The Minister of Finance Development Dr. Saad Ali Shire has submitted the 2022 budget to the Somaliland Parliament on Monday 27th of December and faced a torrent of questions from the newly elected members of the Parliament regarding the 400 million US dollar budget. This is an increase of roughly 17% or 57 million from the 2021 budget which was 343 million US dollars.
The budget includes 6 million dollars to pay down the national debt which is 38% less than previous budget years 10 million dollar allocation for debt repayment. Somaliland’s national debt is opaque and current and former government have both denied the existence of tens of millions of dollars of debt.
Among the many questions the parliament has asked the Minister of Finance Development, Dr. Shire, is the tens of millions of dollars that is directly given to many government entities including the Ministry of Education and Health that is not shown in the national budget and is held in private bank accounts. Minister Shire stated that it has been hard to get aid agencies to divulge budget information for inclusion in the national budget but that the Ministry of Finance Development is working on ensuring that all funds flow through the proper channels to ensure oversight and accountability.
Traditionally, little debate went into approving the national budget with even fewer questions but it is unclear if the new parliament will approve the budget in its current form or make amendments.
The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi, who has been addressing an accusation from the opposition parties that he is seeking an extension, has stated that “Elections will be held on time”. In addition, he responded to allegations from opposition party leaders that President Bihi may be using the opening of the political parties and association as a pretext for term extension.
Attending the unveiling event of the new Center for Underground Water Management , President Bihi briefly spoke of the fluid situation in Somalia and accused Farmajo of bringing Somalia back to the brink once more but contrasted that situation with the ongoing debate regarding Law Number 14 and the opening of political parties and associations and said “Ours is different in that we are debating which path works” and directly responding to threats from the two chairmen of Waddani and UCID stated that it is impossible for Somaliland to have two Presidents.
Waxaan Shacabka Soomaaliyeed u caddeynayaa in tallaabooyinkii uu qaaday Madaxweynahii hore Maxamed Cabdullaahi Farmaajo ay yihiin isku day bareer ah oo lagu afgambinayo dowladnimada, Dastuurka iyo sharciyada dalka u yaalla. DAAWO👇👇https://t.co/1AirRdnec6
Somalia has entered another tumultuous political state following a statement from the Ex-President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo to strip the Prime Minister of his powers over corruption allegation and an attempt this morning to prevent him from accessing his office. As a result, Somalia’s Prime Minister Mr. Mohamed Roble has issuing a decree that all orders from the Ex-President should be ignored.
More political tragicomedy in Somalia as "President" Farmajo suspends PM Roble. I predicted in February when Farmajo's term should have ended that he would play every game to stay in power for another full term, paid by IC. Sadly it's happening. Somalis deserve SO much better!
The United States and other donor countries have issued a barrage of statements regarding the tense political state in Somalia.
The dispute that arouse from Law Number 14 is currently with the constitutional court of Somaliland for interpretation and ensuring that it does not conflict with existing constitutionally mandated Presidential and Senate elections next year.
As reported by Somaliland Chronicle over the weekend, the most high-profile American delegation in over a decade is currently in Hargeisa, capital of the strategically located Republic of Somaliland. Somaliland – a politically isolated democracy in the Horn of Africa – last welcomed an American visit of this magnitude in February of 2008, when former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer paid a brief visit. Control of its extensive coastline along the Gulf of Aden has since increased in value, in an African continent quickly becoming a playground for Chinese influence. Somaliland’s location next to Djibouti, which currently houses both the U.S.’s Africa Command and China’s sole foreign military base, has propelled it to the forefront of American interests in the immediate region.
The United States has been weary of China’s presence in the Horn of Africa and interest in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and has tacitly supported Somaliland’s rejection of Chinese overtures and the establishment diplomatic ties with Taiwan.
The current visit has left analysts and observers hastily studying America’s intentions in the unrecognized nation, which has historically positioned itself as a staunchly democratic ally in alignment with U.S. interests and values in the region. As first reported by Saxafi Media, this alignment recently bore fruit in Washington, where United States Senator James E. Risch from Idaho has proposed an important amendment in the latest National Defense Authorization Act, calling for direct defense and security cooperation between the United States and Somaliland.
The National Defense Authorization Act, which sets the policies for expenditure levels in defense and national security, was passed by the senate and sent to President Biden’s desk who is expected to sign the measure. The current budget of the NDAA is a whopping $768 billion, a small portion of which has been allocated to Section 1264, titled “A Feasibility Study on Security and Defense Partnership with Somaliland.”
The amendment instructs the Department of State (in collaboration with the Department of Defense) to seek and pursue synergies with Somaliland on issues pertaining to national security in order to counter growing Chinese influence in the region, and taps Somaliland to “serve as a maritime gateway in East Africa for the United States and its allies.”
In recognition of Somaliland’s stability and democratic credentials, the amendment also suggests Somaliland can act as a “democratic counterweight to destabilizing and anti-democratic forces in Somalia and the wider East Africa.” Somaliland finds itself betwixt Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia in a region where democratic values are scarce, and free and fair elections have become an anomaly if even held. Recent joint parliamentary and municipal elections held in Somaliland received international praise, as opposed to customary congratulatory messages accorded to winners in the democratic world, presumably because of the neighborhood they were held in.
While the amendment’s language still refers to Somaliland as a semi-autonomous region of Somalia, its addition to the National Defense Authorization Act may be the start of a sharp U.S. pivot to Somaliland, in view of the language used.
The amendment explicitly requires the Departments of State and Defense to treat cooperation and partnership with Somaliland as “separate and distinct from any security and defense partnership with the Federal Republic of Somalia,” and while the amendment later concludes with “nothing in this section… may be construed to convey United States recognition of Somaliland as an independent state;” this is a run of the mill clarification as the amendment only serves as a preamble to future discussions of that nature once the feasibility study has concluded.
The most recent American efforts to stabilize Somalia, through the training of its security forces to degrade Al-Shabaab, ended in the pull out of its troops from Somalia. Somalia has long benefited from U.S. stabilization efforts, but failed to deliver results which has frustrated many current and former American officials.
Michael Rubin, Resident Scholar of the American Enterprise Institute, who we reached out to for comment opined “Policy in Washington moves at a glacial pace but as momentum builds, it also become a freight train impossible to stop. The Risch provision might not make it into law this year, but the stigma is broken and the discussion in the Senate has been started. The question for Somaliland is not if there will be more official ties to the US but rather when and what shape. What Mogadishu doesn’t understand is that Somaliland is gaining not because of lobbying but rather because the merits of Somaliland and the facts of its case don’t need lobbyists who promise to trade influence for cash. Farmaajo can dump millions into lobbying, and it won’t make his tenure in Somalia look any less like a failure,” in relation to the amendment by Senator Risch and its implication for Somaliland.
Cameron Hudson, Senior Fellow with the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center, who we also reached out to posited “Sen Risch’s amendment is a smart approach to advancing US interests in perhaps the most strategic and challenging region of the African continent. I think its [sic] entirely fair and appropriate to recognize and engage with reliable and responsible partners to advance our interests regardless of their rank or status. There is nothing new to that as we see our government engaging at sub-national, state and local levels across the continent. Indeed, this should be done wherever it makes sense as part of a strategy to strengthen and recognize those places where governance is strong,” when asked for comment on Senator Risch’s amendment.
Mr. Hudson continued his remarks on the National Defense Authorization Act amendment with “that said, in the case of Somaliland, which has made very clear that its ultimate goal is diplomatic recognition and independence, I remain concerned that authorities there see partnership agreements like the one being proposed by Sen Risch as a means of doing an end-run around regional and continental organizations in Africa which have not advanced Somaliland’s independence aims. I continue to believe that Washington should not be out ahead of the AU on the issue of independence and should be wary of being used by Hargeisa as leverage in its political negotiations in Addis,” echoing Jendayi Frazer’s position in 2008.
These views do little to clarify whether the NDAA amendment – which was passed with bipartisan support – is related to the current visit of Congressional staffers to Somaliland. The timing of the amendment and the delegation’s visit couldn’t be more opportune; however, Somaliland Chronicle was unable to confirm from government officials whether the two are related. An official who spoke on condition of anonymity called the visit a “fact-finding mission,” but declined to comment on whether defense and security were on the agenda.
Ultimately, Senator Risch’s amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act represents a monumental opportunity for Somaliland to work directly with the United States in defense and security matters, albeit with pre-conditions. These conditions include upholding the rule of law and civil-liberties in Somaliland, which the amendment instructs the Departments of State and Defense to assess. The amendment specifically makes whether “Somaliland’s security forces have been implicated in gross violations of human rights during the 3-year period immediately preceding the date of the enactment of this Act” a requisite.
Another important aspect of the Risch amendment to the NDAA, is that it forms an axis by closing the loop between Somaliland, Taiwan, the U.S. and its TAIPEI Act. The amendment encourages Taiwan and Somaliland to “bolster security and defense cooperation and capabilities,” providing new motivation to take bolder steps, and substantially upgrade existing cooperation from its current level.
The National Defense Authorization Act once signed by the President of the United States into law, will require the Secretary of State to submit a classified report to congress within 180 days. It removes decision making from the U.S. embassy in Somalia, who have traditionally favoured a one Somalia policy, and under whose watch Somalia has fallen under the Chinese sphere of influence.
What these developments mean for future U.S.-Somaliland relations remains uncertain, but it’s clear that the United States has found that exploring a partnership with Somaliland is in its national security interest. With their mutual interests in alignment, it appears Somaliland has managed to find an ally in the most powerful nation on earth.
Update: As of Friday December 17th, 2021 Senator Risch’s amendment did not make it to the final bill.
A delegation of United States Congressional Staff is slated to visit Republic of Somaliland on Monday December 13, 2021, in what will be the highest-level American delegation to visit to the Horn of Africa nation in well over a decade. Members of the delegation comprise of staff representing the Senate Foreign Relations, House Foreign Affairs and House Appropriations and Conservation Committees, along with various senior policy advisors from Washington.
The delegation is scheduled to meet with members of Somaliland’s government, along with a bevy of Somaliland’s civil societies, education, health, and conservation institutions. The planned itinerary for the trip includes a visit to Berbera’s port and recently renovated airport, amongst other strategic locations Somaliland Chronicle has opted not to disclose.
Congressional staffers, generally responsible for working with the individual members of Congress or committees they are assigned to, are also charged with formulating major policy positions at the technical level. Their reports and due diligence are used as the evidence which informs and drives the U.S. government’s posture and policies on global issues. Their visit to Somaliland may mark another turning point in the U.S. government’s engagement with Somaliland, and signal American interest in reassessing their interests in the Horn region.
There’s been a surge of interest in Washington for Somaliland’s case, which has regained the traction it lost to Hillary Clinton’s tenure as Secretary of State. Secretary Clinton, who was responsible for the reversal of U.S. policy towards supporting and fostering democracy in the Horn, dismantled America’s dual-track policy towards Somaliland. Despite the minimal direct diplomatic relations, many current (and former) American officials have openly supported Somaliland, and called for the U.S. government to engage directly with its government. These calls have only increased in frequency since Somaliland established diplomatic relations with Taiwan in July of 2020.
Turmoil in the Horn of Africa region, along with increased Chinese influence on the African continent coupled with Somaliland’s strategic location in the Bab al-Mandab Strait, is attracting global attention including from the United States. It was only recently that a U.S. Air Force C-130J-30 Super Hercules transport plane landed in Berbera airport on an undisclosed mission. When contacted by Somaliland Chronicle, both the Somaliland government and U.S. Africom Command did not respond to requests for particulars on the flight to Berbera.
It was also only recently that Uganda lost its famed Entebbe Airport to China’s debt-trap diplomacy, and Taiwan lost yet another ally in Nicaragua to Chinese influence despite Congress’ Taipei Act. In stark contrast, Somaliland has been an unwavering ally to Taiwan in the face of Chinese overtures, and has offered its real-estate to the global fight against terrorism. It is yet to be determined if Somaliland’s positions on these issues have garnered them goodwill in Washington.
This is a developing story, and Somaliland Chronicle will continue to provide updates as we learn more about the delegation and their visit to Somaliland.
Gerard Prunier (2021). The Country That Does Not Exist: A History of Somaliland. London: Hurst. 279 pages.
The country that does not exist: a history of Somaliland is a lucid, compelling, and instructive book that proffers a distinctive account of the history of Somaliland – an unrecognized state in the Horn of Africa that has been de facto independent and separate from Somalia since 1991. The author of the book, prof. Gerard Prunier, an illustrious French historian, is by himself a revered authority in the history of the Horn of Africa and does not exclusively rely on external observations but, sometimes, offers a first-hand account of the events in the book. The book does not confine its analysis into the last thirty years of Somaliland’s ‘non-existence existence’ but covers pre-colonial and colonial periods, the 1960 merger of Somaliland and Somalia and its aftermath, the history of the Somali National Movement (SNM), and its decade-long war with the Barre regime, and the rebirth and progression of today’s Somaliland.
The book is organized into eleven chapters. Chapter 1 examines the pre-colonial history of Somalis, the clan system, the arrival of the colonial powers, and the genesis of the greater Somali nation-state dream. Prunier argues that Somali nationalism was based on cultural homogeneity with (overlooked) underlying differences: “The Somali not only invented their nationalism but they inflated it, calling for the ‘reunification of all Somali territories’ (which had never been unified) and the ultimate creation of a ‘Greater Somalia’” (p. 8). This chapter also provides a brief history of each of the five Somali territories that existed in the colonial era.
Chapter 2 focuses on the 1960 merger of Somaliland and Somalia and how it failed and led to a military coup and later civil war. Prunier contends that the 1960 union had no legal basis – “So, even though nobody had refused any unification document, nobody had signed one either (or either of the two prepared), leaving the merging of the two colonies as a de facto move, without international or constitutional basis” (p. 21). In this chapter, the author also underscores that the 1977-78 Ethiopia-Somalia War had a momentous impact on Somalis in the sense that it not only shaped the future of Somalia but also that of the Greater Somali Nation-State dream; Prunier writes, in a subsequent chapter, that “1978 had been a reality check for the pan-Somali worldview. But the worst was not the military defeat, but the dream’s ideological collapse” (p. 115).
Chapter 3 through Chapter 7 explore the history of the Somali National Movement (SNM); SNM’s decade-long war with the Siad Barre regime in the Cold War context, and the 1988 atrocities committed by the regime in the Northern Regions (Somaliland). Prunier details how SNM poorly fit in the Cold War context referring to it as the “odd man out” (p. 58); and maintains that it stood out, survived, and eventually won the war because of these reasons: it enjoyed the support of the Isaaq clan family and underpinned by the “‘Anglo-Somali’ political culture of former colonial Somaliland” (p. 62); “It was supported by a Marxist power but never turned ‘communist’” (p. 62); “it fought a Western-supported dictatorship but without turning anti-Western” (p. 62). As far as the Anglo-Somali political culture is concerned, Prunier writes that “In many ways – politically, legally, philosophically – the SNM had a (partly) British history” (p. 81). Revisiting the crimes against humanity committed by the regime in Somaliland in the late 1980s, the author contends that it is difficult to escape referring to these crimes as genocide and cites a source that stressed that “Genocide is the only word for it” (p. 103).
Chapter 8 through Chapter 10 investigate the collapse of the Somali State, the breakup of the North and South, the rebirth of Somaliland and the aftermath – internal fighting in both sides, the humanitarian crises and the invasion and intervention of foreign countries, and the UN efforts in Somalia, and peace-building and state-building in Somaliland.
Chapter 11 probes how Somaliland survived in the late 2000s and throughout the 2010s primarily from “a centralist threat from whoever was in control of Mogadishu and internal Islamist subversion” (p. 195) as well as from “stagnation and decay” (p. 196). Due to the absence of international recognition for three decades, the author speculates what the future holds for Somaliland and in light of the recent UAE investments and economic cooperation highlights that “Strangely enough, having now become a satellite of the United Arab Emirates might provide a way out of this quandary” (p. 213).
The book has a number of exceptional merits. To start with, the way it analyzes Somali nationalism and the Great Somali Nation-State dream is uniquely spectacular – here the reader will find a very critical interpretation and narrative that is not so common in the literature on Somalis. Secondly, the author examines the nature and history of SNM in a way that Somalilanders (including the movement’s founders and leaders) can hardly do – impartial, comprehensive, detail-oriented, and broader in the sense of taking the regional politics and the Cold War, among other things, into account.
The book is nearly impeccable in spite of otherwise corrigible mistakes. For instance, the author writes: “Since the SYL [Somali Youth League] was largely ‘southern’, it created a British Somaliland branch called the Somali National League (SNL) in Hargeisa” (p. 10). Well, while SYL had once a branch in British Somaliland, SNL had never been a branch of SYL but was a separate organization, which was the largest and most powerful party in British Somaliland. When discussing the foundation of SNM and the early activities in the Gulf countries, Prunier rights, “The man who brought all of them together was Engineer (later Colonel) Mohamed Hashi” (p. 44). Here, the author confuses one man with another: two men who were both involved in the early days of SNM: Eng. Mohamed Hashi Elmi who later became the Mayor of Hargeisa and the Minister of Finance (he is still alive) and Col. Mohamed Hashi Dirie “Lixle”, a military colonel who was later killed in the war. The remaining few errors are related to the Somali clans – listing a clan and one of its sub-clans as equal or getting someone’s sub-clan wrong – which there is no reason, whatsoever, to blame the author.
About the Author
Muhumed M. Muhumed (Khadar) is the author of two books: “Kala-Maan: Bilowgii iyo Burburkii Wadahadallada Soomaalilaand iyo Soomaaliya” in 2018 and “Dhaqaalihii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed, 1960-1991” in 2022, and a number of scholarly articles. He is a researcher based in Hargeisa, Somaliland and he can be reached at: baadilmm@gmail.com
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
Across Africa, states that deal with China often trade short-term financial infusion for their long-term fiscal health. Leasing fishing rights to China, for example, might win corrupt leaders grants or kickbacks worth millions of dollars but the unsustainable practices of Chinese fishermen often leave shoals permanent maritime deserts. Chinese miners often dump waste and chemicals in rivers, poisoning the water supply for thousands. Too often, African leaders lower environmental standards to attract Chinese investment.
There are exceptions. Rwanda had become the poster child of conservation and environmental mindfulness; it has largely kept China’s investment contained and has even turned to alternatives like Turkey in recent years. Leslie Stahl, a correspondent with the prestigious American news show 60 Minutes, recently documented Rwanda’s success conserving its mountain gorilla population while efforts in Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo flounder because of poaching, encroachment on habitats by farmers, and generally weak rule-of-law.
In the Horn of Africa, Somaliland has also made great strides in environmental protection. Whereas China sometimes approaches the region with the environmental sensitivity of a swarm of locusts, Somaliland’s Taiwanese partners have worked to promote sustainable farming and agriculture.
Environment Minister Shukri Haji Ismail has been fearless in pursuing her mandate. The United Arab Emirates is an important diplomatic and trade partner of Somaliland, but Shukri refused a lucrative request to allow Emiratis to use Somaliland as a hunting ground, especially when the sport could harm endangered species. She has even refused to stand down when visitors connected to the Emirati royal families seek to use their wasta to ignore local conservation laws.
Somaliland’s efforts to preserve the region’s native cheetahs have earned the country international acclaim. Many smuggling networks target the region’s cheetahs. There remains a huge marketfor the cheetahs in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and East Asia where the rich and elite see exotic pets as status symbols. Other times, farmers worry that cheetahs will prey upon their livestock if not their family members.
When smugglers take cheetahs, it is often a death sentence for the animals even if they want to keep the animals alive for trade. Smugglers have separated unweaned cubs from their mothers and boxed others up for transport by land or sea without any sense of care; many do not survive. The arrest, prosecution, and imprisonment of smugglers show that Somaliland puts its laws above clan connections.
Enter the Cheetah Conservation Fund (CCF). Founded in Namibia in 1990, the Fund now operates directly in Somaliland where its veterinarians care for confiscated cheetahs in collaboration with the Environment and Rural Development ministry and the local university. CCF also works to educate the public about the importance of conservation; this is already apparent in growing sensitivity of the younger generation to environmental concerns. CCF rightly keeps its operations professional and often private so that locals understand they assist injured or orphaned animals but are not a zoo operating for profit or entertainment.
CCF, however, is a victim of its own success; its facilities are quickly running out of space for its cheetah rescue. Somaliland does not yet have a refuge or a national park into which rescued and rehabilitated cheetahs can be released back into the wild. This should change.
Across the African continent the South Africa-based African Parks is one of the biggest managers for game parks, with operations in Angola, Benin, Chad, Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Malawi, Mozambique, Rwanda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. The non-profit organization promotes private-public partnership to give local communities incentive to respect protected areas. This is crucial to successful conservation. When I visited Volcanoes National Park in Rwanda earlier this year, for example, guides and park rangers might have been poachers in a different situation. The tourist income, however, that eco-tourists brought their families obviated the need for such activity and, indeed, created an incentive for them to participate in conservation.
In the past African Parks may have avoided operating in Somaliland less because the country remains unrecognized—after all, many other international companies—Coca Cola and DP World, for example—and non-profits like the CCF work in the country without any diplomatic complications—but rather out of concern about the country’s willingness to honor its political compacts and contracts. Elections in May 2021 should put an end to such concerns. Electing a new parliament (albeit 15 years late) demonstrated that the system would triumph over personalities and their desire to maintain their positions of power.
That an opposition coalition defeated the president’s preferred candidate for parliamentary speaker underscores Somaliland’s maturity further. Simply put, Somaliland’s demonstrated ability to combine democracy with consistency of law across administrations surpasses that of most other African states. That does not mean Somaliland’s business climate has no room for improvement: Political micromanagement of airline schedules, for example, undermines the reputation of Somaliland’s broader business climate. This problem will decline as the integration of Somaliland into the international community proceeds.
Somaliland is an ecological treasure that, like the Sultanate of Oman or Rwanda, could encourage high-end tourism as a means to both further its conservation effort, reduce unemployment, and pump much needed hard currency into the local economy and government’s coffers. Both countries—and Bhutan in Asia—often encourage niche tourism rather than the budget or backpacking crowds also because it is easier to ensure respect for local society. It is a model that works.
It is time for Somaliland to take the next step. It should set aside a broader preserve and invite African Parks or a like-minded organization to manage it. Just as the follow-on impact of DP World has transformed Berbera and given birth to new hotels, new restaurants, and improved infrastructure, a game preserve that showcases cheetahs in their natural habitat, gerenuks, elephant shrew, desert tortoises, antelope, ibex, leopards, and even potentially giraffes, could transform northern, highland portions of the country. Camels may be commonplace for Somalilanders, but tourists pay high dollar for camel treks in the deserts of Oman; there is little reason why they could not in Somaliland. Nor is Somaliland’s flora and fauna its only attraction. Tourists might also pay significant fees to visit Laas Geel, money that could be reinvested into efforts to preserve and excavate other Neolithic sites.
Somalilanders know their country is special; it is time the broader international community did as well, no matter what the position of cynical or shortsighted diplomats in Mogadishu or Washington. Not only CCF but also the leaders of Somaliland’s three major political parties have all shown that Somaliland has the political capital and will to succeed.
Human Rights Center condemns the arbitrary arrest of the comedian Idiris Sa’eed Mohamed, also known (Sayidka Barakaysan). On December 2, 2021, Idiris Sa’eed Mohamed, has been arrested by the Somaliland police. His arrest comes after a mock portrayal of the president; he was detained without a warrant and due process of law. He was brought to the court on 5 December 2021 and was remanded for seven days as his family informed us.
In addition to that, on December 6, 2021, Mohamoud Mohamed Haji Ibrahim, got arrested in Burao after he published a Facebook post criticizing the Somaliland ministry of interior.
Article 25(1), in particular, states that “No person shall be deprived of his liberty except in accordance with the law.” On the other hand, article 32(1) grants citizens the right to express opinions orally, visually, artistically, or any other way.
Moreover, Article 25(2) of the Somaliland Constitution dictates that “No person may be arrested, searched, or detained, except when caught in flagrante delicto, or on the issue of a reasoned arrest warrant by a competent judge”.
Somaliland’s government should respect and adhere to the laws governing the country accordingly, and specifically to the Constitution of Somaliland. We call on the government of Somaliland to release the detainees immediately, stop arbitrary detentions, and respect the freedom of expression enshrined in the constitution.
Yasmin Omar Haji Mohamoud
The Chairperson of Human Rights Centre, Somaliland
Sagal Jet, arguably the most prominent publishing firm in Somaliland, has been thriving since President Muse Bihi Abdi took office. Awarded nearly 1.3 million US dollars in government contracts in just three years, it has used these profits to establish itself as the dominant publisher in an unusually short time. The government’s own National Printing Press received a diminutive $560,000 US dollars in government contracts over the same period in comparison, according to government records viewed d by Somaliland Chronicle.
President Bihi, who critics have accused of the unjust distribution of government contracts and preferential treatment of a few, has repeatedly praised Somaliland’s National Tender Board and stated that all government contracts are won through a competitive and transparent bidding process held by the National Tender Board. Somaliland Chronicle is unable to substantiate President Bihi’s claim as publicly available listing of the Tender Boards records are incomplete.
A prime example is Sagal Jet, whose CEO Mr. Abdi Yusuf Aar is a close confidant of President Bihi with unfettered access to the President and his cabinet, and who has received lucrative no-bid contracts directly from Somaliland’s Presidency. Records show that the Director General of the Presidency, Mr. Mohamed Ali Bile, has frequently requested exceptions from the National Tender Board in order to directly award Sagal Jet no-bid contracts. While the Presidency is Sagal Jet’s largest customer, other government agencies have also joined in the practice of giving considerable no-bid contracts to Sagal Jet.
One of the contracts in question was for the printing of flyers, scarfs, hats, children’s balloons, and other paraphernalia in 2020 for the 18th May Independence celebrations. This no-bid contract was worth $139,850 US dollars as per the documents reviewed.
Somaliland’s government under President Bihi has allocated more funding and made substantial upgrades to the National Printing Press by procuring high-end equipment, and building facilities; but is still outsourcing the majority of its printing needs to Sagal Jet for unknown or ambiguous reasons.
Other private printing establishments have made less than a combined $100,000 USD from the government the same period, and it’s unclear whether they lack the technical capacity to compete in governments contracts, or if Sagal Jet does indeed have a legitimate competitive advantage over other publishing firms and the National Printing Press.
What’s curious is that there is a sundry of transactions that manage to avoid meeting the required threshold for bids to go through Somaliland’s National Tender process, thus potentially circumventing Somaliland’s National Tender Board. While there is some ambiguity to the threshold amount (because of the lack of a clear-cut and defined figure being made available), the repeated small transactions we parsed through read like $9,999 Currency Transaction Report avoidance, with payments being broken down into smaller repetitive amounts.
These transactions and untendered contracts, along with Sagal Jet’s rapid rise to power in Somaliland’s publishing industry, may shed light on a system of patronage that has been the norm in many administrations but is becoming more visible under President Bihi’s administration.
The CEO of Sagal Jet, Abdi Yusuf Aar, with other prominent partners, who invested heavily in President Bihi’s election campaign, early on President Bihi’s presidency has also been widely accused of getting exclusive and lucrative contracts as a quid-pro-quo for picking the right horse.
In an administration known for closing its doors and access to even the likes of the Honourable Sheikh Ali Jawhar, one of modern-day Somaliland’s founders, Mr. Abdi Yusuf Aar has found himself with unconstrained access to the halls of Somaliland’s Presidency, and a seat at the table with close proximity to President himself.
While pay for play schemes are a regular occurrence throughout most of the democratic world, what’s concerning is the lack of oversight and accountability and the missing role of the National Tender Board. That President Bihi is able to so openly reward one of his early investors, and that these actions are in stark contradiction to the public image the President likes to portray, are a ghastly reminder that corruption has become the norm in Somaliland.
Somaliland’s nascent democracy can only flourish through transparency, accountability, and strong government institutions playing their respective roles with proper checks and balances in place. The corrupt practice of rewarding campaign contributors directly from the national coffers, thus rendering the National Tender Board a rubber-stamping agency for Somaliland’s Presidency, will have devastating effects on the Somaliland government’s continued democratization efforts.
Mr. Yusuf Abdi Aar has declined to comment on this article. Efforts to reach officials at the Presidency and other government agencies for comments were unsuccessful.
Taiwan has assisted the Somaliland government in establishing the Somaliland Innovation Zone, which was opened in October 2021. Following the opening, taking into consideration of the gender equality initiatives, the first and exclusively reserved for women course – “Women in Tech Training Program” has been carried out. 33 Somaliland women from both public and private sectors have gained brand-new skills from the intensive 1-month courses, including computer basics, office automation and graphic design.
On 8th December, Taiwan Technical Mission collaborated with the Ministry of ICT has held a grand closing ceremony for this program. The ceremony was not just for awarding the certificate, but also for students to showcase their group project on brand design. To prepare for the showcase, students spent countless times even after class for practice. Students have spoken highly of this training program in a survey. Some of them wished the class never ends, while some requested to open more training, such as video editing and programming training.
Deputy Representative Nabil Wu of the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland mentioned in his remarks that he is glad to witness the first batch of 33 females to accomplish their training and to be equipped with better working skills and efficiency. In addition, he encourages all the students to apply for Taiwan Scholarships to further strengthen their ICT knowledge in Taiwan.
Dr. Abdiweli Abdillahi Soufi, Minister of Information and Communication Technology, and other invited dignitaries also appreciated the sponsorship of TaiwanICDF and the hard work of Taiwan Technical Mission for making the class so successful, and expect more courses will be open in the Innovation Zone.
Taiwan Government and “Simply Help” foundation based in the USA work together and continuously share daily necessities and medical supplies with Somaliland Government to show the rock-solid friendship as well as the borderless love.
Deputy Ambassador Nabil Chengchi WU of the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland underscores Taiwan Government’s efforts to integrate resources from NGOs and private enterprises to channel to Somaliland. Since 2020, the Simply Help Foundation continues to donate daily necessities to Somaliland. The said foundation operates in more than 20 countries and not only donates needed materials but also trains people to learn living skills. In 2005, the said foundation acknowledged the Special Consultative Status with ECOSOC.
Taiwan Representative Office, on behalf of the Taiwan Government and Simply Help Foundation, donates daily and medical necessities to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation to assist the local people in need. It is believed that a friend in need is a friend indeed.
Taiwan is helping and Taiwan has long been contributing on many fronts. Our efforts is proudly described as the “Taiwan Model”. We are always ready to share with Somaliland what we have and what we are good at.
