Abstract

Al-ICTISAAM is an ideologically motivated movement that operates covertly within Somaliland under the guise of religious, humanitarian, and educational initiatives. While publicly distancing itself from overt political activity, Al-ICTISAAM is widely believed to pursue a long-term agenda that directly threatens the sovereignty, independence, and constitutional integrity of the Republic of Somaliland. This article provides a comprehensive examination of the origins, ideological underpinnings, and clandestine operations of the group, with particular focus on its strategic objectives in Somaliland. Furthermore, it outlines policy recommendations aimed at neutralizing its influence and safeguarding Somaliland’s hard-won independence and democratic foundations.

1. Introduction

The Republic of Somaliland, an unrecognized but de facto independent state in the Horn of Africa, has emerged over the past three decades as a beacon of peace and democratic governance in a turbulent region. However, this progress is now under increasing threat from both state and non-state actors, among whom Al-ICTISAAM poses a particularly insidious challenge. Unlike conventional threats such as terrorism or external military aggression, Al-ICTISAAM represents a subtler, ideologically driven infiltration aimed at undermining Somaliland’s statehood from within.

Operating under the guise of religious piety and educational service, Al-ICTISAAM has steadily expanded both the scale and sophistication of its activities in Somaliland. Its adherents have successfully infiltrated vital organs of the state, including the judiciary and legislative branches, while simultaneously extending their reach through traditional clan leadership structures and a widespread network of madrassas, private universities, and religious institutions. If left unchallenged, this covert expansion threatens to undermine the core principles upon which the Somaliland state is built, erode its hard-earned democratic achievements, and reorient its trajectory toward the irredentist vision of a unified Greater Somalia.

2. Origins and Ideological Foundations

Al-ICTISAAM is not a recent creation. It is a direct ideological and organizational descendant of Al-Itihaad al-Islamiya, an armed Islamist movement active in the Somali territories during the late 1980s and 1990s. While Al-Itihaad was eventually weakened by regional counterterrorism measures—particularly military operations by Ethiopian forces—its ideological residue survived in various fragmented groups, of which Al-ICTISAAM is the most prominent.

Ideologically, Al-ICTISAAM is rooted in Salafi-Wahhabi doctrines, but its operational philosophy closely aligns with the Egyptian al-Jama’a al-Islamiyya—a group known for its rigid fundamentalism and strategic use of societal infiltration. Unlike mainstream Salafi scholars who reject political involvement, Al-ICTISAAM subscribes to the concept of political Islam, where the state must be governed according to their narrow interpretation of Sharia. In the Somali context, this ideology is fused with Somali irredentism—the belief that all Somali-inhabited territories in the Horn of Africa (including parts of Ethiopia and Kenya) must be united under one Islamic Somali polity.

This blend of religious fundamentalism and territorial revanchism makes Al-ICTISAAM a uniquely dangerous entity. It not only challenges the internal sovereignty of Somaliland but also projects a regional threat to neighboring countries with significant Somali populations.

3. Al-ICTISAAM in Somaliland: Disguise and Penetration

Due to Somaliland’s firm stance on its independence from the Federal Republic of Somalia, Al-ICTISAAM does not operate under its formal name within its borders. Instead, it masquerades as a network of humanitarian, religious, and educational NGOs, thereby avoiding direct confrontation with the authorities while establishing strongholds in communities.

3.1. Educational Institutions as Instruments of Indoctrination

One of the most strategic tools employed by Al-ICTISAAM is its ownership and management of educational institutions. These institutions present themselves as centers of Islamic learning but serve as recruitment and indoctrination hubs for young minds, particularly students with limited exposure to formal education.

Quranic schools, or dugsi, are especially vulnerable. These institutions provide little to no exposure to civic education, critical thinking, or national history—making their students easy targets for ideological manipulation. Through a curriculum heavily infused with Salafi dogma and pan-Somali narratives, students are gradually alienated from Somaliland’s state institutions and constitutional values.

3.2. Institutional Infiltration

Alarming reports indicate that Al-ICTISAAM has successfully planted sympathizers and operatives in various branches of the Somaliland government. Perhaps most troubling is the pending appointment of individuals affiliated with the movement to high judicial positions, including the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Such infiltration enables the group to influence legislation, block legal reforms, and protect its members from prosecution.

Furthermore, the movement boasts sympathizers in the House of Representatives and the Council of Ministers, some of whom promote a conciliatory narrative toward unification with Somalia under religious or pan-Somali pretenses.

3.3. Exploiting Traditional Authority for Strategic Legitimacy

In addition to educational and institutional infiltration, Al-ICTISAAM employs a more subtle yet highly effective method to gain grassroots legitimacy and political access—strategic appropriation of traditional clan leadership roles, particularly the titles of Sultans, Garads, and other customary leaders.

This tactic reflects a sophisticated understanding of the deep sociopolitical structure of Somali society, where customary institutions often wield greater influence than formal state mechanisms, particularly in rural and semi-urban areas. By positioning their members or sympathizers as clan elders, Al-ICTISAAM seeks to bypass state authority and embed itself directly within the cultural and communal frameworks that shape public opinion and local decision-making.

These positions are not merely symbolic. In Somaliland’s hybrid governance system, traditional authorities play a critical role in conflict resolution, electoral mobilization, inter-clan negotiations, and even in legitimizing or delegitimizing political actors. Control over such roles gives Al-ICTISAAM unparalleled influence to shape political discourse, sway community allegiances, and obstruct government policies that contradict their ideological objectives.

Moreover, once installed as traditional leaders, these individuals often mask their ideological affiliations under the guise of cultural conservatism, making it difficult for authorities or communities to distinguish between genuine community leadership and covert ideological activism. In this way, Al-ICTISAAM manages to legitimize its presence without raising immediate suspicion, using the language of tradition and clan unity to advance a deeply political and religiously radical agenda.

This exploitation of clan leadership not only reinforces the group’s influence at the grassroots level but also facilitates its penetration into formal governance structures, as traditional elders often serve as intermediaries in government consultations, appointments, and conflict mediation efforts. If left unaddressed, this tactic will continue to erode Somaliland’s state-centric governance model and empower anti-state actors within the very foundations of Somali society.

4. Reaction to Somaliland’s National Identity

Al-ICTISAAM has grown increasingly alarmed by the national consciousness exhibited by the people of Somaliland, particularly the youth. The most visible manifestation of this was the 2025 celebrations of 18th May, the day Somaliland commemorates its withdrawal from the failed union with Somalia.

This year’s celebration was particularly vibrant, with participation from all sectors of society—including schoolchildren, civil servants, and religious leaders. This display of unity and patriotism directly contradicted Al-ICTISAAM’s internal assessments, which falsely suggested that their efforts were softening public attitudes toward reunification.

In reaction:

• The group boycotted National Day celebrations and prohibited students under their influence from carrying the Somaliland flag.
• Senior figures within the movement pressured respected scholars, such as Sheikh Mustafe Haji Ismail, to publicly criticize the symbolism of the flag—claiming its use distorted Islamic principles.
• Inflammatory sermons by Sheikh Umal, a Nairobi-based spiritual leader, called on the group to “leave no stone unturned” to salvate the country from reckless politicians—coded language that can incite subversive actions.
• Another cleric, Sheikh Shibili, irresponsibly alleged that homosexuals were running schools in Hargeisa, thereby inciting panic and creating an environment conducive to extremist violence.

These actions illustrate the group’s desperation and its willingness to exploit religious rhetoric to instigate unrest and delegitimize Somaliland’s democratic institutions.

5. Selective Outrage and the Weaponization of Religious Symbols

Among the most glaring contradictions in Al-ICTISAAM’s ideological posture is its selective outrage concerning the use of religious symbols—particularly those featured on national flags. During the 2025 commemoration of Somaliland’s Independence Day, the group went to great lengths to condemn the public display of the national flag, citing supposed violations of Islamic decorum due to the presence of the Shahada (Islamic testimony of faith) on the flag. These denunciations were not only voiced locally by their affiliates but were also echoed by their foreign-based spiritual leadership, including Nairobi-based clerics such as Sheikh Umal and Sheikh Shibli.

Yet, this criticism is both disingenuous and hypocritical when placed in a broader Islamic and geopolitical context. Notably, Saudi Arabia—regarded by Wahhabi-oriented Somali clerics as the spiritual epicenter of Islam—has never faced internal clerical objections for the use of its national flag, which also bears the Shahada, during national holidays, public events, or even on consumer goods. Saudi citizens frequently wave the flag in mass celebrations, including sporting events and Independence Day festivities, without drawing any rebuke from their religious establishment.

This inconsistency raises an unavoidable question: Why do Somali clerics influenced by Wahhabi ideology selectively object to Somaliland’s patriotic expressions, while remaining silent about identical practices in Saudi Arabia, a country they revere? If the display of a flag bearing the Shahada is inherently un-Islamic, then why is this criticism only reserved for the people of Somaliland?

The answer lies not in theology, but in political expediency and ideological subversion. Al-ICTISAAM’s opposition is not rooted in genuine religious doctrine but is part of a calculated effort to delegitimize Somaliland’s sovereignty and national identity by weaponizing religion. By framing the celebration of national pride as a theological violation, the group aims to alienate citizens from their national institutions, particularly the youth who are increasingly embracing Somaliland’s distinct identity and democratic values.

These manipulations are not theological clarifications but ideological instruments, carefully crafted to erode national cohesion and sow religious and political discord. They are designed to instill guilt, shame, and confusion among patriotic citizens, thereby opening the door for Al-ICTISAAM’s broader goal of reintegration into a pan-Somali Islamic state.

6. Strategic Goals of Al-ICTISAAM in Somaliland

The long-term strategic objectives of Al-ICTISAAM in Somaliland are multifaceted:

1. Undermine National Sovereignty: The core goal is to reverse Somaliland’s independence and reintegrate it into the Somali federal framework as a stepping stone for broader irredentist ambitions.
2. Capture Key State Institutions: Through infiltration, the group seeks to exert influence on policymaking, judicial decisions, and traditional clan structures, ensuring that pro-Somaliland voices are marginalized or neutralized.
3. Control Education and Religious Discourse: By dominating religious education and controlling Islamic institutions, Al-ICTISAAM aims to rewrite national identity in its own ideological terms.
4. Dismantle Civic Nationalism: Promoting a transnational Islamist identity over civic nationalism is key to fragmenting Somaliland’s internal unity and replacing it with religious allegiance to an abstract, pan-Somali caliphate.

7. Recommendations: Policy Options to Neutralize the Threat

Given the existential threat posed by Al-ICTISAAM, the Somaliland government must respond with a combination of legal, educational, intelligence, and diplomatic measures. The following policy options are proposed:

7.1. Educational Reforms and Oversight

• All private religious and educational institutions must be licensed, regulated, and periodically audited by the Ministry of Education and Higher Studies.
• Institutions found to propagate anti-state ideology must be nationalized or shut down.
• Develop a standardized national curriculum that integrates civic education, critical thinking, and Somaliland’s constitutional history from primary through tertiary levels.

7.2. Political and Civil Service Vetting

• Introduce a mandatory security and ideological background check for all candidates running for elected office and those nominated to civil service posts.
• Strengthen the role of the National Intelligence Agency to vet appointees for affiliation with extremist movements or foreign ideologies.
• Establish a watchlist mechanism that flags individuals or organizations promoting anti-state propaganda.

7.3. Legal Measures and Accountability

• Introduce legislation to criminalize covert support for foreign-based Islamist movements that threaten the constitutional order.
• Freeze the assets of institutions and individuals found to be in material support of Al-ICTISAAM’s operations.
• Offer a legal framework for voluntary disengagement, where members of the movement can renounce their affiliation and undergo periodic monitoring and deradicalization.

7.4. Public Awareness Campaigns

• Launch nationwide awareness campaigns that expose the ideological agenda of Al-ICTISAAM and promote Somaliland’s achievements in peace, democracy, and development.
• Collaborate with respected Islamic scholars who support Somaliland’s statehood to rebut extremist interpretations of Islam in mosques and media platforms.

7.5. Diplomatic Engagement

• Engage with regional allies, including Ethiopia, Kenya, and Djibouti, to monitor cross-border activities and funding streams associated with Al-ICTISAAM.
• Seek support from the African Union and international partners to classify Al-ICTISAAM as a security threat similar to Al-Shabaab and other transnational extremist groups.

8. Conclusion

Al-ICTISAAM represents a serious and imminent threat to the Republic of Somaliland. Cloaked in religious legitimacy and operating under the radar of traditional security paradigms, the movement seeks to undo three decades of peacebuilding, institution-building, and democratic governance. Its tactics are not merely ideological but deeply strategic—aimed at hijacking the state from within rather than through direct confrontation.

If Somaliland is to preserve its independence, territorial integrity, and democratic values, it must act decisively. This requires a coordinated approach that integrates intelligence, education, law enforcement, civil society, and diplomacy. The ideological battle for Somaliland’s future will not be won in the battlefield, but in the minds of its youth, the resilience of its institutions, and the unity of its people.

About the Author

Abdullahi Hussein is a PhD candidate in Peace & Development Studies and visiting Professor of Public Policy as well as Ethics in Government at the Civil Service Institute, Hargeisa, Somaliland. He can be reached at abhussein1988[at]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions or perspectives of Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.

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