world is to continue to improve its internal situation. Building a state with security and the rule of law, a strong and growing economy, a healthy well-educated population, and productive physical infrastructure would be a huge service to the people of Somaliland and a worthy end in itself. It would also attract increasing attention from people, businesses, and governments outside. Somaliland has very capable representation in the United States. This could be boosted by occasional high-level visits by leaders from both governments.

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Normalise it: Somalia and Somaliland talks will never end

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After 10 years of fruitless talks with Somalia, the Somaliland government has expressed its frustration and adopted a new policy: talks with Somalia will be limited to addressing Somaliland sovereignty.

This is an important development for Somaliland and a balanced position between not recognising the Somalian government (1991-2012) and an open dialogue that lasted between 2012 and 2021. In this article, I will explain what this new policy really means for both countries and their allies and partners.

The Somaliland and Somalia talks’ table has four pillars that will never change:

Pillar 1: Somaliland statehood is based on aspects that require international intervention; not Mogadishu’s sympathy.

Somaliland statehood is based on the following aspects: respecting colonial boundaries and historical independence as old as 1884, the genocide of 100,000 people, supporting 20 years of democracy, and preserving 30 years of peace (which is longer than the 29 years of unratified union with Somalia).

The figures behind these aspects are beyond the comprehension of Somalia or any other African country alone. Despite what it thinks, Somalia is not the parent country of a secessionist Somaliland. Anarchy is to expect Mogadishu, which cannot govern itself, to deal with aspects that are by nature for every sovereign country to collectively take a stand (international recognition). These are the main highlights of the African Union fact-finding mission on Somaliland.

Pillar 2: Somaliland and Somalia talks are bilateral agenda; not a pre-condition to Somaliland’s recognition.

This pillar is a natural consequence of Pillar 1. It is important to concede that Somaliland talks with Somalia are strictly biliteral and should not affect the relationship between Somaliland and the rest of the world. It is unacceptable to make Somaliland recognition, for example, conditional on an agreement with Somalia. This is denying Somaliland’s historical independence and unfairly treating it as a region seeking secession (see Pillar 1). Somaliland is not asking for a special arrangement here. The world demands Kosovo and Serbia to resolve their conflict. That did not stop over 100 countries to recognise Kosovo already (note Somaliland is not a secessionist case).

Pillar 3: Somalia will recognise Somaliland only after all countries do

In a previous article, I have explained how Somalia will be the last country to recognise Somaliland mainly due to fear of other federal states seceding. We should not see this as a problem at all. There are precedents for this: Pakistan was the last to recognise Bangladesh’s sovereignty (note again Somaliland is not a secessionist case).

Pillar 4: The talks will never end

Similar to Senegal and Gambia, Maylasia and Singapore, and all other countries that ended their biliteral unions, Somaliland and Somalia will forever be two countries that will enjoy some sort of relations. Our target should be to normalise these relations as soon as possible for the benefit of both countries. Before we reach our target, however, there will be breakdowns, pauses, and breakthroughs similar to any other two sovereign countries with territorial disputes.

In conclusion, the new policy of restricting talks to only cover Somaliland sovereignty is in line with all the four pillars above. It absolutely does not pause Somaliland recognition efforts. In fact, the sooner countries recognise Somaliland, the sooner Somalia and Somaliland can fast-track their relations into a mature normalised brotherly bond.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Daud is an Australian Somalilander and Software Engineer. Works as a principal developer in a fintech company. Melbourne, Australia

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Somaliland: The Diaspora vs homeland

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“Three main periods of migration can be identified, when comes to giving an overview of the history of the African Diaspora. Historically, the first wave of forced African migrations began during the Transatlantic Slave trade (16th-19th) century…The second African diaspora generation was the result of the difficult process of decolonization. During the late-colonial period, early post-independence, starting from the 1950s…this diaspora was mainly the product of ‘voluntary migration’. This period marked a rather important increase in emigration aimed at acquiring a better quality of life and education. 

Starting from the 1980s, the most common grounds on which Africans left their countries changed in its nature. Fleeing from broken and breakable states, wars, hopeless poverty or political persecution became a major cause of emigration, up until today“ (Experience Africa, n.d.).

The Somali Diaspora, in general, was the result of fleeing the broken state, civil war, and political persecution. Somalilanders in particular were subjected to ethnic cleansing and genocide by the late dictator of Somalia. 

The Somaliland Diaspora played a major role during the armed struggle in defeating the brutal regime by funding the cause or by joining the forces to reclaim the Somaliland independence again. They still continue to be the main source of economic development through remittance and by investing in the local business which creates employment to improve the lives of fellow Somalilanders.

Today Somaliland is an island of peace and prosperity, surrounded by walls of despair and uncertainty beyond the boundary lines to Somalia, Ethiopia including east beyond the shorelines to Yemen. Democracy in Somaliland has flourished as it was witnessed by the latest successful simultaneous local and parliamentary elections.  

Nevertheless, today’s Somaliland Diaspora seemed to be blind-sided by the local issues between political parties or concerns rising from clan rivalries, which are mostly resolved through traditional means by elders or by local government authorities. In theory, the Somaliland diaspora having lived in most civilized western democracies were supposed to see beyond the clan loyalty and expand their visions and build on the successes already accomplished in strengthening the young democratic that does not exist beyond our borders. 

Fortunately, today there are homegrown smart educated young Somalilanders who are more issue-oriented than partisan tribal disputes, as they have proven in the most recent election when they successfully elected two very talented young leaders, Barkhad and Abdikarim to the parliament and to the mayorship respectfully.

Maybe the diaspora has a lot to learn from those less traveled with no exposure to western civilization, yet more civil than the ones claiming otherwise. 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Mohamed Adan Samatar is a Former State of Arizona Government Management and holds BSc, MS Agriculture. He can be reached madan.samatar01[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.