FlyDubai Flight Diverted Due to Runway Issues at Somaliland’s Egal International Airport

August 20, 2024

HARGEISA, Somaliland – On August 20, 2024, FlyDubai flight FDB617, en route to Hargeisa, was forced to divert to Djibouti due to runway damage at Egal International Airport. Airport officials reported that recent heavy rains had exacerbated an existing pothole on the tarmac, rendering it unsafe for landing.

The incident has brought renewed attention to the state of Somaliland’s aviation infrastructure. Egal International Airport, Somaliland’s primary air hub, has been operating without night landing capabilities for years, limiting its operational hours and international connections.

When asked why the flight couldn’t be redirected to Berbera Airport, Somaliland’s second-largest airfield, an aviation official speaking on condition of anonymity stated, “Berbera airport currently lacks the necessary certification for international flights. The groundwork for such diversions hasn’t been completed.”

Attempts to reach Mr. Omar Sayid Abdilahi Aden, General Manager of the Somaliland Civil Aviation and Airports Authority, for comment were unsuccessful as of press time.

Contrary to initial reports, flight tracking data from open-source aviation websites reveals that FlyDubai flight FDB617 did not enter a holding pattern over Hargeisa as previously suggested. Instead, the aircraft abruptly altered its course towards Djibouti while still a considerable distance from Egal International Airport. This new information raises questions about the exact timing and nature of the decision to divert. Aviation experts speculate that the crew may have been informed of the runway issues well in advance of their approach to Hargeisa, prompting an earlier-than-expected route change. This discrepancy between the reported narrative and actual flight data underscores the need for greater transparency from both airline and airport officials regarding the circumstances of the diversion.

FlyDubai, officially Dubai Aviation Corporation, is a government-owned budget airline based in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Established in 2008, it has rapidly grown to become a significant carrier in the Middle East, Central Asia, and East Africa. The airline operates a fleet of modern Boeing 737 aircraft and serves over 90 destinations, including several routes to the Horn of Africa. FlyDubai’s Hargeisa service, launched in 2015, has been crucial in connecting Somaliland to the wider world, facilitating business travel and diaspora visits. The airline’s presence in Somaliland has been seen as a vote of confidence in the region’s stability and economic potential. This context makes the recent diversion particularly noteworthy, as it affects a key international link for Hargeisa and potentially impacts the perception of Somaliland’s aviation readiness among international carriers.

Egal International Airport has long struggled with flight diversions due to adverse weather conditions and inadequate infrastructure. During the rainy season, poor visibility often forces pilots to reroute to alternative airports. In 2023 alone, over a dozen international flights were diverted from Hargeisa, with many opting to land in Djibouti or Addis Ababa instead. Airport officials have cited the lack of advanced navigational aids and landing systems as a key factor behind these recurring diversions. Without the necessary equipment to guide aircraft during low-visibility approaches, Egal International remains highly vulnerable to disruptions, stranding passengers and negatively impacting commerce. Resolving these longstanding infrastructure shortcomings has been a significant challenge for Somaliland’s aviation authorities.

This event occurs against a backdrop of long-standing infrastructure challenges in Somaliland. Despite economic growth in recent years, particularly in the port city of Berbera, aviation facilities have seen limited improvement. A 2023 report by the Somaliland Chamber of Commerce highlighted that only 2% of the national budget was allocated to aviation infrastructure in the past five years.

The Somali government has repeatedly attempted to reassert control over Somaliland’s airspace, which has been a source of tension between the two entities. However, Somaliland has successfully managed to wrestle control of its airspace from Somalia, a victory symbolizing its autonomy. Despite this, the necessary investments in Somaliland’s aviation infrastructure have lagged, with inadequate facilities, particularly at night, when planes are unable to land at Egal International due to the absence of essential infrastructure.

As Somaliland continues to pursue economic development and increased international trade, incidents like the FlyDubai diversion underscore the urgent need for infrastructure improvement.

Sir Mo Farah: My Humbling Homecoming

Editor II

August 19, 2024

On World Humanitarian Day, Sir Mo Farah describes how people in drought-stricken Somaliland are working together to fight hunger

British Olympic champion Sir Mo Farah has been a Save the Children Ambassador since January 2017.

I recently returned to Somaliland, where I was born, with Save the Children to see first-hand the work they are doing there in response to the devastating impacts of climate change and malnutrition.

It’s hard to put into words the mix of emotions that this trip brought up in me. There were moments of heartbreak – but also hope, as I witnessed mothers battling the odds to find just enough food to keep their children alive.

In Gabiley, where I spent the first few years of my life, I visited a hospital where I saw the most severe cases of acute malnutrition – children whose bodies were so drastically weakened that they were barely clinging to life.

I spoke to mothers who told me of the long, arduous journeys they had made from their villages in desperate search of life-saving support in the town. These mothers shared stories of how the droughts had attacked their livelihoods, destroying the few livestock they had left and robbing them of their ability to provide for their families.

They told me of impossible choices they had been forced to make, leaving some of their children behind so that they could find care for others.

Save the Children health worker Sabaad shows Sir Mo Farah the little water she has left which unsafe to drink in Somaliland, May 28, 2024. Mustafa Saeed/Save the Children/Handout via Thomson Reuters Foundation

As a father of four I can’t imagine having to make that choice. No parent should ever face such an agonising decision.

I know how it feels to want the best for your family. We all do, and many of us are fortunate enough to be able to ensure our kids have access to all the nourishment they need to grow into healthy adults.

Many of us, naturally, take food almost for granted. The reality for families I met in Somaliland – a self-declared autonomous region of northwestern Somalia – is starkly different.

According to the latest figures, five consecutive failed rainy seasons have left 4 million people in Somalia facing severe shortages of food and almost 2 million children at risk of acute malnutrition.

In 2022, 43,000 excess deaths are estimated to have occurred in Somalia because of the drought – and around half of these are likely to have been children under five.

In a village that reminded me of my own childhood home, I met a tight-knit community who were struggling to feed their children because of those relentless droughts. Despite this, the community was making sure no neighbour was left behind.

They told me that if a family had not eaten for a few days, which, sadly, was the norm, everyone would rally round, putting together whatever they could find to make sure they had at least one meal. Seeing such resilience, and this community spirit, was so inspiring.

In this community, I also met Sabaad, a community health worker supported by Save the Children who has become a lifeline for her village, bringing vital treatment closer to families.

Without Sabaad, mothers told me, their malnourished children may not have survived. Spurred on by her own child’s past struggles with malnutrition, Sabaad has spent the last five years tirelessly serving her community, demonstrating the power of local knowledge, experience and perseverance.

For me, this was a humbling homecoming. So many parents in Somalia, Somaliland and across the world are struggling to keep their children alive because of the impact of climate change.

This is a global crisis that demands the attention of all of us. No matter where they are born, every child should have the right to be a child with the freedom to play and live in a world without uncertainty.

Equally, no parent should have to face some of the impossible choices the mothers I’ve met have had to face just to keep their children alive. It is our responsibility to ensure those bearing the brunt of this crisis are not forgotten. The time for action is now.

More Somaliland Students Heading to Taiwan for Coveted Scholarships in Diplomatic Milestone

Staff

August 16, 2024

HARGEISA, Somaliland—In a move that underscores growing diplomatic relations, Taiwan awarded scholarships to 32 Somaliland students on August 14, 2024, at a ceremony hosted by the Taiwan Representative Office in the Republic of Somaliland. The event showcased Taiwan’s commitment to fostering educational opportunities and enhancing human resources in the Republic of Somaliland.

The scholarships, which include the Taiwan MOFA, TaiwanMOE, Taiwan ICDF, and Taiwan Military Scholarships, are part of a broader initiative that has benefited over 130 Somalilanders to date. This year’s cohort includes ten government officials who will pursue studies in fields critical to Somaliland’s development, such as public health, agriculture, and defense.

Mr. Abdi Ismail Yunis, Deputy Chairman of the Somaliland National Commission for Higher Education, attended the ceremony, highlighting the importance of the program to the nation’s educational aspirations. Dr. Mohamed Omar Hagi Mohamoud, Somaliland’s Representative to Taiwan, was also present, further cementing the bilateral nature of the initiative.

Ambassador Allen Chenhwa Lou emphasized the potential impact of the scholarship program on Somaliland’s development. “We urge recipients to leverage their educational experiences in Taiwan for the betterment of Somaliland,” Lou stated. He praised Taiwan’s education system for its rigorous standards and innovative approaches, qualities that have contributed to its global reputation for excellence.

The scholarship program is a key component of the bilateral agreement signed in July 2020, which established official ties between Taiwan and Somaliland. Despite limited international recognition for both entities, the partnership has flourished, leading to the opening of representative offices in Hargeisa and Taipei.

Taiwan’s education system, particularly in STEM fields, consistently ranks among the global elite. This excellence is reflected in international assessments and university rankings, making it an attractive destination for international students seeking cutting-edge knowledge and skills.

For Somaliland, access to Taiwan’s educational resources represents a significant opportunity. As global economies increasingly pivot towards technology-driven sectors, the advanced STEM training offered by Taiwan could prove invaluable. The partnership aims to equip Somaliland students with the knowledge and skills necessary to contribute to critical sectors upon their return home.

In a related development, Somaliland’s National Army celebrated a milestone as officers holding the ranks of Lt. Colonels and Majors graduated from Taiwan’s National Defence University. This marks the first time Somaliland military personnel have completed comprehensive training at both the War College and Staff College in Taiwan.

Somaliland’s ambassador to Taiwan, Mr. Mohamed Hagi, expressed optimism about the impact of this training on the nation’s military capabilities. “The advanced knowledge and skills acquired by these officers will significantly enhance our National Army’s effectiveness,” Hagi noted.

The growing cooperation between Taiwan and Somaliland in education and military training reflects a mutual commitment to development and capacity building. As Somaliland continues to navigate its path toward economic growth and stability, initiatives like the Taiwan Scholarship program exemplify how international partnerships can serve as catalysts for societal transformation.

While the long-term implications of this partnership remain to be seen, it’s clear that both Taiwan and Somaliland view education as a cornerstone of their bilateral relationship. As more Somaliland students return with advanced degrees and specialized training, the impact on the nation’s development trajectory could be substantial.

However, challenges remain. The lack of widespread international recognition for both entities may limit the broader applicability of these educational initiatives. Additionally, the ability of Somaliland to retain and effectively utilize returning talent will be crucial to realizing the full potential of this partnership.

As the relationship between Taiwan and Somaliland continues to evolve, education and knowledge exchange appear poised to play a central role among many areas of cooperation including an assistance to Somaliland’s democratization and elections. The success of these initiatives may offer insights into alternative models of international cooperation and development in an increasingly complex global landscape.

Red Sea Mirage: Turkey’s Snake Oil, Somalia’s Empty Promises, and Ethiopia’s Only Real Path Through Somaliland

Staff

August 11, 2024

The current geopolitical machinations in the Horn of Africa, with Turkey’s attempts to resurrect Abiy Ahmed’s failed 2018 strategy for Ethiopian sea access via Somalia, epitomize not merely a recapitulation of past diplomatic follies but also lay bare the stark inadequacies of Somaliland’s foreign policy apparatus. This unfolding drama threatens to upend regional stability and willfully disregards the realities of territorial sovereignty in this strategically crucial nexus.

Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s engagement in these negotiations may be construed as either a calculated delay tactic, mindful of Somaliland’s impending elections, or a gesture of acquiescence to Turkish interests, given their substantial economic entanglements. However, should Abiy genuinely believe in the efficacy of securing Red Sea access through parleys with Somalia, he finds himself ensnared in a diplomatic time loop. The Turkish-mediated dialogues are predestined to failure, mirroring Abiy’s ill-fated 2018 gambit with then-President Farmajo, for one critical reason: they systematically exclude Somaliland, a truly sovereign nation exercising effective control over the coveted coastal territories.

While Somaliland’s international recognition remains pending, its firm control over its territory is incontrovertible. Somaliland may not be internationally recognized, but possession is nine-tenths of the law, and Somaliland is firmly in charge of what is hers—exactly what Ethiopia needs if it hopes to secure lasting access to the Red Sea. This ground reality renders any external negotiation that sidelines Somaliland not merely an exercise in futility but a dangerously myopic strategy. The principle of “effective control” in international jurisprudence lends credence to Somaliland’s position, making its involvement not just advisable but imperative for any viable accord.

Equally disquieting is Somaliland’s tepid diplomatic response to these developments. Hargeisa’s foreign policy apparatus appears to be navigating this critical juncture with a disconcerting lack of strategic acumen. Their communiqués, often released with a time lag that betrays a lack of urgency, oscillate between reaffirming commitment to the January 1st Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Ethiopia and expressing vague concerns, failing to articulate a cogent and forceful position befitting a nation asserting its sovereignty.

This passive approach to statecraft raises serious questions about Somaliland’s readiness for the international recognition it claims to seek. Is Somaliland genuinely committed to asserting its independence, or has it become too comfortable in its diplomatic limbo? The current leadership’s demure diplomacy suggests either a lack of seriousness about recognition, a crippling timidity on the world stage, or perhaps an unfortunate combination of both.

Turkey’s role in this geopolitical theater is far from benign. As Somalia’s patron state with vested interests in its maritime resources, Turkey’s mediation efforts are thinly veiled attempts to safeguard its economic stakes. By opposing Somaliland’s recognition and advocating for deals that marginalize it, Turkey seeks to maintain its hegemony over Somalia’s coastal wealth. Paradoxically, Turkey’s long-term interests might be better served by acknowledging Somaliland’s legitimate claims, potentially fostering greater regional stability and prosperity.

Ethiopia must awaken to these geopolitical realities. The path to the Red Sea does not lie through recycled, failed strategies or deals brokered by actors with conflicting interests. It runs through direct, respectful engagement with Somaliland, recognizing its de facto sovereignty and the criticality of the MoU. For this to succeed, Somaliland must elevate its diplomatic game to match Ethiopia’s overtures with clear, decisive statecraft.

Somaliland must pivot to a more assertive geopolitical stance to safeguard its sovereignty and strategic interests. This necessitates a multifaceted approach: unequivocally reaffirming its autonomy and the inviolability of the Ethiopian MoU, while concurrently orchestrating a sophisticated public diplomacy blitz to elucidate its position on the global stage. Paramount among these initiatives should be the immediate and unequivocal expulsion of the Turkish diplomatic contingent from Hargeisa—a resolute action signaling zero tolerance for external meddling in Somaliland’s affairs. This decisive maneuver would not only underscore Somaliland’s determination but potentially catalyze heightened international engagement. However, cognizant of Ethiopia’s vacillating commitment and Djibouti’s antagonistic posture vis-à-vis the MoU, Somaliland must diversify its diplomatic portfolio. The region’s burgeoning geostrategic significance, particularly the Bab Al-Mandeb strait, presents Somaliland with an unparalleled opportunity to leverage its position. Thus, while nurturing the Ethiopian accord, Somaliland must concurrently pursue a kaleidoscope of alliances and economic partnerships, intensifying its campaign for recognition and cementing its indispensability in the Horn of Africa’s complex geopolitical tapestry.

For Ethiopia, it is imperative to recognize that Turkey’s mediation efforts are antithetical to its national interests. By entertaining Turkey’s chimerical promises, Ethiopia risks not only reiterating past failures in securing Red Sea access but also potentially alienating public sentiment in Somaliland, jeopardizing its credibility as a reliable partner. Ethiopia’s strategic future lies in honoring its bilateral agreement with Somaliland and acknowledging that sustainable access to the Red Sea can only be achieved through a direct, respectful partnership with the entity exercising de facto control over the relevant territories.

External stakeholders, such as the United Arab Emirates, potentially involved in bolstering Ethiopia’s naval capabilities or port infrastructure, must also reckon with these geopolitical realities. Any investment predicated on a deal that excludes Somaliland is fundamentally untenable and shortsighted.

The geopolitical clock in the Horn of Africa ticks relentlessly. It is incumbent upon Somaliland to shed its diplomatic diffidence and assert itself on the world stage with the gravitas and clarity that its unique position demands. Concurrently, Ethiopia must remain steadfast in its commitments, resisting the allure of illusory quick fixes. Only through mutual respect and a clear-eyed recognition of the political realities on the ground can a lasting solution be forged—one that engenders stability and prosperity in this strategically vital region.

Indefinite terms of Somaliland house of elders and threat on democracy.

Staff

August 9, 2024

Brief History of house of elders.

The House of Elders, also known as Guurti is upper house of the Somaliland parliament. It consists of 82 members, acting for traditional leaders. The House of Elders has a constitutional right to review the bills proposed by the Somaliland House of Representatives. Initially, the house of elders had a significant role in the Somaliland peacebuilding process and reconciliation among the different tribes with different values and interests. It was established in 1993, their terms is six years, however it has never been re-elected since it was created in 1993. (Wikipedia, 2024 last updated 6 march)

In 1993, national senate was institutionalized as house of elders, with 82 members elected from various districts of Somaliland. Later on, the house of elders elected Mohammad Haji Ibrahim Egal as a new president of Somaliland.

Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar

Haji Abdikarim Hussein Yusuf (Abdi Waraabe)

The Somaliland constitution confined the terms of the house of elders at six years. In 2003, the house of elder’s rule expired, however, term was extended by the presidential degree to one year beyond the term of the House of Representatives.

The chairman of house of elders Sheikh Ibrahim dead in London then incumbent chairman Sulayman Mohamoud Adan was elected his successor. The first extension of house of elders ended 2006, in May 2006, the house of elders solely decided to extend their terms by another four years. When its second extension was finished, in September, 2010 the house of elders added its own term by three years and eight months and also extended the term of the representatives by two years and eight months.

In April 2013, the House of Elders normalized to extend its terms until 2016. In contrast, opposition parties are extremely rebuffed by these unconstitutional decisions made by the House of Elders, but they were implemented as intended. Surprisingly, in May 2015, the House of Elders declared that it should extend its terms until June 2018. The house of senate was not only capable of enlarge its own term but also had the constitutional right to upgrade the term of house representatives. And once they extended the house of elders, they automatically earned one year after the representative’s term.

Finally, the house of elders has extended its eighth times by five years, which will end on November 13, 2027. (Wikipedia, 2024 last updated 6 march)

How long could they stay in power?

The upper house (Guurti) seems to be one of the determinant mechanisms of Somaliland’s democracy process, particularly in power transitioning and adoption of election schedules.

Guurti has unlimited power and role given by the constitution which can permit to extend its own self, the House of Representatives and president as well simultaneously. Therefore, the house of elder’s will stay in power as long as this interim constitution is functioning, because as the article 83, says that “If on the expiry of the term of office of the President and the Vice-President, it is not possible, Because of security considerations, to hold the election of the President and the Vice-President, the House of Elders shall extend their term of office whilst taking into consideration the period in which the problems can be overcome and the election can be held.”

In addition, as article 42 states that “if the election of the House of Representatives cannot be conducted because of dire circumstances, the outgoing House shall continue in office until the end of these circumstances and a new House is elected.”

How could be possible to change an institution which can extend by themselves-without any further consequences? Delaying the election schedule became a chronic disease for Somaliland’s good governance and democratic progress. All political conflict and deadlocks are posed by the extension of Guurti, then opposition parties began peaceful demonstrations in which they refused these unlawful actions committed by the government and Guurti collectively. To crack down on the protesters, the Somaliland government used excess force on the citizens, which ended up killing and injuring some of the protesters. When people come to the street in order to express their opinion, they trust and believe that their government will never use live bullets; however, when they encounter cruel and brutal action from the government, they instantly convert into radical clan militia who could potentially erupt a civil war across the country.

Why has Guurti been in power for 27 years?

Power is one of main elements that human being fight for to possess it, so it is an inevitable to get a hone mechanism which could clearly mentioned the eligibility of getting power and losing it. Despite many, there are six main reasons that Guurti cannot be changed:

Constitution has gave unlimited power which can extend their term by own self
The House of Representatives has not yet prepared the law that will elect the members of the House of Elders.
Every government that comes to power could not dare to confront them because of their political interests; it may anticipate getting an extension.
The House of Representatives is not preferring to enact a new law to elect Guurti because of their own interest.
Amending the current constitution will require strong and credential leadership who have absolute trust from society.
People are divided, so it is very difficult to express their opinion collectively in order to challenge the exploiter who wants to deprive them of their social and political rights.

Consequences of the extension of the term of political institutions.

Transferring power from the incumbent ruler to his/her successor is a symbol of democratic progress in a particular country or system. In contrast, extension terms, oppressed, and limited exercise of your basic rights will reflect how you are under totalitarian jurisdiction. Since Somaliland shifted to a multi-party system 21 years ago, there has been recurrent political conflict aroused by the postponement of elections. Inconsistency in the election schedule has led to violence and the killing of innocent people by police and security forces. Now, in Somaliland, almost all the prominent elders who had negotiated contended political parties have passed away; therefore, the current opposition leaders and their colleagues have no such patience to reconcile the difference. Nevertheless, the only solution will be to abide by the election schedule. On August 11, 2022, the supporters of the opposition party Wadani, came to the street to express their concerns about the two-year extension to President Biihi.

During those protests, five people were killed and dozens were injured by security forces after being hit by live bullets. This incident boiled up the political tension, whereas the opposition party was accused of creating a clan militia led by one of the SNM veterans. This clan militia has begun to destabilize the security of Somaliland; they confiscated government vehicles and international agencies such as the Holle Trust.

Rationalized extension terms for both the executive and house of elders fueled the political crisis in Somaliland, and the nation will always be a victim of its constitution because the paper is there and the differences of interests of the people will also be there. In fact, this outdated constitution does not reflect the current circumstances of the Somaliland people; however, it always favors who is in power. The ultimate solution for this prolonged political conflict will be as follows:

Amendment of an outdated constitution
Compliance with the rule of law in every circumstance
Differentiating the justice system from the executive portion
Regular accountability and monitoring should be put in place at every institution.
People should study their rights, both social and political.

About the Author

Mohamed Awil is the Finance Manager at ADCON Construction Company and a lecturer at Golis University, bringing seven years of experience in finance and auditing across public and private institutions. He holds a bachelor’s degree in Management Science Information Technology (MSIT) from Golis University and a master’s degree in Public Financial Management from Ethiopian Civil Service University. You can connect with him on X @Mohamed392.

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views or positions of Somaliland Chronicle. As an independent online news platform, Somaliland Chronicle is dedicated to publishing well-reasoned, policy-oriented articles that address critical issues related to Somaliland’s national priorities, including foreign affairs, security, healthcare, education, economy, energy, infrastructure, and broader developments in the Horn of Africa.

Licensing: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. You are free to reprint and distribute this work for non-commercial purposes under the terms of this license.

Wadani-Kaah Coalition Restructuring Somaliland Political Landscape

Editor II

August 5, 2024

A coalition formed by political association Kaah and opposition party Wadani has the potential to change Somaliland’s political climate before the elections in November. The collaboration, which was unveiled in Hargeisa today, aims to challenge the dominance of the ruling party and garner support.

A strategic collaboration for the November elections is established by the agreement signed by Kaah leader Mahamud Hashi Abdi, Wadani presidential candidate Abdirahman Irro, and Wadani leader Hirsi Ali Haji Hassan.

Important aspects include Kaah’s support for Waddani’s nominee for president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi Irro, in return for governmental roles should Waddani secures victory. Both parties also decided to review Somaliland’s constitution to reconsider the seat allocation system and to resolve the Sool region’s problems through peaceful discussions.

Wadani spokesperson Mohamed Farah stated in an interview with the BBC that this landmark deal will be advantageous for the citizens of Somaliland and paves the way for Wadani to gain power in the nation. Kaah spokesperson Hasan Abdillahi Mataan characterized the agreement as a major chance to rescue Somaliland and bring back harmony among its citizens

The alliance is formed only 100 days prior to the elections, exerting political influence on the governing party. Dr. Ahmed Farah Idle (Ahmed Saki), a researcher and lecturer at the University of Hargeisa, highlighted the strategic timing with the approaching election.

Dr. Ahmed-Saki Farah informed the BBC that Waddani is employing all tactics to seize power in Somaliland, which is why they have partnered with Kaah in a coalition. The strategy that led to the current agreement has been in progress for almost a year.

The alliance brings fresh dynamics to the political landscape of Somaliland. It might pose a challenge to the incumbent Kulmiye party, which has been in power in Somaliland for the last fourteen years. Wadani and Kaah are both competing to uphold their political standing

Nonetheless, Dr. Ahmed Saki cautioned that Kaah’s leadership has engaged in a political gamble. He mentioned that if only Waddani’s followers vote for Waddani, Kaah could lose backing from the government and other opposition parties.

The partnership between Waddani and Kaah is just the second coalition deal in the political history of Somaliland. In 2010, the opposition party Kulmiye joined forces with the group Qaran to form a coalition before eventually uniting for the election.

Somaliland Republic where leaders are chosen through direct voting, is preparing for one of its most fiercely contested elections in recent memory. The result of this alliance could have a major impact on the future political layout of Somaliland.

Major Corruption Allegations Rock Somaliland Finance Ministry’s Recruitment for World Bank’s Public Resource Management Project

Staff

August 3, 2024

According to documents examined by Somaliland Chronicle, serious allegations of misconduct have emerged in the selection process for a World Bank-funded Project Coordinator position in Somaliland. The ongoing investigation has raised significant concerns about transparency and fairness in the recruitment procedure, potentially fitting into a broader pattern of corruption in internationally funded projects.

Multiple professionals have filed formal complaints with the World Bank regarding the selection committee’s processes and potential conflicts of interest. These individuals, whose identities remain confidential, have highlighted irregularities and possible biases in the recruitment process.

One complainant criticized the qualifications and selection criteria, alleging they were tailored to favor a pre-selected candidate. The complaint specifically mentioned the alleged involvement of high-ranking officials with direct links to the Presidency. According to the complainant, the selection committee failed to adhere to established guidelines, compromising the integrity of the process.

Another professional echoed these concerns, detailing instances where selection committee members appeared to disregard objective qualifications in favor of subjective preferences.

According to sources familiar with World Bank-funded projects in Somaliland, the corruption in this case may extend beyond simply appointing a less qualified candidate. These sources allege that the real aim is to install a compliant Project Coordinator who will have significant influence over the allocation of multimillion-dollar procurement contracts. This arrangement, if true, could allow the appointee to direct lucrative contracts to entities favored by their sponsors, potentially including high-ranking officials.

The same sources point to previous World Bank initiatives in Somaliland, specifically the Strengthening Civil Service and Public Finance Reform projects, which together totaled at least $20 million in funding. Despite their substantial price tags, these earlier projects appear to have had limited impact on improving Somaliland’s governance and financial management systems, primarily due to corruption within the implementation process.

The World Bank has acknowledged receipt of the complaints regarding the current project and initiated a review to ensure the recruitment process aligns with their standards of transparency and fairness.

The contested position is a key role in the World Bank-funded Somalia Enhancing Public Resource Management Project, aimed at improving public resource management and strengthening institutional capacities in Somaliland.

The selection committee, responsible for evaluating candidates, includes key figures from the Ministry of Finance and other governmental bodies. Concerns about conflicts of interest have been amplified by allegations of undue influence from high-ranking officials.

In response to these concerns, Dr. Saad Ali Shire, Minister of Finance Development, provided the following statement to Somaliland Chronicle:

“The World Bank has a set procedure for recruitment. And the World Bank gives a no-objection consent every step of the way. You cannot proceed unless No-objection is obtained. In this case, there have been complaints and accusations shared with the World Bank. The World Bank has a system for dealing with complaints and that has been followed. At one point, they hired a Norwegian firm to participate in the process. Finally, a candidate was selected. This was shared with the World Bank which gave a no-objection verdict.”

Dr. Shire emphasized the integrity of the selection process, adding, “The process was handled by a panel of seven senior officers from different stakeholder institutions chaired by my Deputy Minister. If the successful candidate is not up to the job, then the necessary steps will be taken to deal with that.“

However, despite Dr. Saad Ali Shire’s earlier assurances of adhering strictly to World Bank procedures, new evidence has come to light that directly contradicts the Minister of Finance Development’s claims. A document examined by Somaliland Chronicle, dated 27/07/2023, reveals that Dr. Shire attempted to bypass the established recruitment process by unilaterally nominating an entire project team for the SERP (Somaliland Economic Recovery Program) initiative. This official letter from the Ministry of Finance Development lists nominations for key positions including the SERP PIU Coordinator, the very position the Ministry is now recruiting and for which almost every candidate who has applied is complaining of a rigged process, while the Minister claims adherence to World Bank procedures.

Sources close to the matter indicate that this premature team selection was promptly rejected by the World Bank, which insisted the Ministry adhere to proper hiring guidelines. This revelation starkly contrasts with Dr. Shire’s previous statement that “The World Bank has a set procedure for recruitment… You cannot proceed unless No-objection is obtained.” The Minister’s actions in attempting to appoint a full team without following due process, particularly for the contested SERP PIU Coordinator position, raise serious questions about the transparency of the selection process and lend credence to the widespread allegations of potential misconduct in staffing this multimillion-dollar project.

Adding to the complexity of the situation, a recent letter from the World Bank informed the Ministry of Finance Development of a change in the Task Team Leader for the Enhancing Public Resource Management Project. Ms. May Olalia, Senior Public Sector Specialist, has been designated as the new Task Team Leader, replacing Ms. Rafika Chaouali.

This controversy is set against the broader context of Somaliland’s unique position in relation to World Bank-funded projects. Generally, these projects are awarded to the Federal Government of Somalia, with Somaliland considered an implementing partner, much like other Federal Member States such as Puntland. This arrangement underscores a dichotomy in Somaliland’s pursuit of independence. While striving for international recognition, Somaliland’s acceptance of funding under the auspices of Somalia suggests a willingness to operate as a de facto member state when beneficial. This duality can be perceived as an impediment to Somaliland’s independence aspirations, signaling to the international community that Somaliland, while asserting its autonomy, is content to receive funding akin to any other member state.

In practice, Somaliland often attempts to assert its distinct identity by renaming these projects, replacing “Somalia” with “Somaliland” at launch ceremonies. However, this symbolic gesture does little to address the underlying issues. Critics argue that these projects, despite their stated aims, have failed to significantly advance Somaliland’s development. Instead, there are concerns that they primarily serve to enrich a small circle of corrupt officials, funding lavish lifestyles while leaving the broader population’s needs unmet. This situation is further complicated by dealings with foreign ambassadors sent to Somalia, who often engage with Somaliland under the framework of Somalia’s federal structure, further blurring the line between Somaliland and Somalia and potentially giving the impression that independence may not be a serious pursuit.

Organized corruption involves multiple actors working together to defraud the public long-term by creating a deeply rooted cartel that grows more powerful with each iteration. In Brazil, the Petrobras scandal revealed top executives colluding with politicians and construction firms to inflate contracts and siphon off billions. Nigeria’s fuel subsidy scam saw government officials and businesspeople fabricating fuel import documents to claim subsidies for non-existent deliveries, costing the country billions. In Somaliland, while the scale may be smaller, the sophistication of institutionalized corruption is comparable. Officials and their associates have created entrenched systems to exploit public resources for personal gain. Each generation of corrupt actors builds upon the previous one, enhancing their methods and tightening their grip on public funds. In Somaliland, the bucket may be smaller than Petrobras or Nigeria’s fuel subsidy scam, but the institutionalized corruption is just as sophisticated and likely to worsen with each generation.

Only Minister Shire responded to requests for comments. World Bank officials and all others in the Selection Committee did not respond, leaving it unclear whether the World Bank has given its no-objection greenlight to proceed with filling the position or if the complaints have triggered a closer look at the hiring process.

Somaliland Chronicle will continue to monitor this situation closely, urging all involved parties to ensure a fair and transparent resolution. The outcomes of the World Bank’s review and subsequent actions by the Ministry of Finance will be crucial in determining the future trajectory of this essential project and potentially the broader landscape of international aid in Somaliland.

Symposium on Early Childhood Education in Somaliland

Editor II

August 3, 2024

Pharo Foundation hosted an Early Childhood Development and Education Symposium in Somaliland. Their Education Program Lead, Yohannes Teklu Keliku, has attended the event with other key stakeholders in Somaliland.

Watch the video below to learn from Yohannes, what the symposium is all about.

Somaliland Government Establishes Ministerial Level ‘Recognition Task-Force’

Editor II

August 2, 2024

The Ministry for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation in Somaliland announced that it has made a noteworthy advancement towards receiving international recognition.

The Ministry also mentioned that Somaliland has formed a State Recognition Taskforce at the ministerial level to plan and work towards gaining recognition. It was also mentioned that this decision is in line with the government’s continuous diplomatic efforts, including the recent Memorandum of Understanding with Ethiopia for sea access.

Somaliland takes a significant step towards international recognition today. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has established a Ministerial Level State recognition Taskforce to strategize and pursue recognition efforts. (1/2) #Somaliland #Diplomacy #Recognition pic.twitter.com/IyDLowNqOo

— MFA Somaliland (@somalilandmfa) August 1, 2024

Ethiopia and Somaliland entered into a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on 01 January 2024, which allows Ethiopia to access the sea in exchange for providing international recognition to Somaliland.

The ruling Prosperity Party (PP) announced in January that it had made the decision to bring the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) that Ethiopia signed with Somaliland “to a practical agreement” while simultaneously paying attention to the principles of give and take to secure additional options for port access with other neighboring countries in a resolution that was issued at the conclusion of four days of meetings by members of both the Executive and the Central Committee.

The agreement with Somaliland, according to the ruling party, demonstrates “Ethiopia’s position for regional economic and cultural ties.”

In February, Somaliland announced that it was “on course without any wavering, and remain seized” of the implementation of the MoU and that it had appointed a high-level advisory group and a technical team of international legal experts to advise and guide the process.

Following declarations of disapproval from Egypt and the other Arab League members, Ethiopian officials formally retaliated against those who disapproved of the MoU, all the while upholding their position to see through the agreement.

Since then, though, Ethiopia has not provided an update on the status of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), which has sparked criticism from the neighboring Somalian government and ensuing diplomatic disputes.

Alarming US Visa Fraud Scheme Exposed in Somalia, Raising U.S. Security Concerns

Staff

July 31, 2024

A potentially devastating visa fraud scheme, allegedly orchestrated by high-ranking Somali government officials, has been uncovered, raising serious concerns about U.S. national security. The revelation threatens to upend U.S. immigration policies and diplomatic relations, highlighting a chilling reality that underscores the vulnerabilities of the American visa issuance system.

A startling letter sent to U.S. Ambassador Richard Riley by Dr. Abdillahi Hashi Abib, a Somali lawmaker and member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, lays bare a massive, government-backed operation that could be allowing terrorists to enter the United States under false pretenses. This letter, dated July 30, 2024, exposes a web of corruption and deceit that could have catastrophic consequences far beyond Somalia’s borders.

At the heart of the scandal is a shocking statistic: 600 out of 700 visas issued to Somali civil servants by the U.S. Embassy have resulted in overstays, with these individuals failing to return to Somalia. This staggering 86% overstay rate is not just an alarming figure—it is a dire warning that American security may be at risk. This overstay rate is alarmingly higher than the global average of less than 3%, suggesting a systemic exploitation of the U.S. visa system. US Homeland Security overstay reports are available here.

Compounding this alarming scenario is the well-documented infiltration of Somali government institutions by Al-Shabaab, a notorious terrorist organization. President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud himself has acknowledged this infiltration, underscoring the threat posed by the visa fraud scheme. The possibility that individuals with terrorist ties could be slipping into the United States undetected is a chilling prospect that demands immediate action.

Dr. Abib’s letter accuses Somalia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs of masterminding a scheme to misuse civil servants’ passports, securing visas from the U.S., Canada, EU, and UK for individuals who are not government employees. The alleged cost for these fraudulent services ranges from $20,000 to $25,000 per visa, indicating a lucrative operation potentially funneling millions of dollars into corrupt hands. This revelation suggests a deeply entrenched network of corruption that poses a significant threat to global security.

In 2017, former President Donald Trump implemented a travel ban that included Somalia among several Muslim-majority countries, citing national security concerns and the potential threat of terrorism. These new allegations of widespread visa fraud reinforce those fears, highlighting the critical need for vigilant visa controls. The potential for terrorists to exploit these vulnerabilities is a chilling reminder of the dangers posed by lax immigration enforcement.

The U.S. Embassy in Somalia faces an urgent need to reevaluate its visa issuance practices. The traditional diplomatic courtesies extended to government officials must be reconsidered in light of these explosive allegations. The international community is already reacting; Turkey has suspended tourist visas for Somali service passport holders as of July 15, 2024, signaling growing global distrust of Somalia’s travel documents.

The scandal reveals disturbing evidence of political manipulation within the visa process. While hundreds of “civil servants” remain in the U.S., over 30 Somali Members of Parliament have been denied visas, raising suspicions that the system is being exploited to serve certain political factions. Dr. Abib’s frustration with the lack of response from Somali officials to his repeated warnings is palpable. He urges the U.S. Embassy to investigate potential political interference, emphasizing the urgent need to address these threats.

As this story unfolds, the demand for immediate and thorough investigations by U.S. authorities grows more pressing. The integrity of the U.S. immigration system is at stake, and the potential impact on national security is too great to ignore. These revelations highlight the urgent need to overhaul current vetting processes and reinforce visa policies related to Somalia.

Although Ambassador Riley has only recently assumed his post, he faces the challenge of navigating a complex diplomatic landscape. Previous U.S. engagements with the Somali government have been criticized for lacking sufficient scrutiny, particularly concerning the fight against Al-Shabaab. Ambassador Riley’s reputation as a troubleshooter with experience in challenging environments may lead to increased accountability and oversight in diplomatic relations.

The Somali MP, Dr. Abib would only confirm the authenticity of the letter he sent to the US Embassy in Mogadishu and would not comment further.

The U.S. Embassy in Mogadishu has yet to comment on these allegations, but the gravity of the situation demands a swift and comprehensive response from U.S. officials. This scandal serves as a stark warning of the dangers posed by failed states in an interconnected world. As the international community grapples with these revelations, the need for a delicate balance between diplomatic engagement and national security becomes ever more critical. The world watches anxiously as the implications of this visa fraud scheme continue to unfold, underscoring the urgent need for action to protect against potential threats.

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