Investigative Reports

Security Reform vs. Security Risk: Weighing the Implications of Somaliland’s Military Biometric System

Key Points Somaliland's biometric registration of security personnel aims to...

The Diplomacy of Gullibility: How Somaliland’s Foreign Ministry Keeps Falling for International Fraudsters

In what has become a familiar scene in Somaliland's...

Ex-US Ambassador to Somalia Lobbies for Hormuud’s Access to American Banking System

Questions mount as André partners with Somali MP who...
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Breaking – China Supplied Thousands of AK47s, Ammunition, and Portable Surveillance Drones to Somalia

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According to multiple sources privy to the military aid unveiled by China’s Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa Mr. Xue Bing, the equipment provided was more than the handful of trucks and military ambulances presented at the event, instead, the shipment included thousands of AK47s, ammunition, cellular communication surveillance equipment and portable surveillance drones to the Federal Government of Somalia.

China’s Embassy to Somalia valued the shipment, which it describes as high mobility trucks, military ambulances, and water tankers, at five million US dollars.

The People’s Republic of China has appointed Mr. Xue Bing as its Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa in late February and this is the first trip to the region and Somalia.

Although a weapons embargo is in effect in Somalia under United Nations Resolution 2607, there are exceptions for armament intended for the development of the Somali National Army. It is unclear why the shipment of weapons was not shown in the transfer ceremony or if the People’s Republic of China reported the transfer of the military equipment to the United Nations Security Council as required by the resolution. China, a permanent member of the UN Security Council, has abstained from voting on Somalia’s weapons embargo resolution.

Shortly after the transfer of weapons by the Chinese Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa to Somalia’s top military commander, General Odowaa, and the Minister of Defense Mr. Abdiqadir Jama, sources report that Somalia’s Prime Minister has ordered the immediate seizure of the military equipment.

It is unclear why the Prime Minister has confiscated the equipment, but there has been an ongoing rift between Somalia’s President Mohamed Abdillahi Farmajo and Prime Minister Mohamed Roble. Farmajo’s attempt to extend his term after it expired in February 2021 plunged Somalia into further political turmoil.

China’s transfer of weapons to Somalia comes in the middle of President Muse Bihi Abdi’s high-profile visit to the United States, where he met various government officials from the Departments of Defense and State and members of House and Senate Foreign Relations Committees.

On Thursday, March 17th, high-ranking members of the US Senator introduced the Somaliland Partnership Act to require the Department of State to report to Congress on engagement with Somaliland and to conduct a feasibility study, in consultation with the Secretary of Defense, regarding the establishment of a partnership between the United States and Somaliland.

The Somali Federal Government and the People’s Republic of China found their interests aligned when Taiwan and Somaliland established diplomatic ties in June 2020, and China’s effort to court Somaliland was rebuffed by President Bihi. Somalia and China claim Taiwan and Somaliland as part of their territories.

The only response to the arms transfer by China from the Somaliland government came as tweets from the Minister of Health, Mr. Hassan Gafadhi and from the Director-General of the Presidency, Mr. Mohamed A. Bile. Both officials pointed to the timing of the weapons transfer and called China’s action provocative.

Efforts to reach Somaliland government officials for comment on China’s transfer of military equipment to Somalia and if this signals a turning point in China’s approach in ratcheting pressure on Somaliland to give up its budding diplomatic ties with Taiwan.

The former Chairman of Waddani and presidential candidate, Mr. Abdirahman Abdillahi Irro, has criticized the Somaliland government for its bilateral ties with Taiwan and stated that China would have helped develop Somaliland as it has done in much of Africa. Officials from the Waddani party, including Hersi Haji Hassan, the Chairman, did not respond to questions about their view and the party’s stance on China’s transfer of military equipment, including large quantities of small arms, to Somalia.

President Bihi and his delegation in Washington DC are defending the same set of values upon which America’s core principles and values rest: Freedom and Democracy!

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By Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr):

A quick glance of the diplomatic brilliance showcased by the President of Somaliland and his delegation in Washington DC shows that they are defending the principles for which they speak and on which our country’s vision rest: shared values of democracy, freedom, human dignity, and the rule of law that the U.S.A’s core values and principles stand for.

Despite the fact that Somaliland is surrounded by geographically hostile, hate-breeding, and jealous countries, despite the great diplomatic and security challenges that lie ahead for President Muse Bihi and his delegation, it is truly heartwarming and amazing to see how President Bihi and his delegation are determined to remain actively involved in all major security, diplomatic, economic and developmental aspects along Washington DC political power corridors without compromising upon the sovereignty, integrity, and independence of the Republic of Somaliland.

In this historic official state visit to the United States of America, President MBA and the members of his delegation are fully engaged in exploring in Washington DC all options on socio-economic, security, diplomatic and geostrategic advancement to achieve our national goals which best meet the needs and challenges facing the people of Somaliland today.

President Muse Bihi Abdi and his delegation are defending the most important, the most imperishable thing that the people of Somaliland have been cherishing for more than 30 years: Somaliland’s full recognition and independence as a free and self-determining nation.

Mr. President, the people of Somaliland worldwide are extremely grateful to you and your delegation for the valuable work you have done on our behalf.

ALLAH bless and protect the people and country of Somaliland.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Eng. Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr) is the Former Minister of Trade & Investment and Former Presidential Spokesman.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

Somaliland Partnership Act & The Solomon Islands

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Before highlighting the interests of the United States in a fully recognised Somaliland, there are benefits that Somaliland will continue to guarantee even without any recognition. These include the fight against piracy, anti-terrorism and being a progressive democracy. Often criticised for being a “peacocracy”, Somaliland people and government will protect their interior and external peace. Their homegrown democracy stems from their pastoral roots, and that is unlike to change with or without recognition because democracy enables the competing parties to transfer power fairly and peacefully. This ensures that, unlike Somalia, Somaliland will continue to be a reliable partner in the region without causing headaches in keeping the security and peace in the volatile region of the horn of Africa.

There are, however, equally important interests that are conditional on being fully recognised by the United States. To fully understand these, one needs to look at the situation of the Solomon Islands: Once a Taiwan ally, now its police force is being trained by China. This current example shows China’s aggressive foreign policy, targeting democracies that support the US and Taiwan. China’s influence in the Horn of Africa has continued to penetrate the political establishment. As such, one opposition party in Somaliland has toyed with the idea of seeking greater ties with China in the next upcoming presidential elections. We believe China’s capture of Somaliland will be inevitable if the United States continues with its one-Somalia policy. Like the Solomon Islands, the US might need to pay more to regain Somaliland in such a scenario. It is also feasible for enemies of the United States such as Iran and Russia gradually take interest and control of the Red Sea and Bab al-Mendab.

Learning from current and past experiences and proactively recognising Somaliland will ensure that all Somaliland political parties are pro-western. Recognising Somaliland as a fully democratic and Islamic nation will prove advantageous to US efforts to quash Islamic extremism affecting the region and the Arab world. In addition, Somaliland’s most recent partnership with Taiwan will enable it to be accepted within its own defined international dominance. This is important for Africa where only a fully recognized Somaliland can show the way to economic prosperity without being indebted to China.

On 4 April 2022, Somaliland and Somalia will be separated for a period longer than their union. Notwithstanding the colonial history, the last three decades have been long enough to make these two countries different, and Somaliland’s recognition mainly accepts the reality dictated by time. While recognising a new country is a headache, Somaliland is an exceptional case that will not repeat in Africa as per the African union fact-finding mission report of 2005. This report has been ignored by Africa similar to how most African countries did not vote for UN resolution against Russia. That’s why if the US Senate is not ready to recognise Somaliland directly, it should suggest a process by the African Union to act on the 2005 report.

In the past 30 years, Somaliland has acted as a de facto peacekeeper in the region, and for that, the geopolitical interest of the United States remains unchallenged. Somaliland shares and upholds the democratic values and the security interest of the United States and its allies. Without formal recognition or a roadmap from key stakeholders within the United States political establishment, exogenous factors can undermine the security state of the region.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Abdirahman Mohamed Abdi Daud is an Australian Somalilander and Software Engineer. Works as a principal developer in a fintech company. Melbourne, Australia. Mr. Daud is also a Non-Resident Scholar at Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies, Hargeysa Somaliland

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work is permitted.

McCaul, Smith Lead Bipartisan Letter on Increased Engagement with Somaliland

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Press Release 03.14.22

Media Contact 202-225-5021

Washington, D.C. – House Foreign Affairs Committee Lead Republican Michael McCaul (R-TX), Africa, Global Health, and Global Human Rights Subcommittee Lead Republican Chris Smith (R-NJ), and other bipartisan House members sent a letter to Secretary Blinken calling for increased engagement with Somaliland. 

The letter was signed by:

Lead Republican Michael McCaul (R-TX), Rep. Chris (R-NJ), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA), (D-NJ), Rep. Peter Meijer (R-MI), Rep. Guy Reschenthaler (R-PA), Rep. Kay Granger (R-TX), Rep. Young Kim (R-CA), and Rep. Steve Chabot (R-OH)

“We write to urge the Biden Administration to consider increasing and deepening engagement with Somaliland on issues of mutual diplomatic, economic, and security interests,” the lawmakers wrote. “Somaliland’s geo-strategic location on the Gulf of Aden, consistent support for democracy, cooperation on countering terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the region, relations with Taiwan, and growing economic potential warrants that the United States explore additional opportunities to partner with Somaliland.”

The full text of the letter can be found here and below. 

Dear Secretary Blinken

We write to urge the Biden Administration to consider increasing and deepening engagement with Somaliland on issues of mutual diplomatic, economic, and security interests. Somaliland’s geo-strategic location on the Gulf of Aden, consistent support for democracy, cooperation on countering terrorism, piracy, and other security threats in the region, relations with Taiwan, and growing economic potential warrants that the United States explore additional opportunities to partner with Somaliland.

Recent events in the Horn of Africa have upended feeble stability in the region and further jeopardized prospects for a peaceful resolution to multiple regional and domestic issues. With civil war embroiling Ethiopia, with Eritrean involvement; return to military rule in Sudan; delayed elections and political infighting fueling increasing instability in Somalia, amidst unabated terrorist activity by Al-Shabaab; and the worst drought the region has seen in over forty years, the U.S. must rethink our current strategy of engagement to address these immense challenges and the threats posed to U.S. national security interests.

Somaliland has functioned autonomously for three decades—it maintains its own security, its own financial system, and its own trade relations. Several countries in the region, including Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya, maintain diplomatic relations and trade with Somaliland, even though they don’t formally recognize its independence. Some appear to have increased their engagement in the past year: Ethiopia, for example, recently upgraded its diplomatic representation by promoting its representative in Hargeisa to the rank of ambassador, and Kenya opened a Liaison Office in Somaliland last year. The United Kingdom, European Union, United Arab Emirates and Turkey also have representation in Hargeisa.

Strategic engagement with Somaliland would be a critical counterweight to China’s increasing investment in the Horn of Africa. Djibouti, which has long served as the U.S.’s staging ground for U.S. military operations in the region, has become vulnerable since China operationalized their own naval base just eight miles from Camp Lemonnier in 2017. One year later, two U.S. pilots suffered injuries from Chinese-deployed lasers, underscoring the significant threat presented to U.S. operations and regional access going forward. With Djibouti’s debt to China reportedly increasing to more than 70 percent of its gross domestic product (GDP), China has ample leverage to gain a further foothold in the country and could conceivably pressure Djibouti for other political and strategic advantages that further undermine U.S. military operations. It is critical that the U.S. government pursues other strategic opportunities, like access to Berbera’s renovated airport and port, to safeguard our economic and security objectives in the Horn of Africa against further Chinese investment in Djibouti. Somaliland presents a democratic alternative, which has consistently resisted China’s encroachment and could ensure a continued U.S. presence on the Gulf of Aden.

Somaliland also established bilateral relations with Taiwan in September 2020 and exchanged representation shortly after. Somaliland and Taiwan have maintained close engagement, and during the COVID-19 pandemic, Taiwan provided Somaliland with donated COVID-19 vaccines. The U.S. should take steps to support a deepening relationship between the Somaliland and Taiwan, as required by the Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative (TAIPEI) Act of 2019, (P.L. 116–135), which calls on the U.S. government to consider additional engagement with nations that have strengthened, enhanced, or upgraded relations with Taiwan. The federal government of Somalia, meanwhile, does not maintain relations with Taiwan.

This Administration has stated that strengthening democracy and elevating democratic partners is a top global priority. Somaliland has repeatedly demonstrated the ability to hold peaceful, credible, and competitive elections and has shown a commitment to democracy and representative government for decades. USAID has partnered with the International Republican Institute and other civil society partners to support election preparations, increased transparency and voter education and deploy election observers, in fact Somaliland’s 2021 elections were the first in the world to be secured by biometric iris scans. Hargeisa has made important progress to advance democracy and effective governance and the Administration should seek to consolidate and reward this, particularly amidst further democratic backsliding elsewhere in the region.

With these political, economic, and security imperatives in mind, we urge the Administration to increase diplomatic engagement with Somaliland officials, senior leadership travel, and consider a permanent presence in Hargeisa. Increased partnership with Somaliland should be a priority and will mutually benefit U.S. and Somaliland interests. We thank you for your attention to this important matter.

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Breaking — United States Government Pledges Direct Engagement with Somaliland

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According to sources present in today’s meeting between the delegation led by the President of Somaliland Muse Bihi Abdi and officials from the Departments of State and Defense and USAID, the two sides agreed on cooperating on a range of issues, most notably security and economic cooperation. Sources add that President Bihi held a brief private discussion with Molly Phee, who heads the Bureau of African Affairs.

Security cooperation that was discussed by President Bihi’s delegation and officials from the Department of Defense, as well as members of Africa Command, will include direct cooperation with Somaliland security forces in counter-terrorism and maritime security. This will be the first time the United States works directly with Somaliland on matters pertaining to security. Sources declined to confirm if the United States will share critical and real-time intelligence for counter-terrorism purposes.

A statement issued by the State Department Bureau of African Affairs confirmed the meeting between President Bihi’s delegation and US government officials and the discussion of US engagement with Somaliland and although it ended that all cooperation will be within the framework of a single Somalia policy, sources stated that the only time Somalia came up in a conversation was a question that was posed to President Bihi on his view of the possibility of further Somaliland and Somalia talks when there is a different regime in Mogadishu where he responded that he sees little value in continuing such fruitless talks and that Somaliland already has what it wants and that is its independence and sovereignty.

One of the immediate things that will be implemented as part of the discussion between the governments of the United States and Somaliland is to update the State Department’s Travel Advisory to reflect the favorable security conditions in Somaliland.

Although far from recognition, the pledge by the United States Departments of State and Defense of direct engagement with the Republic of Somaliland reflects a turning point in US government policy where the Executive Branch of the US government is not in alignment with members of Congress and will implement the security cooperation in Senator Risch’s Amendment in the Defense Authorization Act.

Ukraine war: fresh warning that Africa needs to be vigilant against Russia’s destabilising influence

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Joseph Siegle, University of Maryland

It’s commonly held that Russian president Vladimir Putin’s objective for invading Ukraine is to install a puppet regime that is pliable to Moscow’s interests. If so, this would be consistent with the approach Russia has taken with its forays into Africa in recent years.

Drawing from its Syria playbook, Russia has propped up proxies in Libya, Central African Republic, Mali and Sudan. Moscow also has its sights on another half dozen African leaders facing varying degrees of vulnerability.

In the process, African citizen and sovereign interests have given way to Russian priorities.

This elite cooption strategy effectively serves Russia’s strategic objectives in Africa. These include, first, to gain a foothold in the southern Mediterranean and the Red Sea, putting Russia in a position to threaten NATO’s southern flank and international shipping chokeholds.

Second, to demonstrate Russia’s Great Power status whose interests must be considered in every region of the world.

And third, to displace western influence in Africa while undermining support for democracy.

Russia has often used extralegal tools to pursue its objectives on the continent. It has deployed mercenaries, run disinformation campaigns, interfered in elections and bartered arms for resources. This low-cost, high yield approach has enabled Moscow to expand its influence in Africa more rapidly, arguably, than any other external actor since 2018 when Russia ramped up its Africa engagements.

Regrettably for African citizens, these tactics are all inherently destabilising. Moreover, the result is disenfranchisement and diminished African sovereignty.

Russia’s expanding influence portends a bleak vision for Africa. In effect, Russia is attempting to export its governance model – of an authoritarian, kleptocratic, and transactional regime – onto Africa.

This is especially problematic since there are at least a handful of African leaders who are more than happy to go down this path. Never mind that this diverges wildly from the democratic aspirations held by the vast majority of African citizens.

The United Nations’ vote on Russia’s invasion in Ukraine provides a useful prism to understand relationships between Moscow and particular African countries. It reveals a spectrum of governance norms and visions for Africa. It is through these lenses and interests that groups of African countries can be expected to engage with Russia moving forward – with far-reaching consequences for democracy, security and sovereignty on the continent.

Puppets, patrons and pushback

The UN General Assembly resolution condemning the Russian aggression garnered only one dissenting African vote – Eritrea. This was accompanied by strong denunciations of the Russian attack on Ukraine by the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States. The current chair of the AU, Senegal’s President Macky Sall, and AU Commission chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat also criticised Russia’s unprovoked war.

In total, 28 of Africa’s 54 countries voted to condemn the Russian invasion, 16 abstained and 9 did not vote. All in all, the vote was a remarkable rebuke of Moscow from a continent where many African leaders’ worldviews are shaped by a posture of non-alignment, raw legacies from the Cold War, African diplomatic politesse, and a desire to remain neutral in Great Power rivalries.

The vote also revealed a widening segmentation of governance norms in Africa. And it shows that African relations with Russia from here on in will not be uniform – nor abruptly reversed.

The African countries that abstained, or did not vote, did so for a variety of reasons. The most obvious category of country unwilling to condemn Russia was those with African leaders who have been co-opted by Moscow. These included Faustin-Archange Touadéra in the Central African Republic, Lt. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in Sudan, and Colonel Assimi Goïta in Mali.

These leaders lack legitimacy domestically. They depend on Moscow’s political and mercenary support to hold onto power.

A second category among the countries that abstained or did not vote is those with leaders who have patronage ties with Russia. Those in power in Algeria, Angola, Burundi, Guinea, Equatorial Guinea, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Sudan, Uganda and Zimbabwe benefit from Russian arms, disinformation or political cover. These leaders, moreover, have no interest in democratic processes that may threaten their hold on power.

Others who abstained or did not vote likely did so for ideological reasons rooted in their traditions of non-alignment. These included Morocco, Namibia, Senegal and South Africa. While they may maintain ties to Moscow, they are appalled by Russia’s imperialistic actions. By and large, they support the upholding of international law to maintain peace and security.

Those who voted to condemn the invasion included leading African democracies and democratisers. These comprised Botswana, Cabo Verde, Ghana, Malawi, Mauritius, Niger, Nigeria, Kenya, Seychelles, Sierra Leone and Zambia. They represent a mix of motivations. But I calculated that the median Global Freedom score for this group of 28 countries based on Freedom House’s annual (0-100) ratings is 20 points higher than those that did not vote to condemn.

The powerful speech by Kenya’s ambassador to the United Nations, Martin Kimani, in defence of respecting sovereignty, territorial integrity, and resolving differences through non-violent means, epitomises the views of this group and its support for a rules-based order. Many have also taken the lead in condemning the surge in coups and third termism on the continent.

Priorities for action

If the past is any indication, Russia can be expected to escalate its influence campaign in Africa in reaction to its international isolation following the Ukraine invasion.

To mitigate Russia’s malign influences, African and international actors wishing to advance a democratic, rules-based order for the continent should take some decisive steps.

First is to invest in democratic institutions and democratic partners. Democratic checks and balances are the best bulwark against nefarious external influences.

Second, coups and third termism must be strongly condemned.

Third, building the capacity and space of African journalists is especially vital. Without a free and informed discourse, it is difficult to have a national dialogue on priorities and preferences. Or to hold political leaders accountable for their actions.

Fourth, is to enforce the African Convention for the Elimination of Mercenarism, which went into effect in 1985. This legally prohibits African states from allowing mercenaries into their territory and should be employed to bar Wagner from the continent.

Fifth, there must be investment in Africa’s professional militaries. This will bolster democracy. A growing number of African militaries have become politicised. This has contributed to the upsurge of coups as well as the use of militaries as a coercive tool against political opponents.

Strengthening African citizens’ agency is also key. Russia’s malign influences can be mitigated by strengthening African civil society to ensure independent voices are not muffled. Civil society can also heighten scrutiny and transparency of opaque contracts that tend to provide the patronage that props up coopted regimes.

Another means of enhancing African agency is to support the efforts of African regional organisations such as the African Union. The AU and the regional economic communities have adopted charters advancing democratic norms and processes. These bodies can help uphold democratic norms when there are violations. And they can reduce the scope for external interference.

Internationally, democratic governments need to sustain long-term partnerships with their African counterparts. African countries with legitimately elected leaders shouldn’t be put in a position to choose between international partners. It’s reasonable that African governments will want to have multiple external relationships subject to their context and interests. This is especially so given the legacies of colonialism and the struggles for independence that defined the creation of many African countries. Rather, the focus of these partnerships should be on maximising a shared vision of what a rules-based order should look like and how it can be put into practice.

In the end, Russia doesn’t have much to offer African leaders other than coercive tools. If these are diminished, then so too will be Russia’s destabilising influences on the continent.

Joseph Siegle, Director of Research, Africa Center for Strategic Studies, University of Maryland

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Villa Somalia Sought to Prevent Somaliland Delegation’s Visit to the United States

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According to diplomatic sources briefed on the matter, Somalia’s President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo has sought Qatar’s help in convincing the United States Department of State to deny visas to the President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi, and members of his delegation. Sources add that Farmajo’s appeal to the Qatari Amir during his recent visit to Qatar comes after Somalia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ similar appeals to regional embassies were unsuccessful.

The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi and a large delegation consisting of the Ministers of Interior, Environment, Industry, Commerce, and Tourism, and Information as well as members of the business community from Somaliland’s largest enterprises such as Telesom, SOMTEL, SOMCABLE, have departed Egal International and are due to arrive in Dulles International Airport tomorrow morning.

In addition to the appeal to the Qatari Amir, Somalia’s federal government has directly approached the United States embassies in Djibouti, Kenya as well as the State Department to prevent visa issuance to President Bihi and members of his delegation.

Garowe Online has reported on Twitter that the United States Embassy in Djibouti has denied the visa applications of the Minister of Interior Hon. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed and the Minister of Information and National Guidance Hon. Saleban Ali Kore. Somaliland government has, via Minister Kore, called the report fake. It is unclear if the outlet’s sources include Somali government officials privy to Villa Somalia’s efforts to prevent Bihi’s delegation from visiting the United States.

Although some cabinet members accompanying President Bihi are United States citizens and did not require visas, the Somaliland government has confirmed visas to members of the delegation, specifically for President Bihi and the Ministers of Interior and Information were issued on Somaliland passports.

Somalia’s Federal Government under Mohamed Abdulahi Farmajo has sought to destabilize and isolate Somaliland economically and diplomatically and has sided with China which vigorously opposes any diplomatic ties with Taiwan. Somalia and China have condemned the establishment of diplomatic ties between Somaliland and Taiwan as an infringement of their territorial integrity.

Somaliland government has been unusually tight-lipped on whether President Bihi and his delegation will meet with members of the Biden Administration or US Congress or whether the visit is related to reports of US interest in establishing a military base in Somaliland.

Although the United States weighing the potential for a military base in Somaliland have been widely reported, one cornerstone of such arrangements — the Status of Forces Agreement which the United States signs with any country that hosts US military personnel is not in place and so far both the United States Africa Command and the Somaliland government have not responded to questions about ongoing talks.

SOMALILANDERS WORLDWIDE BE VIGILANT!!

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(1). There are Anti-Somaliland movements led by Somaliland opponents on an international scale!!

Since 22 all-party-group Members of the British House of Commons have seriously deliberated over Somaliland’s recognition case on January 18th, 2022; there have been emerging strong conspiracy movements going on against Somaliland’s cause, particularly in the U.S.A, UK, EU countries, and elsewhere. The main objective of all those Anti-Somaliland Diaspora Movements led by our nemesis is to undermine our righteous and legitimate goal towards which the people of Somaliland have been cherishing for the past thirty years: “An independent State of Somaliland fully recognized among free global nations!”

Somaliland’s opponents are seriously preparing to hijack, sabotage, and misinterpret the recent international attention to Somaliland’s quest for recognition where the global community is just catching up to the decades-long ignored reality of the Republic of Somaliland.

In order to derail Somaliland’s recognition quest; in America for instance, Somaliland antagonists are hiring highly specialized law firms which they give them a clear mandate to prepare and submit a unionist legally substantiated contra-argument -(directed to the governments of UK, U.S.A, EU Member States, and other international bodies such as UN, AU, Arab League, IOC, etc)- that goes straight against Somaliland’s quest for recognition & self-determination.

(2). HATEFUL ALLEGED DEMONSTRATIONS:

According to very reliable insider information sources, Somaliland’s opponents in North America are planning to demonstrate against our President H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi during his official state visit to the United States of America and Canada. They also want to carry and display all hateful slogans and scriptures in front of our President and members of his delegation. During the alleged demonstrations, Somaliland opponents want to depict Somaliland’s quest for recognition as an illegal and unattainable cause pursued by a cessationist and breakaway northern region of Somalia, while heavenly advocating for the restoration of the MYTH and MENACE of the FOREVER DEAD-UNITY between Somaliland and Somalia.

(3). United Somalilanders Movement Worldwide 🌐:

Each of us in Somaliland and in the Diaspora has not only a patriotic responsibility but also an obligation to defend our beloved country and confront by word and deed to those undermining our country’s interests. Organizing our people in the diaspora and at home is of paramount and immediate importance.

Somaliland’s enemies inside and outside are working day and night, and often in concert and cahoots, to sabotage our quest for recognition, to promote conflict and strife among Somalilanders, and propagate lies, fake news, and disinformation.

Therefore, in order to curb, counter and combat those who are opposing Somaliland’s quest for self-determination and independence, we need a much more organized, integrated, strategic, and global level movement both at home and in the diaspora.

(4). UNITY 🤝 IS WHAT MAKES US SUCCESSFUL!

Unity is the basic ingredient that makes every nation successful. Therefore, as Somalilanders, the factors that bind us and bring our people together are far more important than those minor things that we may hold different views. We need to emphasize and strengthen the key elements that work for the social fabric and public interest and bring our citizens together.

The challenge that hovers on the sovereignty and recognition endeavor of our nation is ever more compelling reasons for each and every one of us to maintain our nation’s unity and sense of togetherness. In this historic crossroad, we need to set aside our small differences driven by domestic political point-scoring designed for local consumption. Let us show to our enemies our nation’s strength by displaying our people’s unity, spirit, togetherness, and decisiveness in defending our noble common cause!

(5). CONCLUSION:

The Republic of Somaliland is surrounded by geographically hostile, volatile, and hate-breeding countries. At a time of rising hostility and animosity towards the existence of our nation and country, Somaliland people have no other choice but to defend their country’s independence and sovereignty with WORD, DEED, AND STRENGTH.

Therefore, wherever Somalilanders live worldwide, we must remain very vigilant! We must closely monitor and keep a watchful eye on all those devilish movements against Somaliland’s recognition cause. Let us seek and unmask our adversaries and prepare ourselves to engage with our opponents wherever and whoever they are. We ought to defend our country’s independence, freedom, and sovereignty by all means possible and with all our might.

ALLAH BLESS AND PROTECT THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Eng. Hussein Adan Igeh (Deyr) is the Former Minister of Trade & Investment and Former Presidential Spokesman.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle and its staff. 

Creative Commons License

Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, all reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted.

President Bihi Inaugurates the Opening of the Largest Bridge in Somaliland

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The President of the Republic of Somaliland HE Muse Bihi Abdi has inaugurated the opening of the largest bridge ever built in Somaliland spanning one of Somaliland’s largest and most dangerous dry river valley of Da’ar Budhuq that have ground vital traffic from and to Berbera to a halt during the rainy season and have cost many lives.

The President noted many lives lost to the Da’ar Budhuq dry river valley, which floods during the rainy season and causes transportation disruption in the country’s busiest commercial artery to and from Berbera Port.

“I would like to tell the people of Somaliland, wherever they are, that when a project is being developed, we need to stand together. I do not have the energy to build, the energy to mine, the energy to extract fuel, the energy to carry out major projects and yet I will stand in the way and my will shall be done is the wrong mindset. The constitution says that the resources to the nation of Somaliland, and the nation has entrusted it to the government. The only way we will develop is to accept the direction set forth by the government” said President Muse Bihi Abdi speaking at the event.

The President noted that many lives were lost to the Da’ar Budhuq dry river valley which floods during the rainy season and creates major transportation disruption in the country’s busiest commercial artery to and from Berbera Port.

Although the government has instituted basic safety vehicle measures such as mandatory seatbelts and vehicle safety inspection, traffic laws are arcane at best and are rarely enforced. The majority of vehicles in Somaliland are righthanded vehicles where the road remains left-handed. Traffic signals and basic signs are also exceedingly rare in Somaliland.

Multiple attempts by the Ministry of Transport and Roads Development ordering the installation of speed limiters on trucks and other public transport and reconfiguration of bus entrances to ensure passengers do not disembark onto incoming traffic have failed.

The inauguration of the bridge was attended by Emariti officials from the United Arab Emarites Trade Representatives Office and other foreign dignitaries and representatives of various countries in Somaliland.

FACT SHEET: Joined by Allies and Partners, the United States Imposes Devastating Costs on Russia

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The White House
Statements and Releases
February 24, 2022 

Russia to Face Massive Costs from its Isolation from the Global Financial and Trade System and Cutting-Edge Technology

Today, the United States, along with Allies and partners, is imposing severe and immediate economic costs on Russia in response to Putin’s war of choice against Ukraine. Today’s actions include sweeping financial sanctions and stringent export controls that will have a profound impact on Russia’s economy, financial system, and access to cutting-edge technology. The sanctions measures impose severe costs on Russia’s largest financial institutions and will further isolate Russia from the global financial system. With today’s financial sanctions, we have now targeted all ten of Russia’s largest financial institutions, including the imposition of full blocking and correspondent and payable-through account sanctions, and debt and equity restrictions, on institutions holding nearly 80% of Russian banking sector assets. The unprecedented export control measures will cut off more than half of Russia’s high-tech imports, restricting Russia’s access to vital technological inputs, atrophying its industrial base, and undercutting Russia’s strategic ambitions to exert influence on the world stage. The impact of these measures will be significantly magnified due to historical multilateral cooperation with a wide range of Allies and partners who are mirroring our actions, inhibiting Putin’s ambition to diversify Russia’s brittle, one-dimensional economy. The scale of Putin’s aggression and the threat it poses to the international order require a resolute response, and we will continue imposing severe costs if he does not change course.

Putin’s threatening actions and now his unprovoked aggression toward Ukraine are being met with an unprecedented level of multilateral cooperation. The United States welcomes the commitments by Australia, Canada, the European Union, Japan, and the United Kingdom that they will also take similarly forceful actions to hold Russia accountable – demonstrating the strength of our partnerships and deepening the impact on Russia more than any action we could have taken alone. This follows our joint action earlier this week to impose a first tranche of severe sanctions on Russia.

As a result of Putin’s war of choice, Russia will face immediate and intense pressure on its economy, and massive costs from its isolation from the global financial system, global trade, and cutting-edge technology. This includes cutting off Russia’s largest bank from the U.S. financial system – a significant blow to its ability to function and process global trade. It also includes full blocking sanctions on Russia’s second largest bank – freezing any of its assets touching the U.S. financial system.  Russia’s ability to access global markets, attract investment, and utilize the U.S. dollar will be devastated.

Russia’s economy has already faced intensified pressure in recent weeks; just today its stock market sunk to its lowest level in four and a half years, and the ruble weakened beyond its weakest daily settlement price on record – before additional sanctions were even imposed. With these new stringent measures, these pressures will further accumulate and suppress Russia’s economic growth, increase its borrowing costs, raise inflation, intensify capital outflows, and erode its industrial base. The United States and our Allies and partners are unified and will continue to impose costs, forcing Putin to look to other countries that cannot replicate the financial and technology strengths of Western markets.
Today, the United States carried out the following actions:

  • Severing the connection to the U.S. financial system for Russia’s largest financial institution, Sberbank, including 25 subsidiaries, by imposing correspondent and payable-through account sanctions. This action will restrict Sberbank’s access to transactions made in the dollar. Sberbank is the largest bank in Russia, holds nearly one-third of the overall Russian banking sector’s assets, is heavily connected to the global financial system, and is systemically critical to the Russian financial system.
     
  • Full blocking sanctions on Russia’s second largest financial institution, VTB Bank (VTB), including 20 subsidiaries. This action will freeze any of VTB’s assets touching the U.S financial system and prohibit U.S. persons from dealing with them. VTB holds nearly one-fifth of the overall Russian banking sector’s assets, is heavily exposed to the U.S. and western financial systems, and is systemically critical to the Russian financial system.
     
  • Full blocking sanctions on three other major Russian financial institutions: Bank Otkritie, Sovcombank OJSC, and Novikombank- and 34 subsidiaries. These sanctions freeze any of these institutions’ assets touching the U.S financial system and prohibit U.S. persons from dealing with them. These financial institutions play a significant a role in the Russian economy.
     
  • New debt and equity restrictions on thirteen of the most critical major Russian enterprises and entities. This includes restrictions on all transactions in, provision of financing for, and other dealings in new debt of greater than 14 days maturity and new equity issued by thirteen Russian state-owned enterprises and entities:  Sberbank, AlfaBank, Credit Bank of Moscow, Gazprombank, Russian Agricultural Bank, Gazprom, Gazprom Neft, Transneft, Rostelecom, RusHydro, Alrosa, Sovcomflot, and Russian Railways. These entities, including companies critical to the Russian economy with estimated assets of nearly $1.4 trillion, will not be able to raise money through the U.S. market — a key source of capital and revenue generation, which limits the Kremlin’s ability to raise money for its activity.
     
  • Additional full blocking sanctions on Russian elites and their family members: Sergei Ivanov (and his son, Sergei), Nikolai Patrushev (and his son Andrey), Igor Sechin (and his son Ivan), Andrey Puchkov, Yuriy Solviev (and two real estate companies he owns), Galina Ulyutina, and Alexander Vedyakhin. This action includes individuals who have enriched themselves at the expense of the Russian state, and have elevated their family members into some of the highest position of powers in the country. It also includes financial figures who sit atop Russia’s largest financial institutions and are responsible for providing the resources necessary to support Putin’s invasion of Ukraine. This action follows up on yesterday’s action targeting Russian elites and their family members and cuts them off from the U.S. financial system, freezes any assets they hold in the United States and blocks their travel to the United States.
     
  • Costs on Belarus for supporting a further invasion of Ukraine by sanctioning 24 Belarusian individuals and entities, including targeting Belarus’ military and financial capabilities by sanctioning two significant Belarusian state-owned banks, nine defense firms, and seven regime-connected official and elites. We call on Belarus to withdraw its support for Russian aggression in Ukraine.
     
  • Sweeping restrictions on Russia’s military to strike a blow to Putin’s military and strategic ambitions.  This includes measures against military end users, including the Russian Ministry of Defense. Exports of nearly all U.S. items and items produced in foreign countries using certain U.S.-origin software, technology, or equipment will be restricted to targeted military end users. These comprehensive restrictions apply to the Russian Ministry of Defense, including the Armed Forces of Russia, wherever located.
     
  • Russia-wide restrictions to choke off Russia’s import of technological goods critical to a diversified economy and Putin’s ability to project power. This includes Russia-wide denial of exports of sensitive technology, primarily targeting the Russian defense, aviation, and maritime sectors to cut off Russia’s access to cutting-edge technology. In addition to sweeping restrictions on the Russian-defense sector, the United States government will impose Russia-wide restrictions on sensitive U.S. technologies produced in foreign countries using U.S.-origin software, technology, or equipment. This includes Russia-wide restrictions on semiconductors, telecommunication, encryption security, lasers, sensors, navigation, avionics and maritime technologies. These severe and sustained controls will cut off Russia’s access to cutting edge technology.
     
  • Historical multilateral cooperation that serves as a force multiplier in restricting more than $50 billion in key inputs to Russia- impacting far more than that in Russia’s production. As a result of this multilateral coordination, we will provide an exemption for other countries that adopt equally stringent measures. Countries that adopt substantially similar export restrictions are exempted from new U.S. licensing requirements for items produced in their countries. The European Union, Australia, Japan, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, have already communicated their plans for parallel actions. This unprecedented coordination significantly expands the scope of restrictions on Russia. Further engagement with Allies and partners will continue to maximize the impact on Russia’s military capabilities.

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