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Ambassador Riley’s diplomatic mission signals Washington’s growing interest in direct engagement
Key Points
- U.S. Ambassador Riley led a rare full-team visit to Hargeisa, signaling deepening ties.
- Washington is reviewing its One-Somalia policy and considering a diplomatic office in Somaliland.
- Media misreported visit as military-related—no U.S. military officials were present.
- Berbera featured prominently in talks amid growing U.S. interest in regional security.
- Somaliland Presidency and Foreign Ministry declined to comment on the visit.
HARGEISA – In a visit described by insiders as anything but routine, US Ambassador to Somalia Richard Riley brought his full senior team to Hargeisa this week for closed-door meetings with Somaliland’s leadership. The high-level delegation included Deputy Chief of Mission Steven Gillen and senior Political, Economic, and Military Affairs officers—essentially the entire top brass of the US mission to Somalia. After spending the night in Hargeisa, the group flew to Berbera the next morning. No public statements were issued by either side.
“This wasn’t a courtesy call,” said one Somaliland government source, speaking on condition of anonymity. “When the entire embassy leadership comes and stays the night, something significant is happening.”
Multiple sources confirmed to the Chronicle that Washington is quietly reassessing its decades-old One-Somalia policy—a diplomatic framework that treats Somalia as a single territorial entity and has long precluded formal US engagement with Somaliland. Officials are now weighing the possibility of opening a diplomatic office in Hargeisa, akin to the UK’s arrangement, as part of a shift toward what sources describe as a “reality-based approach.”
For decades, the One-Somalia policy has served as the cornerstone of U.S. engagement in the Horn of Africa. Under this framework, the United States has recognized the sovereignty of Somalia as a unified state, avoiding any bilateral dealings with Somaliland to avoid legitimizing its independence claim. The approach has long frustrated Somaliland officials, who argue that their democratic governance and relative stability warrant separate recognition.
This would mark a clear departure from the approach of previous ambassadors—such as Donald Yamamoto and Larry André—whom a retired U.S. official described as “more Catholic than the Pope” in their rigid adherence to Mogadishu-centric diplomacy.
Ambassador Riley, a 30-year career diplomat who assumed his post almost a year ago, appears to be charting a new course. His decision to bring the full embassy leadership signals that the discussions were treated as a strategic priority. The visit also comes just days ahead of AFRICOM Commander General Michael Langley’s expected trip to Somaliland—his final stop before stepping down—a move that adds military weight to the evolving relationship.
Although some media outlets rushed to frame the visit as AFRICOM-centric—fueled by social media clips of V-22 Osprey helicopters hovering over Berbera—there were no U.S. military officials present in this delegation. The coverage largely missed the fact that this was a full-spectrum diplomatic mission led by Ambassador Riley, not a defense-driven operation. The real story was in Hargeisa, behind closed doors.
“The Americans are clearly interested in more than development assistance,” said a second source familiar with the talks. “Berbera came up repeatedly.”
Berbera Port, now operated by DP World, has grown into a strategic logistics hub serving Ethiopia’s trade and sitting along critical Red Sea shipping lanes—where Chinese influence has surged. Defense analysts have identified it as a prime location for projecting U.S. power in the region and countering emerging threats.
Details of the Hargeisa meetings with President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi “Cirro” and his senior team remain closely guarded. A Somaliland official would only describe the discussions as “seeking engagement in areas of mutual interest”—a diplomatic phrase that has done little to quell speculation.
That speculation has only intensified following public statements by Somaliland officials expressing openness to hosting U.S. forces. Sources suggest the talks included discussion of long-term military and strategic cooperation, potentially including a U.S. presence in Berbera.
The shift in U.S. posture comes amid signs of growing frustration with Somalia’s federal government. In recent months, Somalia has pivoted to China and Washington has significantly slashed funding particularly in the security sector, imposed new travel restrictions on Somali travellers, and quietly scaled down its presence in Mogadishu due to persistent security and governance concerns. These moves reflect what some analysts see as a broader recalibration of U.S. interests in the Horn of Africa.
In what may be a further sign of deepening engagement, sources indicate that President Cirro is preparing for an official visit to the United States, although the timeline remains unclear. While Somaliland’s Minister of Foreign Affairs visited Washington just last month—meeting with multiple U.S. legislators including Ted Cruz of Texas and Scott Perry—there is still no confirmation on which figures from President Trump’s adminstration in State or Defense the Somaliland delegation might engage.
The contrast in diplomatic posture is becoming impossible to ignore. For decades, the U.S. has funneled aid and engagement through federal institutions in Mogadishu. Now, Riley’s direct outreach to Hargeisa—backed by possible military coordination—signals a break with that status quo.
“They’re talking about something more permanent,” one source said, referring to the proposed diplomatic presence. Privately, some U.S. officials describe the idea of Somali unity as a “fiction,” and see Somaliland as a functional, stable partner worth engaging on its own terms.
Recent shifts in American policy—reduced aid flows, travel restrictions, and a more restrained presence in Mogadishu—have further highlighted the growing appeal of Somaliland’s relative stability and functioning institutions.
Somaliland’s foreign ministry did not respond to multiple requests for comment. The Office of the President also declined to engage, despite repeated inquiries. The silence from both institutions has only fueled speculation about the depth and direction of this new chapter in US-Somaliland relations.
The upcoming visit by General Langley may serve as a litmus test for whether defense cooperation will form a pillar of this emerging relationship. If the military angle takes shape, it would represent not just a diplomatic shift—but a significant recalibration of American strategic posture in the Horn of Africa.
After thirty years of wishful thinking in Mogadishu, Washington may finally be ready to deal with the Horn’s realities—not its illusions.
