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Somaliland-UAE Relations: Strategic Shifts and New Momentum Under Irro’s Presidency

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Somaliland’s recently elected president, Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi ‘’Irro’’, made another visit to the United Arab Emirates for the second time in less than a month. His choice of UAE as the first foreign trip signaled the new government’s prioritization of economic development and leveraging existing agreements for deeper economic and strategic collaboration. One of the highlights of yesterday’s visit was his participation in the World Government Summit 2025 held in Dubai, a key global forum attended by world leaders, policymakers, business leaders, and civil society actors. Unlike his previous trip shrouded in controversy and absence of any media coverage, this one was televised from the conference venue where Irro made the case for Somaliland’s strategic and economic potential.

UAE – Somaliland Relations

Relations with the Arab Gulf States, particularly the UAE, have strengthened for the past decade, primarily centered on economic agreements, infrastructure investments, and security cooperation. President Silanyo engaged in high-level discussions with senior leadership of Kuwait and UAE which paved the way for major collaboration in various sectors. Under Bihi’s government, relations grew even stronger with the commencement of the port project. This contrasts with what some officials in Irro’s government termed as Somaliland’s ‘’getting back to global stages’’.

The UAE views Somaliland as a critical actor in its African strategy, particularly in securing trade routes and enhancing its geopolitical influence in the Horn, a region marked by geopolitical contestation by regional and global powers. Somaliland’s geostrategic location makes it an active partner for the UAE particularly in the context of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden security architecture. By securing access to Berbera, the UAE ensures a crucial alternative trade route to Djibouti while counterbalancing the influence of Turkey and Qatar which increased their footprint in Somalia. Currently, Turkey maintains a military presence in Somalia and Turkish companies operate the port of Mogadishu and the city’s airport.

Ethiopia is the other main actor in the UAE – Somaliland relations, particularly concerning port infrastructure. As the largest landlocked nation in the world, Ethiopia’s positive relations with Somaliland and its quest for alternative sea access than Djibouti made Berbera a good choice for consideration. Previously, a port development proposal by the French company Bollore considered engaging the Ethiopian government for partnership in the project. Moreover, China expressed interest in developing the port of Berbera and the natural gas pipelines connecting Ethiopia to the Berbera port refinery. The proposal which came in the early days of Silanyo’s administration sought to export Ethiopia’s natural gas through Somaliland.

The rise of Abiy Ahmed as the prime minister of Ethiopia also solidified Addis Ababa’s relations with Abu Dhabi. UAE supported Abiy’s major domestic and foreign policy objectives; rapprochement with Eritrea, Tigray conflict, and saving Ethiopia’s ailing economy. In his book on the Ethiopian premier, The Economist’s Tom Gardener describes the close personal relationship between Abiy Ahmed and Emirati crown prince Mohamed Bin Zayed Al Nahyan. In May 2021, Ethiopia’s Ministry of Transport and Dp World signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) to develop the Ethiopian side of the Berbera corridor costing around $1 billion in a decade.

New Government, New Momentum

President Bihi’s last two year’s tenure in Somaliland was marked by political deadlock and a slow pace of foreign relations with the UAE and with other states as well. The recent visit by President Irro following an official invitation from Abu Dhabi signals a shift in momentum. Irro has been critical of President Silanyo and Bihi’s handling of agreements with the UAE, particularly concerning transparency and due process. As the speaker of parliament, Irro opposed passing the legislation for the military base. Additionally, he opposed the concession of the port of Berbera citing corruption and lack of transparency in the process. How this vocal opposition to UAE affairs in Somaliland will impact the new relationship is yet to be seen. But one thing is certain; in a region where unpredictability reigns, pragmatism is the preferred course of action.

In this new administration, a couple of areas of mutual interest remain crucial. Berbera port development yielded positive results in terms of operational capacity. However, making sure the bigger client, Ethiopia, effectively utilizes the port remains a challenge. President Irro remarked in Dubai that Somaliland is committed to securing a trade route to Ethiopia. The Berbera Corridor connecting Berbera to mainland Ethiopia is constructed. The new government should speed up the legal framework underpinning these cooperations. These include passing the transporting and logistics laws, insurance laws, banking, and other laws creating a cohesive political and legal environment for future investments to pour in. Last year, unconfirmed reports emerged of Dp World about to inaugurate the second phase of expansion and development of the Berbera port which will double the capacity and the services the port can provide.

Security cooperation remains a key area of UAE-Somaliland relations. Under the Bihi government, reports emerged of UAE training security forces for Somaliland. Although Bihi allegedly turned down this proposal, UAE support for Somaliland’s intelligence existed. During last month’s trip to Abu Dhabi, Somaliland’s head of intelligence accompanied the president. Since the war in Gaza started, maritime security in the Red Sea has become a source of concern. It will be crucial to witness the evolving security partnership between Abu Dhabi and Hargeisa especially since the latter is prioritizing economic growth.

New Trump administration in the White House is reshaping geopolitical dynamics in the region. Experts have explained that a new Trump administration will likely allow the regional powers, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, to play a prominent role in the Horn of Africa. Despite growing frustration in Washington in Abu Dhabi’s role in the conflict ravaging Sudan, Somaliland’s Berbera could serve as an alignment in their regional policy. The United States has expressed an interest in utilizing Berbera’s airport as a base, a project started by the UAE before it was abandoned in 2019 as calculations in the Yemen war changed policies. With the Houthi posture increasingly assertive, would Berbera’s airport resurface in Emirati’s interest and what would this mean for Washington’s plans most importantly, how Somaliland would navigate such complex dynamics?

Moving forward, the Somaliland government could build on this growing momentum for its benefit. Foremost, the government could expand its mission in the UAE. Recently, President Irro appointed a new representative to the UAE demonstrating prioritizing relations with the arab state, despite the representative did not serve in any diplomatic role in the past nor the government. This could be bolstered by promoting the office’s network with Somaliland’s business elites and acquiring influential friends in Abu Dhabi and Dubai. This week, the foreign ministry launched the Somaliland Institute of Diplomacy and International Affairs to train a cadre of diplomats for the country. Forging partnerships and collaboration with leading Emirati diplomatic institutes, such as Anwar Gargash Diplomatic Academy, could be a good start for a small yet tangible collaboration.

Somaliland – UAE relations are entering a new phase under President Irro. With shifting regional dynamics, ongoing security threats, and increasing external interests from global superpowers such as the U.S. and China, Somaliland must strategically position itself to capitalize on emerging opportunities while mitigating potential threats. Irro’s ability to navigate these complexities will define the next chapter of Somaliland’s foreign policy.

About the Author

Moustafa Ahmad is a researcher who writes on the politics and security of Somaliland and the Horn of Africa. Reach him on X (@Mustafe_Ahmad) or moustafa.ahmadn@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff. 

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Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions or perspectives of Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.

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