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Republic of Somaliland’s First Post-Election Transition Brings Focus on Governance Reform
Key Points:
- Two-day cabinet orientation emphasizes unity but lacks concrete performance metrics
- Notable shift from NGO-heavy recruitment to private sector appointments raises questions about conflict of interest protocols
- Key ministries remain heavily dependent on UN agencies and international NGOs
- Parliament’s oversight role uncertain despite President’s extensive experience as former Chairman
- Financial disclosure requirements and ministerial performance benchmarks absent from agenda
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro” of the Republic of Somaliland’s newly minted cabinet concluded a two-day orientation, wrestling with the age-old question of how to turn campaign promises into reality. The sessions, wrapped in the fresh motto “Wadajir iyo Wax-Qabad” (Unity and Action), remained notably light on details about the ‘action’ part. According to a source familiar with the proceedings, the orientation was largely administrative in nature, focusing on procedural matters rather than substantive policy discussions or governance reforms.
Institutional independence – or the lack thereof – lies at the heart of the Republic of Somaliland’s governance challenges. Key ministries, particularly Health Development and Education, have long operated as de facto extensions of UN agencies and international NGOs. UNICEF, WHO, and Save the Children maintain such a grip on these institutions that distinguishing between donor guidance and ministry independence requires a magnifying glass. This dependency presents an immediate challenge to the new administration’s promise of effective governance.
The new cabinet marks a departure from the NGO-heavy recruitment pool favored by former President Muse Bihi Abdi. Instead, President Cirro has appointed several business executives to key positions, including Minister of Civil Aviation Fuad Ahmed Noah Nur and Minister of the Presidency Khadar Hussein Abdi Looge, both with ties to major companies like Dahabshiil and Telesom. The newly appointed National Intelligence Director Jama Mahamoud Egal similarly brings private sector experience to his role.
While private sector experience might bring fresh perspectives to government operations, the orientation sessions conveniently sidestepped the thorny issue of conflict of interest protocols – a policy that quietly vanished under the previous administration. In countries where government actually functions, ministers with extensive business ties are required to file detailed financial disclosures to prevent them from tipping the scales for former employers or business associates. The Republic of Somaliland’s new administration has yet to indicate whether it will implement such basic safeguards.
Equally absent was any discussion of how ministries will measure success beyond feel-good pronouncements. Modern governments track concrete metrics: emergency room wait times, student graduation rates, road project completion timelines. For instance, a functioning Health Development Ministry might set specific targets for reducing maternal mortality rates or increasing vaccination coverage – metrics that could demonstrate real progress beyond donor-driven initiatives. Yet the orientation’s agenda suggested no such performance benchmarks for the incoming cabinet.
After years of opposition critiques about healthcare delivery, education quality, and public sector performance, the Waddani Party now faces the sobering reality of governance. The administration’s emphasis on “Unity and Action” comes as the Republic of Somaliland grapples with political fissures and the Las Anod conflict, but unity without concrete action risks becoming another empty political slogan.
While the business-oriented cabinet concludes its orientation with promises of efficiency and action, one critical oversight mechanism remains conspicuously undiscussed: Parliament’s role in ensuring ministerial accountability. The irony couldn’t be sharper – President Abdirahman M. Abdillahi “Cirro”, who spent years as Chairman of Parliament watching it devolve into a rubber-stamping auxiliary of the executive branch, now sits on the other side of that equation. Under his chairmanship, Parliament’s various subcommittees, theoretically tasked with rigorous legislative oversight, instead became a conveyor belt for executive branch bills.
Now, as the head of an administration that includes several business executives and lacks clear conflict of interest guidelines, President Cirro faces a pivotal choice: Will he leverage his intimate knowledge of Parliament’s weaknesses to perpetuate its ceremonial role, or will he break with tradition and empower genuine legislative oversight? The question is particularly pressing given his cabinet’s business ties and the absence of concrete performance metrics. A robust parliament, through its subcommittees, could demand the very financial disclosures and performance benchmarks missing from this week’s orientation agenda.
The shift from NGO veterans to private sector experience signals a potentially different approach to governance – if properly managed. Business executives are accustomed to measuring results; the question is whether this administration will apply that same results-driven mindset to government operations, establishing clear performance metrics and maintaining transparency in both personal finances and ministerial achievements.
But old habits die hard in Somaliland politics. The transformation from parliamentary chairman who witnessed the erosion of legislative power to a president willing to submit his administration to genuine parliamentary scrutiny would require a rare type of political evolution. For a government promising ‘action,’ restoring Parliament’s oversight muscle would be the most consequential action of all. Citizens of the Republic of Somaliland will be watching to see if corporate efficiency can triumph where NGO expertise fell short, and whether the administration can finally assert real independence from its international benefactors while maintaining the accountability standards expected of a modern government.
