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Beijing is increasingly assertive in Africa, aiming to expand its influence. Through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it has invested billions of dollars to establish a Chinese-centric trade route in the Horn of Africa. Somaliland, the only country in the region to resist Chinese investments, has instead allowed pro-Western firms to invest in connectivity projects as an alternative to BRI. In 2016, Somaliland struck a landmark deal with DP World, a Dubai-based port operator, to develop and manage Berbera Port. DP World’s investment has been instrumental in transforming Berbera Port into a major trade hub, providing an alternative to Djibouti for accessing the vast hinterland in the region, including Ethiopia. The transformation of Berbera Port is already taking shape, attracting Western firms like the UK investment arm CDC and Trafigura, which won concessions in the port and energy infrastructure. Similar to the Lobito Corridor, Berbera Corridor is a substitute to China-centric trader routes in East Africa.
In January, Rep. John Moolenaar, Chair of the US-China House Select Committee on the CCP, wrote a letter to then Secretary of State Antony Blinken urging the US to establish a representative office in Somaliland. He stressed that this move is vital for advancing US strategic interests in the Horn of Africa and countering China’s growing influence. In 2018, China took control of a port terminal in Djibouti, which US lawmakers viewed as a significant gift to China. Sen Chris Coons warned that without US engagement, China could shift Somaliland’s interests in its favour, consolidating its influence in the Red Sea. Then-Sen Marco Rubio also stressed the need to work on “countering Chinese influence in Djibouti”, describing the takeover as “even more alarming.” General Thomas Waldhauser, the then US military commander for Africa, stated in a congressional hearing that the US military could face “significant” consequences if China gains control of the port. In an effort to gain influence in Somaliland, China proposed a tempting conditional development package aimed at persuading Somaliland to expel Taiwan and prevent aligning with the US. However, Somaliland government rejected the offer. A move Rep John Moolenaar had warned.
As Yemen’s Iran-backed Houthi group threatens seaborne trade in the Red Sea, forcing shipping companies to reroute their vessels and disrupting the delicate fabric of global commerce. Djibouti has allowed Iranian ships to dock at China’s military base, facilitating the flow of critical intelligence to the Houthis as they mount attacks on maritime trade. Djibouti has also rejected the US request to use its territory for attacks against the Houthis. The Houthi also established implicit cooperation with Djibouti, enabling the country to benefit from the Red Sea conflict for higher port traffic and turn the crisis into a profitable opportunity, in return Djibouti rejects to condemn Houthi attacks in the crucial shipping lines.
Somaliland, a crucial gateway to the Indo-Pacific, overlooking the Gulf of Aden positions a vital conduit for nearly 15% of global seaborne trade. If its quest for international recognition is accommodated, its geographic position offers a distinct advantage to the U.S., Israel, and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in securing the security and freedom of navigation in the Red Sea while counterbalancing China and Iran in this critical region. The use Berbera military airfield, would strengthen US deterrence against the Houthis and provide crucial operational support to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Israel in monitoring Houthi activities and Iranian manoeuvres in the Red Sea. It also promote collaborative efforts in combating piracy, counterterrorism and intelligence sharing. In this dynamic partnership, Somaliland is determined to align itself with the US axis in exchange for recognition.
About the Author
Abdinasser Ahmed is a developmental economics practitioner and political commentator based in Hargeisa, Somaliland. He can be reached through Twitter @Abdinasserahm or abdinasserahm[at]gmail.com.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions, viewpoints of the Somaliland Chronicle, and its staff.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect the opinions or perspectives of Somaliland Chronicle and its staff.