According to government records seen by Somaliland Chronicle, the Ministry of Health Development has spent 422,000 US dollars on COVID-19 supplies, reagents, and information technology infrastructure, including a new mobile application and equipment such as passport readers.
The Ministry of Health Development spent 193,589.65 US dollars on 20,000 security letterheads, a mobile application for COVID-19 vaccination, passport readers, and assorted information technology-related items for the Ministry of Health Development.
Date
Purpose
Company
Amount (US$)
Oct-22
Letter Heads with Security Features
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$90,260.00
Oct-22
Mobile application for authentication of COVID-19 certificate
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$50,527.55
Oct-22
Passport Reader
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$26,401.05
Oct-22
Passport Reader
GTS (Global Tech Solutions) LTD
$26,401.05
Total
$193,589.65
While Somaliland continues to invest heavily and even build out a new infrastructure to manage the requirement of COVID-19 negative PCR tests for travelers, many countries in the region and around the world have eliminated such requirements. Currently, travelers cannot board flights out of Egal International Airport without a negative COVID-19 PCR test certificate issued by the Ministry of Health Development in Hargeisa Group Hospital at the cost of 45 US dollars per person.
It is unclear why the Ministry of Health Development would need passport readers and spend over 90,000 US dollars on documents with security features for the negative test of COVID-19 and if passport readers will be deployed at Egal International, and if these additional checks resulted from a security breach of their existing procedures.
In addition to the 193,590.65 US dollars the Ministry of Health Development spent on the IT infrastructure in October 2022, it has spent an additional 228,520.27 US dollars on COVID-19 reagents from Modern Medical Laboratory since August 2022.
Date
Purpose
Company
Amount (US$)
Aug-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Sep-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Oct-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$17,311.87
Oct-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Nov-22
COVID-19 reagents
Modern Medical Laboratory
$52,802.10
Total
$228,520.27
We have previously reported that Modern Medical Laboratory which has sold $766,369.69 worth of COVID-19 reagents between March 2021 and June 2022 and it is run by Mr. Mr. Abdirahman Hassan Derie, a Presidential appointee to represent Somaliland on the DP World Berbera venture since former President Ahmed Mohamoud Siilanyo’s government.
BIOSOM, another company that has been selling the Ministry of Health COVID-19 reagents, has had no business dealings with the Ministry since our reporting on the subject.
BIOSOM is owned and operated by government employees who work at the COVID-19 testing facility at the Hargeisa Group Hospital. These employees include the Deputy Head of the testing facility, Mr. Hassan Mohamed Abdi, and Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye, the brother of the Ministry of Health Development’s Director General Mr. Mohamed Abdi Hergeye.
The Ministry of Health’s generous expenditure on COVID-19 stands in stark contrast to its non-existent efforts to combat the Dengue fever that has been ravaging Somaliland in the past few months. So far, the ministry’s financial records do not show any expenditure on Dengue fever.
Our efforts to reach the Minister of Health, Mr. Hasan Mohamed Ali Gafadhi, the Deputy Minister Mr. Liban Yusuf Osman, and the Director General Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Hergeye to ask how much was being spent on Dengue fever compared to COVID-19 were unsuccessful.
The long saga of a war criminal Col. Yusuf Abdi Ali Tuke who lived comfortably and with impunity in one of the freest countries on earth with the very people he has brutalized in unimaginable ways including setting victims on fire may be finally over. Mr. Tuke was taken into custody by the United States Homeland Security Investigations in Springfield Virginia for war crimes he committed in Gabiley Somaliland.
Colonel Tuke as he is widely known first surfaced in Canada where he immigrated after the collapse of the dictatorial regime of Siad Barre where he served as the Commander of the Fifth Brigade in Gabiley in the present-day Republic of Somaliland where the people of Somaliland and particularly the Isaaq tribe were targeted for genocide by Barre’s regime.
In Canada, Mr. Tuke was exposed by his victims who reported him to the authorities and the media, where Mr. Tuke even faced reporters to deny the accusations leveled against him and taunt his victims to “go to court”. He was deported by Canadian authorities to the United States in October 1992.
Mr. Tuke has been arrested in the United States before, in 1998 for an immigration-related matter and although US government agencies were aware of the accusations against him, he remained in the United States.
In late 2019, a jury in the Eastern District of Virginia found Colonel Tuke liable in a civil suit brought by Mr. Farhan Warfaa who accused the former member of the Somali Army of shooting him at point-blank range and leaving him for dead after months of torture. Mr. Warfaa, who was represented by the Center for Justice and Accountability, was awarded 500,000 US in damages. It is unclear if Mr. Tuke has made restitution to Mr. Warfaa.
Mr. Tuke’s current legal predicament is the most serious, as this time he faces the genocidal acts he committed in Gabiley in 1987 – 1988 where his monstrous acts have taken place.
“While Yusuf Abdi Ali’s apprehension cannot undo the pain that he allegedly inflicted upon the victims of his purported human rights abuses, it is my sincere hope that by seeing him answer for his apparent role in these heinous crimes, they will be given some form of peace,” said Derek W. Gordon, acting special agent in charge of HSI Washington, D.C. in a press release.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batten, who claimed to have changed his mind about efforts to lobby for Somaliland after learning about Somaliland’s “human rights violations” and instead went to lobby for the Somali government and the Somali United Alliance charity organization, denied any knowledge of Mr. Tuke and his crimes against humanity. Mr. Tuke works for the Somali Embassy in Washington, DC.
Although media outlets are reporting Colonel Tuke as high-ranking in the murderous Somali National Army, in the vast and complex genocidal war machine deployed by dictator Siad Barre against the people of Somaliland, there are even bigger violators such as General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan widely known as the Butcher of Hargeisa.
General Morgan, who is the late dictator’s son-in-law and his last Minister of Defense, currently serves as an advisor to President Saeed Abdullahi Deni of Puntland province of Somalia and was the commander 26th Sector of the Somali Army based in present-day Somaliland.
Because of the genocidal acts committed by Dictator Barre and his henchmen such as Tuke and Morgan against the people of Somaliland, an armed struggle by the Somali National Movement has begun and despite the unfavorable odds faced by ordinary men and women that stood up against tyranny, SNM has brought the end of Barre’s rain of terror and ushered in the rebirth of the Republic of Somaliland.
So far efforts to bring war criminals like Tuke to justice were entirely done by private individuals and while there are others who declined to speak about their efforts with various authorities around the globe to bring other war criminals accountable for their actions, the Somaliland government has not actively pursued war criminals like General Morgan who lives within 100 kilometers from its borders.
In a press conference, the leaders of Somaliland’s two opposition parties Waddani and UCID stated that they no longer recognize the government led by President Muse Bihi as legitimate and added that henceforth shall be referred to as the President whose term has expired and the Chairman of Kulmiye Party.
Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Cirro) and Mr. Faisal Ali Warabe have previously stated that they will no longer recognize President Bihi after November 13th, 2022, when the House of Elders has given the President a two-year term extension.
“We call all of you to strengthen your peace, and unity and protect your stability without allowing anything illegal and dictatorship,” the statement from the opposition parties said.
Efforts to bring the opposition leaders and the President have not succeeded and are still ongoing. Unconfirmed reports indicate that the two sides may meet in the coming days.
The Minister of Interior Mr. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed and the Commander of Police Forces, Brigadier-General Mohammed Adan Saqadhi (Dabagale) responded to the opposition’s statement. Brigadier-General Dabagale as he is widely known have stressed the importance of peace and security where Minister Kahin spoke about Mr. Cirro’s 12 year-term as the ormer Speaker of the Parliament where his term was repeatedly extended.
Election disputes and term extensions for Presidents and legislators have been a constant factor in most elections held since the re-independence of the Republic. The current dispute centers on which of the two elections will be held first: Presidential or Political Parties and Associations. The opposition parties claim the presidential elections should be held first on November 13th, and have accused the President of deliberately delaying it by disbanding the previous National Election Commission.
President Bihi whose term was extended by two years by the House of Elders has stated that his government has prepared all the funding necessary to complete the voter registration, that the political parties and the Presidential elections will be held within the nine-month period per the recommendation of the National Election Commission. It is unclear which of the two elections will be held first and exactly when.
Political Parties and Associations have completed the first qualifying round which produced a total of nine political party aspirants who, together with the current three political parties of Waddani, UCID, and the ruling party of Kulmiye, will compete for one of three coveted spots to become national party for a period of ten years.
For the last few years, all clocks in Somaliland have been fixed to 13 November 2022 – the day presidential elections were due to take place in Somaliland. The date was envisioned to be a decisive moment that will put Somaliland past political crisis that have been unfolding over the last couple of years. One thing is now certain: no election will take place on 13th November. Although Somaliland is one of the most vibrant democracies in Africa, its elections are almost always late. While previous election delays always had a deal reached by the stakeholders ahead of election day, this time the date approaches with no such agreements yet reached by the president, political parties and other key stakeholders. This puts Somaliland at a considerably dangerous path to un-explored episodes of lawlessness and potential violence. What is at stake here is Somaliland’s sustained history of peace and civic governance that can potentially be put to a break should the current disagreements go beyond November 13. The president (and his ruling party) and political parties are the main actors, all maintaining extreme ends of a continuum of the election process.
The president’s position is quite clear. He cannot compete with the existing political parties, at least in their current form and shape. The May 2021 joint elections were a wake-up call for the president. Opposition parties hugely defeated the ruling party: Waddani alone elected more MPs than the ruling Kulmiye, speakership of the House of Representatives is fully dominated by the opposition, and the opposition parties won the mayorships of 5 of the 6 provincial capitals. Although the president was granted a two-year term extension by the Guurti (the House of Elders), he is putting all his efforts to ensure necessary preparations and resources are in place to conduct tow subsequent elections in 2023.
While all eyes are set to 13 November, another important date is December 26 – the date that current political parties’ licenses expire. The ruling party’s plan is to hold tight until 26 December (for the political parties to lose their licenses) and then proceed with party elections. So far, the ruling party made all efforts to fast track the registration and qualification of political associations that will participate in the upcoming political party elections. Nine new political associations have made it to the final list and will compete with the current political parties in 2023. In the same year, presidential elections will follow suit, participated by the three political parties that emerge victorious from the preceding party elections. To the ruling party, the results of party elections will be in their favor, whatever the outcome.
The opposition parties also maintain the other extreme. Basically, November comes before December – the president first loses legitimacy (on November 13) before their licenses expire on December 26. The opposition parties’ stance is that the president is only legitimate until 13 November and no other elections, other than presidential elections, should take place in Somaliland. The political parties have waited for five long years and have been mobilizing and expanding their support bases to compete with the ruling party. They cannot lose five-years’ worth of efforts and start afresh. For the past couple of months, the opposition parties have been organizing rallies and meetings with their supporters in the different regions to be ready for action. Come November 13th, the opposition parties will proclaim the president and his government illegitimate and that can have catastrophic consequences. For the first time in Somaliland’s history, the head of the state may be declared ‘illegitimate’ and parallel governments may be instituted. There have been calls from traditional authorities in support of both sides. At a grand clan conference in Burco in October, one of the largest clans in Somaliland concluded that ‘the term extension by the Guurti was unconstitutional and that no political party elections will be conducted in their constituencies’.
The current political impasse tests Somaliland’s democratic institutions and local conflict resolution capacities. Nearly all local capacities that historically kept Somaliland together have been exhausted and are losing relevance, including the Guurti, traditional authorities and business elites. The Guurti – best described as the House of Heirs as the current incumbents are mostly the children or relatives of the initially clan-selected elders – is no longer able to mediate political disagreements. The Guurti’s response to the looming political crisis was a five-year term extension for themselves and a two-year term extension for the president and vice president. Traditional elders and religious leaders have also tried to broker a deal between the president and opposition parties, but their efforts failed. And finally, some of the biggest business tycoons came together and suggested possibly the most sensible proposition that can meet the interests of both the ruling party and opposition parties. Business elites suggested a joint presidential and party elections, with the current political parties competing for the presidency while the three political parties and emerging political associations participate in the political party elections. Unfortunately, this suggestion was also not well received by the key political stakeholders.
As Somaliland approaches the much-awaited 13 November, one can only contemplate on the possibilities that lay ahead. In my view, three potential scenarios could unfold.
1. No Deal: the date arrives with no political consensus reached. This is the most likely scenario. The possible consequences are detrimental: president and his government declared illegitimate, mass demonstrations, bloody clashes between police and demonstrators, all-time low revenue collection capacity and possible inter-communal clashes! And after days/weeks of these episodes, the key stakeholders come to their senses and local conflict resolutions are put to work to broker a way out of the situation. After all, proactive problem-solving is not one of the best qualities of president Bihi, the most important actor in the current crisis. It is still a possibility that restoring peace and order may be a long shot!
2. Last-minute Deal Brokered by the International Community: in the past, Somaliland’s international partners have stepped up to mediate political actors in Somaliland. Any such mediation efforts may be subject to president Bihi’s acceptance. President Bihi is not a big fan of democracy and openly criticized the role of international partners in Somaliland’s governance and development endeavors. The international partners, on the other hand, may only intervene when they are certain that their efforts will yield a political consensus.
3. Hold Tight Until December 26: this defining date could also legally see all political parties losing their license and, hence, political associations and current political parties could equally participate in any discussions on the election roadmap. This highly unlikely scenario could rule in favor of the president who can confidently deliver two subsequent elections in 2023. This will come with huge costs and, by then, elections may no longer be a priority for Somaliland. This is too high a risk to entertain.
A ‘magic bullet’ is still possible to save Somaliland from this uncertainty! As always, stakeholders can all compromise and forge a quick-fix political settlement in the remaining days. All formal and informal conflict resolution institutions should be activated to broker a deal. The international partners should not shy away from trying their level best to mediate even if the results of their efforts may not be too visible. There are so many viable options that can meet the interests of all, including the proposition by the business elites.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Mubarak Geeddi is a development worker based in Hargeisa. Mubarak has master’s in International Development: Politics, Governance and Development Policies. He is available on Twitter (@MubGeedi).
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
According to a press release by DP World, the international ports operator and current manager of Berbera Port has signed a 20-year lease with IFFCO to develop a food-grade oil packing plant in the Berbera Economic Zone (BEZ) in Somaliland. The 300,000 sq. ft food-grade oil processing plant in Berbera Economic Zone is scheduled to be completed by the first half of 2023 with future expansion plans to double its size.
Berbera Economic Zone is in the making. "Berbera Economic Zone (BEZ)’s proximity to the Port of Berbera positions it as the new integrated maritime, logistics, and industrial hub in the horn of Africa, creating a new value-added gateway for the region" @DP_World#Somalilandpic.twitter.com/IG8VQSomjX
— Abdirashid Ibrahim Abdirahman (@cabdirashed) August 10, 2022
IFFCO, short for Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative Limited, was established in 1975, has a presence in 37 countries, and has products that range from food and packaged goods to chemicals.
At the signing of the agreement between DP World and IFFCO, Suhail Albanna, CEO & Managing Director of DP World, Middle East & Africa said “The decision by IFFCO to set up a plant is a major vote of confidence in the zone and a testament to our offerings. In fact, with the port, the economic zone and the one-stop-shop all under DP World, it will be like a home away from home for Dubai-based customers such as IFFCO.”
The arrival of IFFCO in Somaliland is a major vote of confidence that follows DP World’s massive investment and development of Berbera Port and the Economic Zone.
Although Somaliland is a small market relative to landlocked Ethiopia, it gives manufacturers such as IFFCO a competitive edge that brings their products to a largely underdeveloped and food-insecure region where the majority of packaged foods and other consumer products are imported from overseas.
“IFFCO continues to invest in the future of food and supply chains globally. The partnership with DP World demonstrates our commitment to the UAE’s national food security strategy and facilitating global food trade. It also further enhances access to African consumer bases quickly and more efficiently.” said Mr. Shiraz Allana, director and supervisory board member of IFFCO.
The world has embarked on the transition to net-zero emissions. The innovative approaches to international cooperation highlighted in the Paris Agreement—which calls for wide cooperation by all countries to meet global reduction targets—are gradually taking shape. Taiwan is willing and able to cooperate with international partners to jointly achieve net-zero transition, mobilize global climate action, and ensure a sustainable environment for future generations.
As the world’s 21st-largest economy, Taiwan has an important influence on economic prosperity and stability in the Indo-Pacific region. In particular, Taiwan’s semiconductor industry occupies a pivotal position in international supply chains. The industry actively cuts the use of energy resources in its production processes by developing new technologies and new models. Through ever-evolving semiconductor innovations, it has developed numerous smart applications of electronic devices and promoted global energy conservation. Taiwan is carrying out substantial climate actions and vigorously advancing energy transition. As of May 2022, cumulative installed renewable energy capacity had reached 12.3 GW, a significant 60 percent increase from 2016. From 2005 to 2020, Taiwan’s GDP grew by 79 percent. Over the same period, greenhouse gas emission intensity fell by 45 percent, demonstrating that economic growth has been decoupled from greenhouse gas emissions.
On Earth Day of April 22, 2021, President Tsai Ing-wen announced Taiwan’s goal of net-zero emissions by 2050. In March 2022, the Executive Yuan published Taiwan’s Pathway to Net-Zero Emissions in 2050. The roadmap outlines four major transition strategies in energy, industry, lifestyles, and society. Resting on the twin governance foundations of technology research and development (R&D) and climate legislation, the strategies are supplemented by 12 key substrategies. These are wind and solar power; hydrogen; innovative energy; power systems and energy storage; energy conservation and efficiency; carbon capture, utilization, and storage; carbon-free and electric vehicles; resource recycling and zero waste; natural carbon sinks; green lifestyles; green finance; and just transition. By integrating intragovernmental resources, Taiwan will develop a step-by-step action plan to reach its targets.
In building the foundations of technology R&D needed to achieve net-zero transition, Taiwan will focus on five areas: sustainable energy, low carbon, circularity, carbon negativity, and social science. The Greenhouse Gas Reduction and Management Act is being amended and will be renamed the Climate Change Response Act. The amendments will make net-zero emissions by 2050 a long-term national reduction target, improve the effectiveness of climate governance, add a chapter on climate change adaptation, strengthen information disclosure and public participation, and introduce a carbon pricing mechanism. The act will provide economic incentives for emissions reduction, guide low-carbon and green growth, and contribute to completing the foundations of national climate legislation and governance. Taiwan’s long-term vision for 2050 is to make the transition to net-zero emissions the new driving force of national development. By creating competitive, circular, sustainable, resilient, and secure transition strategies and governance foundations, Taiwan will stimulate economic growth, encourage private investment, create green jobs, promote energy independence, and improve social well-being.
Due to political factors, Taiwan is excluded from international organizations and cannot participate substantively in discussions on global climate issues. It is difficult for Taiwan to stay abreast of current developments and properly implement related tasks. This will create gaps in global climate governance. Taiwan has limited independent sources of energy and an economic system that is oriented to foreign trade. If it cannot seamlessly link with the international cooperation mechanisms under the Paris Agreement, this will not only affect the process of Taiwanese industries going green but will also undermine the stability of international supply chains. Presented with the threat of carbon border adjustment measures, Taiwan’s overall competitiveness could be seriously hit if it is unable to fairly participate in international emission reduction mechanisms. This will also weaken the effectiveness of international cooperation and undermine the global economy.
Making the transition to net-zero emissions is an inescapable collective responsibility of this generation. It will only be possible to achieve the target if the international community works together. In the spirit of pragmatism and professionalism, Taiwan is willing to make concrete contributions to tackling global climate change. The COVID-19 pandemic has shown that whatever the situation, Taiwan has enormous potential to contribute to the world in extremely helpful ways. Taiwan should be given equal opportunity to join international cooperation mechanisms in response to climate change. We hope the international community will support Taiwan’s immediate, fair, and meaningful inclusion.
Over the past few days Somaliland social media has been awash with highly organised and choreographed posts and tweets, attacking prominent Somalilanders. The prominent Somalilanders under sudden attack include Marwo Fadumo Siciid (a Senior Advisor to the Parliament of Somaliland) and Suldaan ‘Iskama Jiidhe’ (a prominent Somaliland social media satirist and comedian).
Why is this important?
The individuals under attack all have one thing in common: these individuals have a record of standing up for Somalilanders. Of coming to the aid of Somalilands social consciousness. These are individuals who, overall, have tended to speak up for Somaliland’s sovereignty, independence, and national identity.
The posts attacking Somalilanders were clearly not organic in nature, but one could sense a hidden hand behind the scenes, directing these posts. The tweets and Facebook posts attacking Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe and Fadumo Siciid were deeply personalised in nature, clearly co-ordinated, synchronised in language and content, and overall highly choreographed.
Wars take many forms. Take a look at the @M_Farmaajo gov in #Somalia & it’s social media methodology. The propaganda war is primarily directed against the Republic of #Somaliland. “Dagaal wuu noocyo badan yahay, iskula soo boodkaa ugu liita”. pic.twitter.com/2LsgRIYU1t
These aforementioned posts attack Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe and Faadumo Siciid were also disproportionate, graphic and often vulgar in nature. They called for Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe in particular to be locked up, to be deprived of his liberty. To be chastised. To be criticised. Or worse still, to come to physical harm.
Specific Facebook users and YouTubers who parade themselves as so-called ‘journalists’ went as far as tracking down and going to the house of Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe’s elderly grandmother. Thereafter forcing her to record an apology video.
Why?
Why was Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe attacked in such an aggressive fashion? Why was he pursued in such a vociferous way? What is it he supposedly did? Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe voiced an opinion, in his TikTok post, that may have been offensive or hurtful to Somalians.
Why was Fadumo Saeed pursued in such an aggressive fashion? What is it she supposedly did? She made a speech voicing an opinion that may have been unpopular with Somalians: that a citizen of Somaliland is called a Somalilander, not simply a ‘Somali’. This should not he controversial at all. It is not Fadumo Siciid’s role to appease, please or ingratiate herself with Somalians. She was doing her job, which is representing Somalilanders. She was also making and important point: that there is a distinction between Somalilanders (citizens of Somaliland) and Somalians (citizens of Somalia). She said something that needs to be said more often, more loudly and more vociferously by all Somalilanders.
The volume and intensity of abuse they received does not appear to match the original actions that supposedly triggered this response. The TikTok post by Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe and speech by Fadumo Siciid were, in hindsight, clearly a pretext to attack these prominent Somalilanders.
Why the attacks are baseless
You may disagree with what Suldaan said. You may have found it offensive. You may disagree. What law precisely in Somaliland makes it illegal to say something that is offensive to Somalia or Somalians? What about his freedom of speech? Who placed on Somalilanders an obligation or pre-occupation to appease, or ingratiate themselves with Somalia or Somalians?
Somalilanders have no need to virtue signal to Somalia or to Somalians. Somalia is the country that harbours, rewards, promotes and holds in the highest of esteem the likes of General Morgan (The Butcher of Hargeisa), Colonel Tuke and many other mass murderers, war criminals and genocidaires.
Somalia is the country that does not afford peace even to ships on the High seas of the Indian Ocean, hundreds of kilometers from Somalia’s coast. Somalia is the country that uses food as a weapon of war, resulting in no less than 500,000 deaths due to man-made famines in 1992 and in 2011. Somalia is the country that has the majority of its territory controlled by the terrorist group Al Shabab, but that also invited 25,000 foreign troops to protect its government which was last elected in 1969.
What moral authority do Somalian politicians and political elite have to lecture Somalilanders about morality, ethics or values? We have no need to virtue signalling to Somalia. Our virtues are perfectly in tact.
Baroortu Orgiga Ka Weyn – the cry is bigger than the injury
So what’s really going on here and what’s this all about?… Is this just about a simple TikTok post from Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe? Is this apparent furore about a simple public message Fadumo Siciid? Of course it is not. There is something else – something far deeper, sinister and more organised – going on here.
Any Somalilander or external observer who has been watching Somali social media, will tell you there has been a long-ongoing campaign of demonising prominent Somalilanders, especially those with a large following. This often takes the form of persistent targeted harassment in the form of personal attacks. The waves of attacks are used go demonise, vilify and deligitimise prominent Somalilanders with a large social following.
The people behind these attacks are often unionist-extremist Somalians. Theirs is a campaign designed to demonise, demoralise and de-humanise Somalilanders. They clasp and grasp at any opportunity to attack prominent Somalilanders. In fact, they never pass up an opportunity to vilify Somalilanders. They always use a pretext, but are attacking Somalilanders for their deeply held and highly cherished lofty values of Somalilander-ness.
Showing solidarity with your fellow Somalilander
Upon reading all the vile tweets and Facebook posts targeted at these two Somalilanders, I recalled all the Somalilanders who had suffered similar targeted harassment and abuse. I remembered how Mohammed BK, The Siciid Show, Mo Farah and Edna Adan were terrorised by Somalian trolls.
I recalled that we threw Mohammed BK to the proverbial wolves. He did not receive the support from us when he needed it. That we threw The Siciid Show to the wolves. He did not receive the support from us when he needed it. That we threw Mo Farah to the wolves. He did not receive the support from us when he needed it. That we threw Gaboose to the wolves. He did not receive the support from us when he needed it. That we threw Minister Koore to the wolves. He did not receive the support from us when he needed it.
Should we now throw Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe and Faadumo Siciid to the wolves also? Of course not.
I was not politically aware, conscious or attuned enough to stand up and support them then. But now, as Dr Gaboose, Minister Koore, Suldaan Iskama Jiidhe and Faduma Siciid are being hounded. I felt an urge – a need, a want, an instinct – to show solidarity with my fellow Somalilander. I can, will and must stand up for them.
This is a matter of principle. If you don’t stand up for your fellow Somalilanders when they are being harassed, intimidated, cyber-bullied and attacked, who will be there to stand up for you in your hour of need.
A selection of tweets supporting Marwo Fadumo Siciid:
This is the first time in my life to put women in any of social media profiles,but now I am doing for this great women hero Dr Fatima Saeed is under attack by Somali Expensionist so, I am standing with her as solidarity by putting my Twitter profile. pic.twitter.com/ju9es0w16w
I might not have been their for BK, Mo Farah & other patriotic landers. But now I say Not On My Watch. She has me in her corner. I will NOT throw her to the wolves. #WeWillNotThrowYouToTheWolves
We need to be her shield. Stand firmly in support of her statement & say“We Are Somaliland’ers” most importantly, we need not to throw her to the wolves. Like we did BK & other landers who stood up for us. Protect them from somalia’n organized attacks
Adali Warsame is a political commentator and public policy professional, who is a long time observer of Somaliland politics. He writing focuses on standing up for the dignity of Somaliland’s citizens, who appear to be forgotten in the melee that is everyday Somaliland and Horn of Africa politics.
Adali is an unapologetic Somalilander. He is passionate about achieving justice for the forgotten Isaaq Genocide victims, stopping the doomed Somaliland-Somalia talks and international recognition of the Republic of Somaliland.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
A deadly Dengue Fever is being reported in Somaliland for the past several weeks. Although the government acknowledges the disease and that it is confirmed in all regions of the country, it has repeatedly downplayed its lethality and has not issued official statistics on infection and mortality rate but has issued a National Guidelines On Management of Dengue Fever and Dengue Hemorrhagic Fever.
The National Guidelines document, which the Ministry of Health Development issued in English, was later proven that it was plagiarized from Sri Lanka‘s Ministry of Health in its entirety and prescribes remedies and medications that are unavailable in Somaliland to combat the Dengue disease.
About a month ago, at the unveiling of the National Guidelines On Management of Dengue Fever and Dengue Hemorrhagic Fever, the Director General of the Ministry of Health Development, Mr. Mohamed Abdi Hergeye spoke to the media about the fever and downplayed the lethality rate as low and told the public to avoid mosquito bites and to avoid mosquito breeding areas where water pools during the rainy season and that the government will start spraying the mosquitos. So far, limited areas such as Hargeisa Group Hospital have been sprayed.
Deputy Minister of Health, Mr. Liban Yusuf Osman, also spoke at the event reiterated that the Dengue Fever is not lethal and the Ministry has so far not proven any deaths associated with the disease. The Deputy Minister of Health has no medical background.
Information on the World Health Organization about Dengue fever states that the disease’s fatality rate is less than one percent with proper medical treatment and early detection. Other health sources warn of a sharp rise in mortality of patients if left untreated.
Sources in the healthcare sector who did not want to be named for fear of retaliation confirm treating many patients with the disease and that the mortality rate is much higher than what it should be because of the state of healthcare and patients not seeking medical attention in a timely manner due to lack of information and public awareness about the disease.
Lack of proper medical facilities and the government’s denial of the disease as a major public health could compound its effect. Public health infrastructure in Somaliland is one of the least developed in the world due to many factor including rampant corruption, and while many private medical facilities exist, most do not meet minimal global health standards and operate with minimum official supervision.
Officials from the Ministry of Health did not respond to questions on their plan and what the Ministry of doing to ensure public safety.
In February, June, and August 2022, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten filed Lobby Disclosure Act and Foreign Agent Registration Act forms to lobby on behalf of the Federal Government of Somalia, the Somali Embassy in Washington DC, and the United Somali Alliance to prevent the US government’s engagement with Somaliland as a separate entity and the possibility of a military base in Berbera.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batten whose actual name is Dr. Karl-Marx Edward Ikemefuna William George Okeke–Von Batten but goes by Karl Von Batten has rather limited clients that do not match his outsized bravado on social media where he claims to influence Capitol Hill on matters on Somaliland and the United States. Mr. Okeke-Von Batten has repeatedly claimed that he has blocked multiple bills in the US Congress including the Somaliland Partnership Act.
Before establishing his lobbying firm, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten tried his hand at other ventures including the now-shuttered Health Informatics Corporation.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batten’s lobbying firm VONBATTEN-MONTAGUE-YORK L.C. was established on October 13, 2020, as an LLC and so far seems to have booked a very limited number of clients including his firm which filed Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) before the United States government announced that Ethiopia is kicked out of AGOA, Mr. Okeke immediately claimed that the act was his doing on social media although his filing was months after the decision was already made by the United States government.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batten initially filed a Lobbying Disclosure Act (LDA) registration for the United Somali Alliance of the USA on February 4. Four months later, he registered with the Department of Justice under the Foreign Agents Registration Act for the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Somalia on June 22 with a one-week contract and payment terms of $1. In addition, he filed an LDA registration for the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Somalia on the same day. LDA registrations require less disclosure than the Justice department’s FARA registrations, but anyone working at the direction of a foreign government is legally required to report their activities to the Department of Justice through established FARA procedures.
However, there are no FARA filings for the United Somali Alliance whose goals seem to align perfectly with that of the Somali Government which Mr. Okeke-Von Batten represents.
On paper, the United Somali Alliance is a run-of-the-mill tax-exempt organization based out of Minneapolis but is working with Mr. Okeke-Von Batten and the Somali Embassy in Washington DC in a coordinated effort to thwart potential bilateral ties between Somaliland and the United States.
All indications are that United Somali Alliance is operating at the direction of the Somali Embassy in Washington DC and the Somali government – as many of the below social media posts suggest – undertaking these activities without having registered under FARA may constitute a violation of federal law. And if Mr. Okeke-Von Batten is operating at the direction of the Somali government – either directly or through the United Somali Alliance as many of their shared social media posts also suggest – undertaking these activities without having reported his current relationship and their nature with the Somali government, a foreign entity, may also constitute a violation of federal law.
United Somalia Alliance, established on January 26, 2022, and registered as a 501c3 [EIN: 87-4659308] is a tax-exempt charitable organization with a combined reported income of $50,000 or less, and according to the IRS, an organization of this type is strictly prohibited from engaging in any political activity and especially any activity that influences legislation, and hiring Mr. Okeke-Von Batten to engage in lobbying activities on their behalf in the US Senate, possibly under the direct influence of the Embassy of Somalia and the Somalia government may be a direct violation of the basic principle of a tax-exempt 501c3 organization.
According to the Internal Service Revenue’s website “Nonprofit organizations that qualify for federal income tax exemption as public charities under Section 501(c)(3) of the Code are subject to heightened restrictions on lobbying and political activities. Carrying on propaganda, or otherwise attempting to influence legislation may not constitute a “substantial part” of the activities of an organization exempt under Section 501(c)(3); exceeding the “substantial part” limit places an organization at risk of losing its exempt status.”
From United Somalia Alliance’s social media accounts, it is clear that this organization works directly with the Somali government and is investing a significant amount of its energy in slandering Somaliland, and from their Facebook page, where most posts are in Somali, it is clear that United Somali Alliance is not only extremely political but is campaigning to destabilize Somaliland with toxic tribal rhetoric.
Before Mr. Okeke-Von Batten went to work for Somalia, he wrote an eight-page proposal to seek a lobbying gig from Somalia’s neighbor – The Republic of Somaliland.
On July 25th, 2021 Mr. Okeke-Von Batten prepared an 8th-page report outlining his plan to get Somaliland noticed in the hall of American power and stated in writing that “A stable democracy, Somaliland contrasts dramatically with Somalia, which perpetually teeters on the brink of state failure.”
In his pitch, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten claimed to use sophisticated and state-of-the-art sentiment analysis and data mining methods similar to what was used by President Obama in his 2012 election campaign to get members of Congress to change their perception of Somaliland.
In the Strategic PR and Lobbying Campaign section of the document, he wrote “It is also essential to build concrete support for the US to provide direct political, financial, and humanitarian assistance to Somaliland and to include Somaliland in preferred US trade agreements such as trading opportunities as authorized by the African Growth and Opportunity Act.” AGOA or the African Growth and Opportunity Act seems to be Mr. Okeke-Von Batten’s go-to for anyone he seeks to represent.
We have reached out to Mr. Okeke-Von Batten for this report and asked him about his document on how he can bring Somaliland the attention it deserves among other things and asked him “Regarding Somaliland, in your pitch document, you wrote “A stable democracy, Somaliland contrasts dramatically with Somalia, which perpetually teeters on the brink of state failure.” and now you call a secessionist region of Somalia, what changed? And could your current sentiment on Somaliland have anything to do with the fact that Somaliland did not accept your offer to represent it?” he responded as follows:
“When we were approached to represent Somaliland a few years ago, we, as with key members of Congress, were only aware of the positive image Somaliland had presented to the world. An image that was soon changed after we received in-depth briefings about Somaliland’s human rights violations and the effects an illegal Somaliland break away from Somalia would have on the stability of the Horn of Africa. Then we spoke to our friends at the African Union and decided to no longer consider representing Somaliland. All this and more were made known to our Somali clients before they hired us. They were fully informed of our past discussion with Somaliland representatives and our decision not to proceed with Somaliland.”
Officials from Somaliland’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Development dismiss that Mr. Okeke-Von Batten was approached by the government of Somaliland, one official who did not want to speak on the record stated “The Republic of Somaliland has all the resources it needs in the United States, a global player which sees its interests, particularly national security, align with ours, and we are very careful in choosing who we partner with in these sensitive matters. I can tell you with certainty that Somaliland has not approached this individual, and he can produce evidence to the contrary, but judging from what he puts out to the world and his weak moral fiber, he is definitely not the type of person we would associate with.”
Although Somaliland has its share of mishaps like all emerging democracies, it is interesting to note the contrast that Mr. Okeke-Von Batten in his report between Somaliland and Somalia by writing: “A stable democracy, Somaliland contrasts dramatically with Somalia, which perpetually teeters on the brink of state failure”. Others, including Freedom House, agree.
On morality and being well informed, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten who mainly relies on United Somali Alliance and the Somali Embassy in Washington, D.C, and perhaps social media to dredge up negative news about Somaliland, seems to have completely missed the war criminal known as Tuke working with his employer whose atrocities against the people of Somaliland are well documented.
When asked about Mr. Tuke, Mr Okeke-Von Batten stated “My partners and I have never met the noted person. Please report your claim to the proper authorities. You can find the number of the Department of Justice on their website. Nevertheless, thank you for informing me about the noted person. I will make sure (if your claims are proven correct) we do not sign on to represent this individual.”
Despite behaving like an online troll, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten projects an image of a sophisticated man with deep connections on Capitol Hill and in the Whitehouse, but outside of social media, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten is virtually unheard of especially on the Capitol Hill. Several Congressional staffers we asked about Mr. Okeke-Von Batten stated that they have never heard of Mr. Okeke-Von Batten.
On Twitter, Mr. Okeke-Von Batten’s firm is followed by a respectable 40,235 followers, but less than 300 list their location as the greater Washington, D.C region. While this does not include those who may live in the Washington, DC area but do not report this on their Twitter profiles, this relatively small number—along with the small number of retweets Von Batten’s posts generate—suggests that his social media messages have very little reach among U.S. policy influencers and audiences. Despite tagging notable policymakers and news outlets, these tweets do not receive engagement from government officials, Members of Congress, think tank experts, or the media, the firm’s Twitter activity is not acknowledged or responded to by relevant individuals in the Washington, DC stakeholder community among which Mr. Okeke-Von Batten claims to be a prominent member.
On this point, we asked Mr. Okeke-Von Batten “Unlike other lobbying firms which exercise a great deal of discretion on the work they perform on their client’s behalf and charge a lot more than your firm, you frequently boast about blocking bills about Somaliland and being part of getting Ethiopia off AGOA, are you really that influential or simply trying to build a business by trolling Somaliland on Twitter?” and he responded “We are a very small firm and only take cases we believe in. This means we work 24/7 to ensure that our client’s interests are protected and that our clients’ concerns are known to the public. We fight tooth and nail in Congress and the White House to ensure our clients win. That is why they hire us” and ended with a bizarre line that thanked Somalilanders as their attack makes him more popular.
Although some Somalilanders perceive the current President of Somalia, Mr. Hassan Sh. Mohamoud is laissez-faire compared to his predecessor Mr. Farmajo who viewed Somaliland through a hostile lenses that harkens back to the days of Dictator Barre, what is clear is that Somalia Federal Government is staying the course and is prioritizing the diplomatic war of the Republic of Somaliland over pressing matters at home that require its full attention through surrogates in diaspora such as United Somali Alliance and by Mr. Karl-Marx Okeke-Von Batten.
Mr. Hassan Sh Mahamoud has been much more conciliatory at least in tone towards Somaliland, and at some point, while running for President has even apologized to the people of Somaliland for the atrocities committed by the dictatorial regime of Mohamed Said Barre which massacred tens of thousands of civilians and leveled all major cities in present-day Somaliland, a regime that employed war criminals such as Tuke who is currently employed by the Somali Embassy in Washington DC, but in a hypocritical 180 degrees, President Hassan Sh. Mohamoud, speaking to a gathering of Somali diaspora during his visit to the United States, reaffirmed his opposition to an independent Somaliland, essentially committing to the course charted by his predecessor to bring as much diplomatic muscle down on Somaliland.
The Somali government which has consistently ranked as one of poorest and the most corrupt governments in the world may not be getting the intended return on investment in Mr. Okeke-Von Batten’s services as United States policy towards Somaliland is driven by the geostrategic security interest that looks decades into the future, and legislators on Capitol Hill have their research institutions and policy experts augmented by the most accurate information distilled from sophisticated intelligence networks and do not rely on things tweeted at them on social media.
It is important to note that Somalia is reliant entirely on donors which the United States pays the majority share, funds that come from taxpayers and are intended to stabilize a war-torn country, feed a hungry population suffering from the compounding effect of Al-Shabaab and drought so it is worth asking if the source of the funding are coming from donor funds, diaspora such as United Somali Alliance or the People’s Republic of China which sees Somaliland’s bilateral ties as a precursor to what Mr. Okeke-Von Batten was hired to prevent.
Mr. Okeke-Von Batton has accepted his fate and the futility of his effort with his almost incoherent reply to the recent tweet from Senator Risch’s office, in which he showed gratitude to Somaliland for its friendship. He expresses shock and states that the Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Committee does not speak for the United States and that he and his backers will keep opposing the inevitable with all his might. An amazing display of self-aggrandizement that Mr. Okeke-Von Batten fancies himself more powerful than the Ranking Member of the US Senate Foreign Affairs Committee.
On December 18th, 2019, the Office of the President of the Republic of Somaliland issued a directive that rescinded public service contracts previously awarded to private entities with immediate effect and that the government of Somaliland will take control of servicing vehicle ownership documents and plate numbers.
The directive cited the absence of Public and Private Partnership laws and framework as a reason to void these service contracts the government has previously awarded to private businesses and stated that the government is prepared to compensate after a thorough evaluation of initial investment and depreciation.
In addition to the vehicle ownership and motor vehicle plate services, President Bihi has previously re-nationalized the Berbera Oil Terminals, security, and parking services for Egal International in August 2018.
Article 3 or Presidential Decree
One of the services mentioned directly by the President’s directive was the contract for motor vehicle plates held by Hodan Enterprises which is owned by Mr. Mahamed Ahmed Hassan (Baarjeex) a prominent Somaliland businessman who has held this contract for decades under successive governments.
Company Name
Registered Owner
Tax Identification
Hodan Enterprises
Mahamed Ahmed Hassan (Baarjeex)
100122221
In a direct contradiction to President Bihi’s decree, government records examined by Somaliland Chronicle show that the motor vehicle license plate service contract remains with Hodan Enterprises, which has charged the public more than 2.5 million US dollars for its service since December 2019.
Payments from the Ministry of Finance to Hodan Enterprises for Motor Vehicle Plates
Period
Amount (SL SH.)
Amount (US $ 8500 xch rate)
2022-04
2,471,231,520.00
$290,733.12
2022-08
2,468,388,940.00
$290,398.70
2021-10
2,223,600,000.00
$261,600.00
2020-02
2,000,000,000.00
$235,294.12
2020-07
2,000,000,000.00
$235,294.12
2020-04
1,952,280,000.00
$229,680.00
2021-01
1,930,176,728.00
$227,079.62
2021-05
1,528,353,000.00
$179,806.24
2022-02
1,302,003,026.00
$153,176.83
2020-10
1,015,560,000.00
$119,477.65
2020-12
960,000,000.00
$112,941.18
2021-10
624,668,400.00
$73,490.40
2022-10
584,838,745.74
$68,804.56
2021-07
489,087,000.00
$57,539.65
2021-04
401,823,272.00
$47,273.33
Total
21,952,010,631.74
$2,582,589.49
Ministers of Finance Development Dr. Sa’ad Ali Shire and Transportation and Road Development Mr. Abdirisak Ibrahim Mohamed Farah have confirmed that Hodan Enterprises provides motor vehicle plate services to the government of Somaliland. Minister Shire would only state that the contract remains under review and is in the process of being re-nationalized, while the Minister of Transportation and Road Development said he was unfamiliar with the mechanics of this contract as he just took the helm but is aware of the fact that Hodan Enterprises is still in charge.
According to multiple sources who spoke on strict condition of anonymity, for fear of retaliation, the former Minister of Transportation and Road Development Mr. Abdillahi Abokor Osman, and possibly others, including President Bihi, have taken a stake in Hodan Enterprises to keep the lucrative contract in place. Somaliland Chronicle cannot verify these allegations.
Other government insiders point to lack of parliamentary oversight and accountability of the executive branch as well as Mr. Mohamed Baarjeeh’s prominence as a reason why President Bihi’s decree was not fully implemented.
The President’s directive to re-nationalize motor vehicle-related services and other public infrastructure, such as Berbera Oil Terminal, was lauded as a major step towards combatting rampant corruption in Somaliland’s public institutions where basic services were contracted out to private businesses with minimum oversight. It is unclear if other services that President Bihi re-nationalized in his multiple decrees remain in private hands.
Efforts to reach Mr. Mohamed Baarjeeh, the owner of Hodan Enterprises, the office of the President, and the former Minister of Transportation and Road Development, Mr. Abdillahi Abokor Osman, for comment on this contract were unsuccessful.
