Investigative Reports

The Diplomacy of Gullibility: How Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry Keeps Falling for International Fraudsters

In what has become a familiar scene in Somaliland's...

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...

Major Corruption Allegations Rock Somaliland Finance Ministry’s Recruitment for World Bank’s Public Resource Management Project

According to documents examined by Somaliland Chronicle, serious allegations...
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The impasse with the United Nations: How Far is Somaliland Willing to go to Assert its Sovereignty?

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On October 25th, the Ministry of Planning and National Development issued a directive halting all discussions and consultation of the UN Country Program with the United Nations and all of its agencies in Somaliland.

The authenticity of the directive which was appeared online was confirmed by the Minister of Planning and National Development Hon Hassan Mohamed Ali (Gafadhi).

Although the English version of the directive sent to the UN agencies does not provide details or a reason for the government’s action, another directive issued on the same day and sent to government ministries and agencies provided ample information as to what caused the government of Somaliland to take this drastic action.

This directive sent to Somaliland Miniseries and agencies delves right into the heart of the issue and opens with “as you are all aware the Somali Federal Government and the Special Representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations [Mr. James Swan] have signed an agreement that will govern the working relationship of all the United Nations agencies for the next five years 2020 – 2025.”

The directive continues to describe an exchange in April between the Somaliland government and SRSG James Swan where Somaliland made its position clear that it will not be a party to any agreements that are not based on its development agenda and that it has not signed. It adds that Mr. Swan has committed to dialogue with the government of Somaliland on his response in July but instead has signed an agreement [with Somalia] without any consultation with Somaliland.

Prior to the issuance of these directives to halt all preparatory activities of the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNCF) signed on October 15th by the Somali Federal Government and the United Nations represented by SRSG James Swan, the Somaliland government condemned the agreement following an extraordinary session of President Bihi’s cabinet on October 17th.

Although multiple outlets reported the issue as Somaliland freezing all activities of the United Nations, in an interview, the Minister of Planning and Development Hon Hassan Mohamed Ali (Gafadhi) has clarified that Somaliland’s government affects the new agreement and that all ongoing activities will continue.

The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi addressing the central committee of the ruling party of Kulmiye on October 28th gave the issue more clarity when he accused the United Nations of following orders from Mogadishu and that the UN and other aid agencies have politicized their activities when it comes to Somaliland.

The President reminded the delegates that safeguarding Somaliland’s sovereignty is the party and his government’s prime directive and will not capitulate to any pressure whether political, economic, or military intended to strongarm Somaliland and to always stand up for the sovereignty of the Republic.

President Bihi continued “Anyone with a strong military, nuclear weapons or a rich nation, we will not acquiesce Somaliland’s sovereignty and statehood because … if I remind you what happened in this country 30 or 32 years ago, the destruction, death, massacre, fleeing was all a sacrifice to realize Somaliland’s statehood and to withdraw the 1960s union [with Somalia]”.

Speaking of SRSG James Swan, President Bihi said “the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Mogadishu, is there for Somalia. We respect the United Nations and we are ready to work with them, and we have brotherhood and cooperation for every nation including our neighbors as long as they do not encroach on our honor and sovereignty. What we want is to work together with mutual respect and to deal with Somaliland”.

President Bihi continued that “we will not accept from the UN, its agencies and so-called humanitarian organization to bring us plans and orders issued from Mogadishu. It is forbidden and we will not accept it“.

According to multiple sources privy to ongoing deliberation, the Somaliland government is intent on ensuring that the development plans of all aid agencies and particularly that of the United Nations conforms to its development agenda and do not lump Somaliland together with the rest of Somalia.

In addition, sources tell Somaliland Chronicle that President Bihi has ordered a complete review of all UN projects particularly the UNDP’s JPLG and possibly major projects funded by the World Bank and how Somaliland engages foreign governments and their diplomats currently assigned to Somalia and explore precedents in other parts of the world where countries have sent special envoys to unrecognized countries.

Although the Somaliland government has incorrectly but officially identified ambassadors and other diplomats sent to Somalia as also representing their countries in Somaliland, most, especially the most active Ambassador in Somaliland Mr. Nicholas Berlanga is the European Union’s Ambassador to Somalia.

It is unclear if Somaliland will insist on the appointment of a United Nations special envoy to directly engage with Somaliland as a separate and sovereign nation from Somalia or is simply seeking to be a signatory of the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNCF) and if this assertive policy towards its sovereignty this will apply to foreign governments with ambassadors in Somalia that Somaliland government has maintained a working relationship such as the United States, United Kingdon, Sweden, Denmark, the European Union, and others.

Formar Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Somalia Mr. Nicholas Haysom.

The Federal government of Somalia has been successful in getting the United Nations, aid agencies, and diplomats to toe the line of painting a rosy picture of its security and development and comply with its agenda following the persona non grata of Mr. Swan’s predecessor SRSG Mr. Nicholas Haysom on January 1st, 2019.

This would not be the first time that the Somaliland government had an impasse with the United Nations, in 1993, a disagreement with SRSG Admiral Jonathan Howe resulted in the expulsion of AMISOM from Somaliland’ by the late President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal.

Although public support of the Somaliland government’s limited action to halt the United Nations preparatory activities related to the UN Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (UNCF) in Somaliland is high, how far the Somaliland government is willing to go to assert its sovereignty and President Bihi’s resolve to stand his ground are yet to be seen.

Hargeisa: A City Blessed With Precedence

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In a very quiet morning, where both the city and its atmosphere enjoy purity and freshness left by the last night’s rain, the sun rises and sends its colorful and yet to be warm rays to the people and other inhabitants in the city, to welcome them to this beautiful day. The air is very clear that one can visibly see the famous Girls’ Breast Mountain (Naasa Hablood) from every corner of the city. These breast-like hills, though uneven, are two small pyramids in the East of the city. They are very popular that Hargeisa Municipality uses them as their logo as well as the symbol of the city. Such beautiful morning compels you to write about your city.  

Hargeisa is encircled by mountains. One can safely assume that the early settlers of the city have chosen this position strategically, to get warmth in the winter, when this part of the country is moderately cold, unlike the coastal cities by the Red Sea. The Marodijeh dry river (doox) runs from West to East and divides the city. It only floods the rainy seasons – Gu’ and Dayr – but its water quietly passes the city, unexploited, and ends up in the Red Sea, not to mention that they sometimes claim lives. The doox has two small bridges and several unofficial crossings.

Hargeisa is the city of firsts as Edna Adan, also from Hargeisa, is the woman of firsts. It is the first city where an independent Somali flag was raised – on 26 June 1960, when Somaliland celebrated its independence from Britain. When the issue of modern education is raised in the Somali context, Hargeisa has to be mentioned as it is where it all started, at least in Somaliland. In 1943, Fisher School (now Sheikh Bashir School) opened its doors and in the first class in the same year, registered two young boys, among slightly over dozen others, who will go down the history to become eminent politicians and, eventually, presidents – they were Mohamed Ibrahim Egal and Abdirahman Ahmed Ali.   

This city has a very special place in the history of modern Somali music. If the geneses of the modern Somali music is traced, one has to definitely start with the Hargeisa Brothers band (Walaalaha Hargeysa) in the 1950s and their composers and singers whose names dominated the Somali theaters in the three decades leading up to the Somali tragedy (which began in the late 1980s), but more captivatingly, whose music and poetry remains alive as long as Somalis who speak the Somali language and enjoy its music and poetry remain breathing in this world.

The names of the stars who belonged to this band have a special place in the hearts and minds of every Somali; among them were Abdillahi Qarshe, Ali Sugulle, Hussein Aw Farah, Hudeidi, Mohamed Ahmed Kuluc, and Sahardid Jebiye, to name a few. Some of these names either composed, made the music for or sung the most famous independence songs in 1960 which remain unparalleled to this day in terms of the power of their words, catchiness of their rhythms, and eminence in illustrating nationalism. By the same token, Hargeisa Brothers played a vital and an unequivocal role in the Pan-Somalism movements which led to the merging of British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland in 1960 – so did Hargeisa –, and the later Somali irredentism to reclaim the other three missing Somali territories.

In the 1960s and 70s, when the Somali music was at its peak, Hargeisa again produced quite a number of exceptional singers and composers. What about contemporary music? In spite of the fact that Somali music has been floundering in the last three decades, Hargeisa played an influential role in reviving it – a prime example is that it produced the Horn Stars (Xidigaha Geeska), the most popular present-day Somali music band.

Music treated Hargeisa well as it treated the music well. It is the city whose name is mentioned in songs more than any other Somali city or, in other words, the Somali city to which the most songs are dedicated, often saying nice things about it: “the home of wisdom; the mother of poets” in Awale Adan’s song; “the freedom park” in Salah Qasim’s song; “the home of intellectuals” in Sahra-Ilays’s song; and the city that “nurtures composers and singers” in Abdirahman-Dhere’s song – note that I mentioned the singers here rather than the composers whom these verses belong to.  

Notwithstanding music, Hargeisa also excelled in other areas of arts in recent years; Hargeisa International Book Fair, held annually, is the longest-running book festival in the Horn of Africa. Moreover, in the last decade or so, there has been a dramatic increase in writing and publishing not to mention that Somalis have historically always been portrayed as an oral society who do not keep written records – given the supremacy of poetry and storytelling among them, Somalis were in no doubt oral society.

Above all, Hargeisa’s recovery from the total destruction it underwent in 1988 from its own “national army” which reduced it to rubble and ruins, is a testament to its strength and assertiveness. Today, Hargeisa not only recovered but it expanded in size, improved in appearance, and increased in population – over one million people currently live in Hargeisa.

Unfortunately, that beautiful Hargeisa is impaired in a number of ways and undeniably faces grave challenges, chief among them are poor and inadequate water and road infrastructures. Hence, Hargeisa and its population lay claim to the social services and the public resources they deserve which, not only necessitate full commitment from its public institutions but also unreserved sacrifice from its residents.                

Hargeisa is home to all. To those who choose to live in it. To those who decide to enjoy its beautiful and perfect weather. Our Hargeisa. Long live Hargeisa.   

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Muhumed M. Muhumed “Khadar” is a researcher based in Hargeisa, Muhumed M. Muhumed (Khadar) is the author of “Kala-Maan: Bilowgii iyo Burburkii Wadahadallada Soomaalilaand iyo Soomaaliya” and a number of scholarly articles. He can be reached at baadilmm@gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

                

President Bihi Concludes Tour of Eastern Regions of Somaliland

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The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi returned to the Hargeisa, the capital of the Republic of Somaliland after touring the eastern regions of the country.

President Bihi and a delegation of minister and other government officials embarked on tour to the country’s eastern regions where he inaugurated projected implemented by Somaliland government. This is the second time President Bihi has visited the eastern regions of Berbera and Togdheer and first such visit to Daadmadheedh.

Presidential Spokesman Mr. Mohamoud Warsame Jama who spoke to the media at Berbera said “The purpose of the President’s visit is to get an accurate picture of the state of the country’s regions and districts and to accelerate the development work that is currently underway in these regions“.

President Bihi and his large delegation started the tour on October 18th with a visit to Berbera where he toured the port has officially commissioned Somaliland’s latest tugboat. The Berbera Port expansion project nearing completion is the largest direct foreign investment in Somaliland by DP World.

President Bihi continued on to Togdheer region and its capital city of Burao where he has attended the graduation ceremony of Burao University and cut the ribbon on various government projects.

President Bihi as one of the keynote speakers at the graduation ceremony delivered a buoyant remark on the country’s current heading and touched on the subject of taxation and how corruption is one of the factors that prevents people from paying their fair share of taxes.

The President and his delegation held a series of meeting with local elders and cut the ribbon on projects implemented by Burao Water Agency.

The President’s delegation continued on to Dadmadhedh region and its capital of Odweyne where the President once again cut the ribbon on projects implemented by Somaliland government including the Central Bank’s Branch in Odweyne.

President Bihi has praised Odweyne and its illusterious history in the role of Somaliland and noted the fact that it is the Birthplace of late former President HE Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal.

The status of many projects that President Bihi broke ground on his previous visit to Togdheer and Burao is unclear, a point raised by Hargeisa’s former Mayor and former Minister of Finance Mr. Mohamed Hashi Elmi who asked the President to fulfill projects he pledged in his last visit.

Ministry of Planning and National Development to Conduct Large-Scale Monitoring and Evaluation of Projects

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In a statement posted on Facebook, The Minister of National Planning and Development Hon. Hassan Mohamed Ali Gafadhi, announced that his ministry will be undertaking a major evaluation and monitoring effort of all projects implemented in Somaliland.

In his statement, the Minister informed the regional governors, the mayors, and coordinators, university officials, and students that the Ministry of National Planning and Development is starting monitoring and evaluation of all projects implemented in Somaliland.

He added that the evaluation will ensure that projects whether completed or ongoing are done as intended and in accordance with the National Development Plan.

The Minister also said, “We are also looking to get accurate data from those locations where projects are being implemented, and if people are aware of these projects and how they have impacted their lives!”

Minister Gafadhi stated that the ministry will be sending teams to all regions and districts of the country to monitor and evaluate all projects whether completed or in progress and asked regional government officials as well as the general public including university students to help.

It is unclear how and in what capacity public universities and their students can participate in the evaluation and monitoring of projects around the country.

Although a source at the Ministry confirmed that the Ministry conducts monitoring and evaluation for each project, this would be the first time the Ministry of National Planning and Development is undertaking a large scale monitoring and evaluation of projects around the country.

The source described the ministry activity as routine and added that the end goal is to ensure that projects implemented by UN and International NGOs are being implemented according to the National Development Plan II.

The Minister of National Planning and Development Hon. Hassan Mohamed Ali Gafadhi did not respond to questions for this report.

DR. ALI KHALIF GALAYDH: A BRIEF TRIBUTE

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BY
PROFESSOR AHMED ISMAIL SAMATAR
Macalester College, St. Paul, MN.USA

     Akin to all Somalis, I am overcome with threnody feeling over the sudden death of Dr. Ali Khalif Galaydh. In the past week, then, I have been trying to come to terms with: (a) what the death meant to me at the personal level, and (b) the implications of such a monumental loss for the Somali people as whole and, in particular, the denizens of the Republic of Somaliland. These brief notes that follow, then, are preliminary meditations. A more detailed review will have to wait for another and more appropriate occasion.

    1.  Background Sketch:

   As one of the earliest and a handful cohort of formally educated Somalis who obtained a doctoral degree (Syracuse University, USA), I heard of Dr. Galaydh’s name on numerous occasions, while my own brief career as junior broadcaster was underway with the BBC Somali Service in London at the very end of the 1960s and the beginnings of the 1970s. Already a highly placed civil servant, he came through London in the summer of 1971. At that time, a senior member of the Somali Section invited me to come along for a visit with Dr. Galaydh at his hotel at the heart of West End in the city. We met Dr. Galaydh at the lobby, and he looked youthful, dignified and cosmopolitan. He welcomed us to sit with him in a comfortable corner of a large and elegant room. After the introductions were done and the high-tea afternoon service arrived, I listened to him attentively as he described his official mission to the USA and his upcoming return to Mogadishu. Being, as it were, such a greenhorn, I was instantly taken by his calm demeanor, friendly approach, capacious intellect, articulate ease with, and a fine interchangeability of,  the English and Somali languages, and a palatable excitement about his professional work back in the Somali Democratic Republic. In the end, he left with me a strong feeling of a confident and highly able professional, and with a promise of a glittering future. I took a great deal of inspiration from that meeting, including a possible move to the USA to enter a university someday. While in Burao in the middle of last year, during the unforgettable Daboob lectures (on the grand theme of inclusive civic belonging and unity) tours, I reminded Dr. Galaydh of that meeting of nearly five decades ago. He smiled with reassuring fondness — though, I am quite certain, I was too young and  ephemeral at that moment to have created a lasting impression on him!

    My second encounter with Dr. Galaydh was in a totally defiled Mogadishu and country by tribalistic, utilitarian and petty calculations, violence, and repine. This was early in 2012. I was running as the presidential candidate of the Somali Republic for Hiilqaran Party; Dr. Galaydh was up for the speakership of the national parliament. We stayed at the same nice hotel (Nasahablod One) and had numerous opportunities to discuss various and seminal issues that pertained to the condition of the Somali people. Dr. Galaydh’s ruminations were comprehensive and sagacious. He expressed a deep yearning for the resurrection of the Somali Republic — one in which, in his words, “civic sanity and fairness returned, empathy with each other was reignited, competence has gotten its due again, pan-Somali purpose was in full swing for rebuilding national institutions, and collective decorum and gravitas were re-cultivated.” In the same breath, there was a sense of painful despair in his voice to such an extent that he felt that positive history might have passed by the Somali people. In the end, our respective campaigns lost. A few months later, and back in the Twin Cities, we convened two evenings of public presentations that each of us laid out what we had experienced and what would be our individual decisions for the future. I resigned right away from my seat as a member of the national parliament; Dr. Galaydh followed suit a year later. Our common perspective was this: Mogadishu politics made the past meaningless, the present a cruel farce, and the near future an exercise in utter futility.

   The third time that I had the pleasure of engaging Dr. Galaydh was in Somaliland in 2017. With his return to Somaliland as the selected leader of Khatumo, we had a number of rigorous and extensive conversations in Hargeisa. He was now crossing a new Rubicon — that is, a high-level negotiation with the leadership of Somaliland to secure a judicious reconciliation with Khatumo. The ultimate purpose was to fully reintegrate, as co-owners, the people of Sool region into Somaliland, with all the appropriate rights, privileges, and obligations.

   I was delightfully on board with regard to this crucial breakthrough. Dr. Galaydh and I met with the President-Elect, Mr. Muse Bihi, at least on two occasions, in late 2017, that lasted many hours. All three of us agreed that Dr. Galaydh will write up the most important and specific issues (mined from the earlier agreement between Khatumo and President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud’s Government) – concrete items that separated between kernel from the shell and, consequently, he deemed most important to be implemented by the new Kulmiye regime in Somaliland. My last conversation with Dr. Galaydh was five days before his unexpected death in Jigjiga. At the time, he informed me, with sharp clarity and deep dismay, that the leadership in Somaliland was “cold and dilly-dallying.” Consequently, NOTHING much, he asserted, has been implemented thus far. He promised to brief me when he returns to the Cities in a few weeks. As you all know now, this was NOT to be. Still, and notwithstanding his profound melancholy, there were epiphanic moments when he would expound on his conviction that the fates of Khatumo and Somaliland were inextricably intertwined. Thus, he re-affirmed his commitment to pursue a productive engagement with Somaliland’s current leadership and those to come after. Moreover, he reminded me that our journey through Somaliland and delivering Daboob presentations to thousands of citizens was an experience like no other for both of us. He underscored with me that all occasions were populated by a veritable assemblage of Somaliland’s educated youth who were full of curiosity, intelligence, and civic vitality.

   11. Some Implications of Dr. Galaydh’s Death.

    Unquestionably, many among the Somali people everywhere are cognizant of this heavy loss. For Somaliland, this is even more devastating. I will offer a short list of the possible implications of Dr. Galaydh’s departure from the stage for making history:

A. For those in Khatumo who happen to be Dr. Galaydh’s comrades, it will be incumbent on them to identify a distinguished and large-minded individual (and team) who will lead the work to implement the fundamental points of the agreement with Somaliland. Such a quick move will inject new energy into the pursuit of ideal citizenship, civic legitimacy, and mutual consolation desperately needed on both sides.

B.  As far as Somaliland’s current and future leadership are concerned, the hour is already a tad late. Thus, it is imperative that the zeitgeist surrounding the negotiations is reactivated and the fulfilment of the terms of the agreement is undertaken with optimum dispatch. This attitude is necessary at once to address the rightful demands of Sool community and to honor a citizen of enormous distinction. As the naked truth has become so very obvious in these past three decades, Somaliland’s enviable achievements will always be definitively discounted by the absence of the vast majority of the people of the Sool region.

C. The denizens of Somaliland, whether inside the country or living in other parts of the world, should campaign with the highest intensity for the realization of the terms of the accord. Such a community-wide effort will blunt the denuding mentalities and centrifugal forces of sectarian and instrumentalist discord that are at work. Furthermore, as the imminent historian, Arnold Toynbee, taught us a long time ago, “apathy can only be overcome by enthusiasm, and enthusiasm can only be ignited by two things: an ideal which takes the imagination by storm, and an intelligible plan for the carrying that ideal into practice.”

D. Dr. Galaydh’s death should NOT be another passing loss whereby most Somalis indulge in predictable and fleeting pseudo-piety and inert subjectivity — emblems of vapid posture that I find somewhat repugnant. This is a trivial reflex that doesn’t require much serious rethinking, let alone intelligently calculated civic endeavor. On the contrary, if he were alive today, he would have warned us against such supine utterances. For Dr. Galaydh, at his best, knew about the great damage done by inertial forces inherited from habits and institutions or the frequent acts of casting aspersions on each other. These two, I suggest he would have agreed with me, invariably undergird the spectacle of degeneration that is so universally associated with the Somalis of the contemporary epoch. The antithesis, of course, is the perpetual striving for uniting truth, freedom, beauty, and cultivation of robust mutuality. Allow me, then, to conclude with precious insight from a philosopher of exceptional richness, range, and relevance to the perplexing horrors of these Somali times and our bizarre obsession with the inessential. G.W.F. Hegel asserts:

             …Individuals are great and eminent in so far as they show themselves, through their effective personality, [to be] in cooperation with common end which underlies the ideal notion of the conditions which confront them; they are little when they fail to rise to the demands made on their energy; they are depraved when, instead of facing as combatants of the practical needs of their times, they are content merely to give free rein to an individual force [ or circumstance] which is, with its implied caprice, foreign to all common ends.”

May God bless Dr. Galaydh for eternity and may he Rest in Peace. A Luta Continua!

About the Author

Professor Ahmed I. Samatar is James Wallace Professor of International Studies at Macalester College.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Notice: This is an article by Somaliland Chronicle and is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Somalia: The Shrinking Jurisdiction of Villa Somalia

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“…The calls from an unknown number had been coming for weeks, but Osman, a household-goods trader in the Somali capital’s largest market, disregarded them — until he got the text message.“Will you pick up our call? Yes or no. This is the mujahideen,” it said. The mujahideen, the Islamist militants, al-Shabab. He knew right away what they wanted: to capture him in a protection money racket that the extremist group has been expanding across Somalia for years.“My heart could barely pump blood in that moment,” said Osman, 45, a father of seven, who spoke on the condition that only his first name be used out of fear for his life. “If I don’t pay, they kill me.” (Faruk and Bearack).

Such horrific calls of intimidations and racketeering practices by Al-Shabab terrorist group are common occurrences in Somalia, especially in the capital of Mogadisho, with deadly consequences if one fails to comply or ignores their demand. Occasionally, business owners and elderlies are summoned to attend hearings or meetings in Al-Shabab controlled areas to carry specific directives or to ban them from participating in certain government activities such as electing their tribal representatives in the government.

These daily summons are communicated through media by the terrorist group with the knowledge of the federal government. The government counters the announcement by forbidding these vulnerable, under duress innocent citizens to participate in these extra judiciary activities or face the consequences of being jailed, instead of protecting them. Doomed if you do, doomed if you don’t.

 The Al-Shabab group was ones weakened, and it was losing ground before the current regime of Villa Somalia put their guards down wittingly to consolidate its power grab schemes and to prop up loyal regional leaders to secure hand picked MPs to cement his return.

This blatant neglect emboldened Al-Shabab and enabled them reclaim lost territories and expand their authorities. Al-Shabab also infiltrated government institutions and business communities by largely investing in real estate business.“ …The Shabab, the Somalia-based militant group that is Al Qaeda’s most powerful ally in Africa, is not only collecting millions of dollars in tariffs and payoffs but moving the money through local banks and even investing it in real estate and businesses, according to a new United Nations Security Council report.” (Dahir).

On the northern frontier, a once partner-Somaliland Republic found its footing after dissolving their failed union with Somalia. Currently, Somaliland intensified its efforts to secure recognition by employing smart foreign diplomacy of engagement, which brought them new friends and won them a worldwide respect.

Among their new friends, Taiwan comes to mind after they established a diplomatic relationship most recently, which was lauded around the world including the United States of America.

On the other hand, to Somalilanders a prolonged or delayed recognition is not a deal breaker.

Dahir, Abdi L. “Feared Shabab Exploit Somali Banking and Invest in Real Estate, U.N. Says.” The New York Times – Breaking News, World News & Multimedia, 11 Oct. 2020,  www.nytimes.com/2020/10/11/world/africa/feared-shabab-exploit-somali-banking-and-invest-in-real-estate- un-says.html.

 Faruk, Omar, and Mark Bearack. “‘If I don’t pay, they kill me’: Al-Shabab tightens grip on Somalia with growing tax racket.” The Washington Post, 30 Aug. 2019, www.washingtonpost.com/world/africa/if-i-dont-pay- they-kill-me-al-shabab-tightens-its-grip-on-somalia-with- growing-tax-racket/2019/08/30/81472b38-beac-11e9- a8b0-7ed8a0d5dc5d_story.html. Accessed 14 Oct. 2020.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR:

Mohamed Adan Samatar is a Former State of Arizona Government Management and holds BSc, MS Agriculture. He can be reached adan.samatar01[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

Bilateral Ties between the Czech and Somaliland Republics?

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The Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Somaliland Hon. Liban Yousuf Osman is in Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic, and has held a series of meetings with government officials.

Speaking to the Deputy Minister about the purpose of his trip to Prague, he stated that it is part of Somaliland’s broad efforts to establish diplomatic, economic, and defense ties with other countries.

He added that his delegation is also meeting with several Czech business interests that are looking to invest in Somaliland. Hon. Osman has so far met with officials from the Ministry of Defense, Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, and other leaders of the Czech Republic.

The Czech Republic shares many similarities with Somaliland as it became independent in 1993 after the dissolution of Czechoslovakia, in addition, its a close ally of Taiwan and has earned the ire of The People’s Republic of China when a large delegation led by the Senate Speaker Milos Vystrcil visited Taiwan and addressed the Taiwanese Parliament.

The Chinese Foreign Affairs Minister Mr. Wang Yi characterized the visit of the Czech delegation as “crossed a red line” and threatened with unspecified “heavy price”.

Earlier this year, a delegation from the Somaliland government led by Hon. Osman and included the Ministers of Investments, Trade, Industry, the Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce, visited the Czech Republic.

Czech officials have also paid a number of visits to Somaliland and have met President Muse Bihi Abdi and members of his cabinet including Hon. Saad Ali Shire who at the time was the Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation.

When asked if the establishment of diplomatic ties between the Republic of Somaliland and the Czech Republic was one of the items discussed with the Czech officials, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation answered: “Everything is possible.”.

Saylici Dethroned: How the Reconfiguration of Kulmiye May End the Vice President’s Political Career

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In a highly orchestrated event attended by the majority of Somaliland ministers and the ruling party elites, the longest-serving Somaliland Vice President His Excellency Abdirahman Abdallahi Ismail Saylici conceded his seat as the 4th Deputy Chairman of the ruling Kulmiye party to political newcomer and first-time Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism Hon. Mohamoud Hassan Saad (Saajin).

Although the ruling party’s annual congress is scheduled for October 4th and in theory is where new leadership and delegates are elected, the battle for top posts seems to be over before the highly anticipated event even started.

Vice President Saylici has denied that he is mulling resignation and just before the dispute with Minister Saajin spilled into the open, perhaps unaware of the gathering storm, has declared his aspiration to for the Presidency and just a little before that has thrown himself a party celebrating his 10 year anniversary as Somaliland’s longest-serving Vice President.

Although legal scholars disagree on whether the Vice President is constitutionally limited to two terms, in his interview with Abdisalam Herari from April, the VP seems to believe that he will not be able to serve a third term as a Vice President. In that interview, he stated that he will be the next Chairman of the Kulmiye After President Bihi hands the rains.

Minister Saajin publicly challenging the Vice President’s party seat and emerging as the victor arguably positions himself as a possible Vice President in the next election cycle and dashes Mr. Saylici’s political aspirations for the foreseeable future.

The fierce and public competition between the Vice President and Minister Saajin provided fodder for the speculation that the sun may be setting on the long and illustrious career of Vice President Saylici as President Bihi, also the Chairman of Kulmiye methodically puts many party heavyweights to pasture to make way for fresh faces and alliances to carry him over the finish line in the next Presidential election.

Despite bringing some novices into the political arena, President Bihi has retained many officials from President Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo’s administration.

Recently, other Kulmiye heavyweights and former Ministers of Presidency Mr. Mohamoud Hashi and the Planning and National Development Minister Mr. have complained about being prevented to compete for the party’s top posts.

According to sources who spoke to Somaliland Chronicle on condition of anonymity, President Bihi intends to reshuffle his cabinet after the Kulmiye party congress to reflect the party’s new composition. One official described the event held at the Presidency as “Saylici’s retirement party“.

Although many have congratulated the Vice President for his brave decision to take the high road and concede to Minister Saajin, there are a lot of questions about his future viability as a political force despite being the longest-serving Vice President of Somaliland.

Vice President Saylici did not respond to questions about what the concession means for his political future, if he is considering resignation or will finish out his term and if what he has conceded to Minister Saajin is more than his Kulmiye post but rather the Vice Presidency itself.

The Shady Character: The Resident of Villa Somalia

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His name is Mohamed Abdullahi-Farmajo, born in 1962 in Mogadishu. He was one of the few fortunate youths, not by virtue of merit, but by his clan affiliation. His uncle was the former dictator of Somalia, Mohamed Siad Barre.

When he graduated from high school he was sent off to Washington DC. and became the first secretary for the Somali ambassador of the Somali Embassy in Washington DC. It was common under the Siad Barre regime to place clan members in key prominent positions of power regardless of their educational background or experience level in any given department. The goal was to groom him for future government leadership and eventually the future Somali Ambassador in some future country.

Unfortunately, this dream was cut short when the Mohamed Siad Barre regime collapsed in 1991, which he primarily blames Somalilanders especially the Isaq clan for being responsible. The fall of the regime was a heavy blow to his pre-planned path to success in the future Siad Bare’s government. Consequently, it resulted in the disruption of his lavish lifestyle as a young man living in Washington DC. Certainly, his resentment and hostility towards Somaliland are of personal nature.

Now that he is in a position of authority to retaliate and punish those who were responsible for the demise and the collapse of his uncle’s regime (the independent Somaliland government), he found himself in a weaker position to inflict any harm. This is by far his second greatest disappointment as the president of the Somali Federal government and is now unable to hurt Somaliland. When every effort failed, he resorted to social media propaganda by recruiting uneducated youngsters to do his dirty job for him.

Surprisingly, his simplistic view of what had happened in Somalia during and after the regime of Siad Bare is mind-boggling, and it is a testament to his sheltered life of entitlement under his uncle’s regime. This was particularly obvious as to how he undermined the authority of local governments to elect their leaders without the interference of the federal government. These behaviors are not the characteristics of someone who understands the history of the civil war and the long difficult journey traveled by the Somalis to get to where they are today.

His uncle committed major atrocities against humanity particularly against the Isaq clan. Somalilanders love their fellow Somalis but they have issues with the word “unity” and the blue flag. Through the flag they see genocide committed against them; they see the torture of helpless young women; they see mass murder; they see innocent women being raped; they see pregnant women being violated; they see the fighter jet with Somali Flag emblem on its side bombarding them while they are fleeing. They see the elderly left for dead when unable to escape. Mothers have to choose which child they have to leave behind when they exhaust the last effort to move forward. The Tanks and the weapons that were used including the uniforms of the soldiers carrying these atrocities all displayed the blue national flag.

After the failed Djibouti talks, during one of his speeches, he half-heartedly offered a quasi-apology for the atrocities committed by Siad Bare against the Somalilanders particularly the Isaq clan which was insincere and lip service. He is by nature a con man as he himself admitted in his last concession speech when the last-ditch ambition for more years was squashed by the regional leaders. He admitted to his divide and rule tactic without being obvious, but one could read between the lines.

Farmajo is no longer a threat to Somaliland, but he could try his under-handed attempts to undermine the progress of the Somaliland Government, but it is not going to work because Somaliland is in a better and stronger position.

In one of his last remarks, he said that Somaliland was seeking recognition for the last thirty years, but they did not succeed. Although recognition would be a plus, the lack of it would not compromise its independence no matter how long it takes. Somaliland is a strong, free, and democratic nation and has many friends around the world.

About the Author:

Mohamed Adan Samatar is a Former State of Arizona Government Management and holds BSc, MS Agriculture. He can be reached adan.samatar01[@]gmail.com

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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President Bihi Unveils the Second Phase of Somaliland Development Fund

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In a ceremony attended by government officials and Somaliland’s international partners, the President of the Republic of Somaliland Republic HE Muse Bihi Abdi has unveiled the second phase of the Somaliland Development Fund.

According to a statement released by Somaliland Presidency, the 2nd phase of the SDF will fund a total of 9 projects including a fishing jetty in Mayd and the rehabilitation of Berbera – Burao road.

Somaliland Development Fund is designed to be a single stream for donor funds to Somaliland where projects are aligned with the Somaliland National Development plan. Current contributors of SDF include the United Kingdom, Denmark, and the Netherlands.

According to the Minister of National Planning and Development Hon. Hassan Mohamed Ali Gafadhi, “SDFI has realized the implementation of 12 projects across the country in various sectors”. The first phase of the Somaliland Development Fund cost a total of 58 million US Dollars.

President Bihi during his remark at the unveiling ceremony touched on few issues including complaints from donor countries on how the previous phase of the SDF was implemented and pledged that his government has strengthened financial transparency and will ensure the 2nd phase will be implemented to produce tangible results as intended by the donor countries taxpayers. The President added that donor countries and agencies to respect Somaliland’s sovereignty and rule of law.

The President spoke at length about the need of finding new water sources for the rapidly expanding Hargeisa and that despite tens of millions of dollars already spent on the water expansion project in Hargeisa, the currently available wells in Geed Deeble can only supply about 40% of the capital’s inhabitants.

Previous projects implemented by SDFI have been marred by lack of oversight and prioritization of critical infrastructure, despite the 58 million US dollar price tag, there is no little to no visible impact of the first phase of the Somaliland Development Fund.