 |
Introduction
Governance and Public Service in Somaliland
Since its self-declared independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has pursued a relatively peaceful and stable trajectory compared to other parts of the region. It has built nascent democratic institutions, held multiple elections, and maintained security through hybrid governance mechanisms that combine modern state structures with traditional clan-based systems (Bradbury, 2008). However, despite these achievements, Somaliland’s public administration continues to face structural challenges, particularly regarding institutional capacity, rule of law, and public sector efficiency.
Public service delivery in Somaliland is largely managed through ministries and local government authorities, yet the sector is severely underfunded, understaffed, and lacks standardized human resource systems. Recruitment processes remain largely opaque and informal, heavily influenced by political, clan, and personal connections rather than qualifications or merit (Abokor et al., 2010). This undermines the development of a professional and accountable civil service essential for the effective delivery of services and implementation of public policies. Since its self-declared independence in 1991, Somaliland has established a unique hybrid political system that blends traditional authority with modern democratic structures. Its governance system is founded on a combination of formal institutions such as an elected president, bicameral legislature, and judiciary and customary clan-based mechanisms of conflict resolution and power distribution (Bradbury, 2008). This hybrid model was critical in maintaining peace, rebuilding after civil war, and laying the foundation for stability in a region marked by turmoil.
The Somaliland government is organized into three branches: the executive, led by the President and a cabinet of ministers; the legislature, consisting of the House of Representatives and the House of Elders (Guurti); and the judiciary, with courts operating at district, regional, and national levels. Local governments also play a key role in service delivery and community administration, though their capacity is often constrained by financial and technical limitations (Eubank, 2012).
However, while democratic elections have been held regularly, the system still heavily relies on informal practices—especially in public appointments. Ministries and local authorities are often staffed not through transparent recruitment but via appointments made at the discretion of political elites, often without adherence to clear professional standards or job requirements (Renders & Terlinden, 2010).
What Constitutes “Unqualified Appointments”?
Unqualified appointments refer to the practice of assigning individuals to public positions for which they lack the minimum academic qualifications, professional experience, or technical competencies required to perform the role effectively. These individuals may be appointed based on familial, political, or clan affiliations rather than objective criteria (OECD, 2017).
In Somaliland’s case, appointments are often made without transparent recruitment procedures, job descriptions, or performance evaluations. The absence of a formalized civil service commission with regulatory power exacerbates this issue, as does limited oversight by the legislative and judicial branches. Consequently, individuals with limited or no experience in governance, finance, project management, or public policy are often entrusted with leading key government institutions or managing significant budgets.
This practice not only weakens administrative competence but also fuels resentment among educated and qualified youth who are excluded from opportunities based on merit, further eroding public trust in state institutions (Harper, 2022).
How Incompetence Appointments Affect Somaliland’s State-Building
The reliance on nepotism and favoritism in public appointments has serious implications for Somaliland’s state-building process. At its core, state-building requires the creation of effective, inclusive, and legitimate institutions that can provide services, enforce the rule of law, and promote citizen participation. However, the appointment of unqualified individuals undermines each of these pillars in several key ways:
- Institutional Weakness and Inefficiency: Incompetent leadership at the helm of ministries or departments results in poor planning, implementation failures, and mismanagement of public funds. This weakens state institutions and impedes the provision of critical services such as health, education, and infrastructure (World Bank, 2020).
- Corruption and Patronage Networks: Nepotism often leads to the establishment of patron-client networks that prioritize personal and clan interests over the national good. This fosters corruption and reduces transparency, particularly in procurement, hiring, and budgeting processes (Transparency International, 2023).
- Erosion of Public Trust and Legitimacy: When citizens see public offices occupied by unqualified individuals with poor performance records, trust in government erodes. This loss of confidence can lead to political apathy, decreased civic engagement, and resistance to tax compliance or rule of law (Grindle, 2012).
- Marginalization of Women and Minorities: Nepotistic systems often perpetuate gender and social exclusion. Qualified women and members of minority clans are frequently overlooked, further marginalizing them from decision-making processes (Ahmed, 2019).
- Brain Drain and Youth Disengagement: Educated youth who feel blocked by unfair hiring practices are more likely to migrate or disengage from public life. This drains the country of human capital that is essential for long-term development and reform.
Role of Clan-Based Politics and Power-Sharing
Clan identity plays a central role in Somaliland’s political life. The clan system has historically been both a source of resilience and a barrier to institutional development. On one hand, clan-based negotiations were crucial in mediating peace and establishing a national charter after the collapse of the Somali state. On the other, it has entrenched a quota-based approach to public power, where representation and appointments are distributed across major clans to maintain balance and avoid conflict (Hansen & Bradbury, 2007).
This system of clan power-sharing has led to an informal but deeply rooted expectation that all major clans should be proportionally represented in state institutions. While this has prevented large-scale political violence, it has also compromised meritocratic principles. As a result, public positions particularly at the ministerial and managerial levels—are often filled based on clan affiliation rather than competence. Appointees are expected to serve the interests of their sub-clans, which can create conflicting loyalties and reduce institutional neutrality (Walls & Kibble, 2011).
The politicization of clan identity in appointments has further entrenched patronage networks, creating a “jobs for the boys” culture that prioritizes loyalty and kinship ties over qualifications and performance (Grindle, 2012). This not only affects efficiency but also limits inclusivity, as women and marginalized clans are often left out of the power-sharing equation.
Challenges in Institutionalizing a Merit-Based Public Service System
Somaliland faces several structural and political challenges in building a merit-based public service. One major issue is the absence of a strong, independent civil service commission with the authority to standardize recruitment, enforce job qualifications, and oversee career progression. In practice, most appointments especially in the civil service and public enterprises are made directly by the President, ministers, or regional governors, often without competitive processes or public advertisement (Abokor et al., 2010).
Another challenge is the weak enforcement of rules and regulations related to public service conduct. Although there are frameworks such as the Somaliland Civil Service Law (Law No. 31/2004), implementation is inconsistent, and oversight bodies such as the Auditor General’s Office lack autonomy and resources. The politicization of civil service positions undermines impartiality, accountability, and performance-based evaluation (Harper, 2022).
Moreover, the culture of patronage and informality remains pervasive. Appointments are frequently used as political rewards or tools for maintaining clan alliances. This undermines institutional development and leads to high turnover, as appointees are replaced following political changes rather than performance reviews. In addition, budget constraints and donor dependence affect the government’s ability to recruit and retain qualified professionals. Many skilled Somalilanders emigrate or work for international NGOs where salaries and working conditions are better, resulting in a capacity vacuum in key sectors such as education, health, and finance (World Bank, 2020).
Ultimately, while Somaliland has made notable strides in self-governance, the entrenchment of clan-based power-sharing and weak institutional frameworks continue to obstruct the creation of a transparent and meritocratic public service—one that is vital for sustainable state-building, inclusive development, and democratic consolidation.
The Nature and Drivers of Unqualified Appointments in Somaliland
The appointment of unqualified individuals to public positions in Somaliland is a reflection of deeper structural and socio-political challenges. This trend undermines institutional effectiveness, service delivery, and public trust, and is largely driven by clan-based patronage, and the absence of strong human resource governance frameworks.
Influence of Clan Affiliation, Political Patronage, and Personal Loyalty
In Somaliland’s post-conflict political landscape, clan identity continues to shape access to power and public resources. Ministries and state institutions are often treated as extensions of clan influence, with leaders pressured to “balance” appointments across dominant clans to maintain political harmony (Renders & Terlinden, 2010). While this system has helped maintain peace, it has also entrenched a system where competence is secondary to representation and loyalty. Furthermore, individuals appointed through political patronage often feel more accountable to their political sponsors or clans than to the institution or the public they serve (Hansen & Bradbury, 2007).
This dynamic not only limits performance-based accountability but also creates fragile institutions where leadership changes result in high staff turnover and policy discontinuity. It also deepens social exclusion, as minority clans and women—who lack strong patronage networks—are disproportionately affected by favoritism in recruitment.
Lack of Clear Human Resource Policies and Weak Oversight Institutions
The absence of standardized recruitment and promotion mechanisms has allowed informal practices to dominate public sector hiring. Although Somaliland has a Civil Service Law (Law No. 31/2004), it is rarely enforced in practice, and many institutions operate without job descriptions, performance evaluation criteria, or open competition for posts (Harper, 2022). Moreover, oversight bodies such as the Office of the Auditor General and the Civil Service Commission lack the authority, independence, and resources to enforce compliance.
These institutional gaps create a fertile environment for non-merit-based hiring and limit the ability of the government to attract, retain, and promote qualified personnel. The result is a civil service that is not only understaffed but often misaligned with national development goals.
Consequences of Appointing Unqualified Individuals
a) Increased Corruption and Mismanagement
One of the most visible consequences of appointing unqualified individuals to public positions is the rise in corruption and financial mismanagement. When those in charge of public funds lack the necessary skills and ethical grounding, they are more likely to engage in corrupt practices or fail to prevent them. In Somaliland, ministries often suffer from poor financial oversight, which leads to the misallocation or embezzlement of public resources (Transparency International, 2023).
For example, procurement processes in several key sectors are often manipulated due to weak controls and lack of technical know-how among senior officials. Without training in budgeting, accounting, or procurement compliance, unqualified leaders are unable to establish proper internal controls, leaving public institutions vulnerable to theft and inefficiency (World Bank, 2020).
In many cases, audits and reviews—if they occur at all—are ignored or lack enforcement mechanisms. Institutions such as the Office of the Auditor General and Anti-Corruption Commission are under-resourced and lack independence, making it difficult to hold high-level appointees accountable (Harper, 2022).
b) Poor Public Service Delivery
Another consequence is the deterioration of service delivery in critical sectors such as education, health, water, and infrastructure. When public offices are led by individuals without technical or administrative qualifications, project planning, implementation, and monitoring are severely compromised.
For instance, the education sector in Somaliland has suffered from inconsistent policy reforms and poor resource allocation, partially due to leadership gaps at the ministerial and regional levels. Schools remain underfunded and teachers unpaid because unqualified administrators are unable to plan budgets effectively or advocate for sustainable funding (Ahmed, 2019).
Similarly, in the health sector, hospitals face a chronic shortage of medical supplies, delayed salaries, and weak referral systems. Reports from civil society indicate that health department heads often lack health administration backgrounds, leading to poor coordination and inefficient service delivery (Abokor et al., 2010). Infrastructure projects, such as road or water development, are frequently delayed or fail entirely due to poor contract management and lack of engineering expertise among leadership.The long-term impact is public dissatisfaction, inequality in access to basic services, and failure to meet development goals.
c) Erosion of Institutional Trust and Legitimacy
Perhaps the most damaging impact of unqualified appointments is the erosion of public trust in government institutions. Citizens become disillusioned when they see individuals rewarded with public office not for their ability but for their connections. This undermines the credibility of state institutions and weakens their legitimacy.
In Somaliland, youth in particular express growing frustration at the lack of opportunities and fairness in the job market. Educated young people who invest in degrees and technical training often find themselves locked out of government employment due to nepotism and patronage networks (Hansen & Bradbury, 2007). This drives brain drain, as qualified professionals emigrate or shift to the NGO sector, leaving government institutions further weakened.
Furthermore, the lack of institutional meritocracy diminishes the will of citizens to engage with the state, pay taxes, or participate in democratic processes. When citizens lose faith in the system, democratic consolidation and peacebuilding efforts are put at risk (Eubank, 2012).
5. Voices from the Field: Local Examples and Testimonies
To understand the human impact of unqualified appointments, it is essential to listen to local actors on the ground. Civil society leaders, journalists, and professionals in Somaliland consistently point to public frustration over appointment practices that prioritize loyalty over merit.
A civil society organizer in Hargeisa stated during a public policy dialogue in 2023:
“Many ministers are replaced every year, and each time they come with their relatives or clan members. Policies change, priorities change, and public servants are demoralized.”
In 2022, the controversial appointment of a regional education director with no teaching experience triggered backlash from teachers’ unions, who protested that classroom performance and examination standards were declining due to leadership failures.
Journalists from Horn Diplomat and Somaliland Chronicle have also reported on instances where politically connected individuals secured high-level posts despite lacking basic credentials, often after electoral periods when power-sharing deals are renegotiated.
Grassroots youth groups in Burao and Berbera have highlighted how clan affiliation trumps competence, particularly in government scholarships, internships, and entry-level civil service roles. One youth leader remarked:
“If you’re not connected, you’re not considered. Even with a Master’s degree, you sit at home while someone with high school gets a director’s job.”
These testimonies underscore the need for institutional reform that prioritizes fairness, transparency, and merit in public appointments.
6. Pathways to Reform and Merit-Based Governance
Despite these challenges, there are clear pathways Somaliland can pursue to build a more competent and accountable public administration.
a) Establishment of a Professional Civil Service Commission
A key reform priority is the creation and empowerment of a Civil Service Commission with full independence and legal authority to oversee recruitment, promotion, and discipline across the public sector. The commission should ensure job advertisements are open, qualifications are enforced, and interviews are competency-based. It must also be gender-inclusive and regionally balanced to build trust among all communities.
b) Transparency in Recruitment and Promotion
To rebuild public trust, recruitment processes must be publicly advertised, with clear criteria for selection and objective evaluation tools. Performance-based promotion and demotion mechanisms should be institutionalized. This includes regular performance appraisals, leadership assessments, and audit reports that are made publicly available.
Digital platforms can also be leveraged to improve access to job opportunities and monitor recruitment integrity, reducing opportunities for corruption and favoritism (OECD, 2017).
c) Role of Civil Society, Media, and Youth
Civil society organizations (CSOs) and the media play a critical watchdog role. They must be supported to investigate and expose corrupt practices in hiring, advocate for transparency, and conduct civic education campaigns on meritocracy.
Youth-led movements, such as university alumni networks and job seekers’ associations, should be encouraged to demand reform and monitor appointment processes at local and national levels.
Donors and development partners can support these efforts through technical assistance, training, and funding to build capacity and accountability tools.
d) Regional and International Best Practices
Somaliland can draw lessons from other African countries that have transitioned toward more merit-based systems. For example, Rwanda has implemented public service reforms that require all senior civil servants to pass through competency-based interviews and performance contracts.
In Ghana and Botswana, independent civil service commissions oversee recruitment and promotion, reducing political interference. These models demonstrate that institutional meritocracy is achievable, even in resource-constrained contexts, when political will and legal enforcement are present (Grindle, 2012).
Conclusion
The appointment of unqualified individuals to public office is not a minor issue it is a systemic threat to governance, service delivery, and the future of Somaliland’s state-building. From increased corruption to weakened institutions and public disillusionment, the costs are high and long-term.To move forward, Somaliland must prioritize institutional reform. A transparent and merit-based public administration is not only more efficient it is more just, inclusive, and responsive to the needs of its people. Reform will require strong leadership, active civil society engagement, and regional cooperation but the benefits for peace, development, and legitimacy are well worth the investment.
References
- Abokor, A. Y., Bradbury, M., Yusuf, H. A., & Harper, M. (2010). Somaliland: Choosing politics over violence. Accord: An International Review of Peace Initiatives, (21).
- Ahmed, I. I. (2019). Gender and governance in Somaliland: Barriers and opportunities. Rift Valley Institute.
- Bradbury, M. (2008). Becoming Somaliland. James Currey.
- Eubank, N. (2012). Taxation, political accountability and foreign aid: Lessons from Somaliland. Journal of Development Studies, 48(4), 465–480. https://doi.org/10.1080/00220388.2011.598510
- Grindle, M. S. (2012). Jobs for the boys: Patronage and the state in comparative perspective. Harvard University Press.
- Hansen, S. J., & Bradbury, M. (2007). Somaliland: A new democracy in the Horn of Africa? Review of African Political Economy, 34(113), 461–476. https://doi.org/10.1080/03056240701672595
- Harper, M. (2022). The fragility of unrecognized states: Lessons from Somaliland. African Affairs, 121(482), 102–123. https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab038
- OECD. (2017). Preventing policy capture: Integrity in public decision making. OECD Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1787/9789264065239-en
- Renders, M., & Terlinden, U. (2010). Negotiating statehood in a hybrid political order: The case of Somaliland. Development and Change, 41(4), 723–746. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7660.2010.01661.x
- Transparency International. (2023). Corruption perceptions index 2022. https://www.transparency.org/en/cpi/2022
- Walls, M., & Kibble, S. (2011). Somaliland: Progress, state and outsiders. Progressio.
- World Bank. (2020). Enhancing government effectiveness and transparency: The fight against corruption. https://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/governance/publication/enhancing-government-effectiveness-and-transparency-the-fight-against-corruption
About the Author
Kaltun Osman is a humanitarian worker and gender activist who has dedicated her career to advancing women’s rights, political participation, and governance across the Horn of Africa. She brings a unique perspective that bridges grassroots activism with policy advocacy, focusing on inclusive governance and the strategic use of digital tools to empower women in their communities.
Kaltun holds Master’s degrees in Governance and Regional Integration, and Project Planning and Management. As a 2025 I AM NALA Fellow, she has been recognized as one of Africa’s emerging women leaders in peace and security. Her work spans from community-level organizing to policy development, consistently advocating for systems that ensure women’s voices are heard in decision-making processes that affect their lives.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions or perspectives of Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.
Notice: This article by Somaliland Chronicle is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial 4.0 International License. Under this license, reprints and non-commercial distribution of this work are permitted, provided proper attribution is given.